Unlimited non-commercial distribution permitted.
I consulted in October, 1985 with Sanford Oxfeld, Esq., whose father, Emil Oxfeld, was then President of ACLU of NJ. At work on October 16, someone spoke the name Oxfeld just outside my office. Nancy Iris Oxfeld and Barry Aisenstock, law partners, were paged several times on the public address system. In the office adjacent to mine, a male voice using the telephone complained that he couldn't handle something. "I'm up to my ears in ACLU work. Maybe we should have Mark handle it" (possibly a reference to law partner Mark Blunda, Esq.). In another call, he pleaded with someone else to take the case. "Somebody broke into his car," he said. In all of this, no-one saw fit to speak to me, the plaintiff. At five o'clock, however, the security guard at the reception desk nudged a companion, nodded in my direction, and said: "He brought his lawyer to work with him."
Sanford Oxfeld's letter to me dated that same day, October 16, 1985 [scan], told me, essentially, that he was too busy to take my case. He offered to refer me to Michael Shen, Esq. [scan]. Mr. Shen, the only private lawyer that ever expressed willingness to represent me, stopped returning my phone calls shortly after my employers learned his name [scan]. When I finally got in touch with him, he insulted me. I relieved him of responsibility [scan]. My former employers and their associates can "reach" just about anyone with their intimidative tactics and their slanderous cock-and-bull stories.
New York's Center for Constitutional Rights gained fame largely through the work of its most illustrious officer, the late William Kunstler. My letter to the Center on August 10, 1986 asked for help in finding legal counsel. I supplied some documentation and stated: "In brief, the State of New York is committing crimes against its own employees, involving itself in gross violations of Constitutionally-guaranteed rights and of federal, state, and municipal statutes, enjoying, in the process, the active cooperation of government at all levels, including law-enforcement and intelligence-gathering agencies."
Associate Legal Director Randolph Scott-McLaughlin responded on August 21 that, "due to understaffing and CCR's present financial situation, we are unable to provide legal representation to the many people who write to us." He suggested contacting New York ACLU [scan].
I wrote back to Mr. Scott-McLaughlin on August 23, informing him of the "royal run-around" that ACLU had inflicted on me the year before, stressing that the CIA was involved and that persons at my workplace were exerting influence to prevent me from obtaining legal counsel. He wrote on August 28, 1986: "Please be advised that I do not know of any lawyer in New Jersey that I can refer you to. Please contact the New Jersey Bar Association for a referral [scan]." In other words, get lost.
The program of defamation and intimidation intensified, with an increase in illegal break-ins, on-the-road harassment, and "set-ups" designed to provide falsified "evidence" to be used against me in secret, non-adversarial "evaluations" that would brand me as crazy or criminal. The New York State Special Prosecutor, Charles J. Hynes, would not acknowledge my letters or take any action. The US Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York, then headed by Rudolph Giuliani, likewise refused to take action.
On the afternoon of September 9, 1987, my dog Storm cried out from the area behind our backyard shed, near the fence separating our property from the neighbors' yard. By the time he reached the patio, we could see a gash in his chest that spurted blood when he exhaled. My wife brought him to the veterinarian's office, where his punctured lung proved fatal. Everyone, including my wife and the vet, described it as an accident. I saw the wound. It was no accident. Having conspired for months to "set up" my dog and me, persons associated with my employers had viciously stabbed him.
With this ghastly act of terrorism -- not the only such crime committed that autumn in Iselin, New Jersey (9) -- there commenced a horror that is difficult to describe and not likely to be believed. The terrible technology predicted in Gary Selden's October, 1981 Science Digest article "Machines That Read Minds" had, indeed, become a reality (10).
On October 24, 1990, President George H.W. Bush's White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater discussed Republicans who had opposed the President's policies, threatening: "If they can sleep with their conscience, let them try." He cautioned that while they were free to "say whatever they want," penalties might ensue, "but we never discuss it in public." He suggested that they would "suffer in their private purgatories." Pressed for an explanation, he responded: "I can't tell you. If I told you, it wouldn't be a surprise (11)."
Mr. Fitzwater later denied that actual retribution would occur, but he never did explain what a "private purgatory" is or by what means President Bush's critics would be thrust into it. His listeners never learned how someone acting according to the dictates of conscience would then find his sleep disturbed by the very conscience he had obeyed. The President's own spokesman had obviously leveled a threat that day, but its precise nature remained a mystery.
Marlin Fitzwater's cryptic comments were no mystery to me, and the "surprise" of his "private purgatories" had long since worn off. You see, I had already spent more than three years in a "private purgatory." It consists of electromagnetic brain-invasion and mental torture. In addition to other forms of cruel, inhuman, degrading treatment, it involves the use of sophisticated electromagnetic devices that violate the privacy and dignity of a victim's mind and body, as well as "directed energy" broadcast techniques that force the victim to hear inhuman, repulsive professional mental torturers from whom he cannot escape (12). This virtual demonic possession is the hell on earth that I have known ever since my torturers softened me up by killing my dog in 1987. It is not a paranoid delusion. It is real.
On November 15, 1987, about three weeks before realizing the source of the "voices" that assailed me -- and not yet willing to mention them -- I wrote to the publishers of Mother Jones magazine, suggesting that the "corrupt obstruction of those societal mechanisms that are supposed to prevent and correct" rights violations might be of interest to one of MJ's investigative reporters. My letter was "Returned to sender. Forwarding order expired." I re-mailed it on December 23 to the correct address.
The result was a postcard dated January 12, 1988 from Jo Ann Cabello, Editorial Coordinator [scan]. Ms. Cabello wrote: "Thank you for thinking of Mother Jones and sending us your extensive documentation of your case. After careful review, I regret that there is little we can do to help at this time. We hope the other organizations you've contacted can be of more help and we wish you luck with your case." I surreptitiously sent Mother Jones several items in the following months enclosed in subscription-renewal envelopes, and followed up with a certified letter on June 4, 1988 disclosing the existence of brain-invasion technology, but there was never any response.
As a member of Amnesty International USA, I wrote a letter to the New York office on December 8, 1987, stressing that I was not asking for material assistance or advocacy, but only bearing witness: "My experience, however, sheds light on the extent to which Constitutional guarantees of human liberty may with impunity be circumvented in this nation, at this time. The documented failure, in my experience, of all those checks and safeguards that are supposed to prevent arrogant abuse of public power provides an evil omen that society ought not ignore."
My follow-up phone call on December 14 was switched from extension to extension. No one would confirm receipt of my letter. Staff were, by turns, impatient and patronizing. For months, no response was forthcoming. Finally, on April 18, 1988, I hand-delivered another copy, with accompanying materials, to the New York office. Then came Marika Brussel's response, dated April 14, 1988 [scan], which explained AIUSA's mandate and said: "Unfortunately, your situation does not fall within this mandate and therefore there is nothing Amnesty can do. You may wish to contact the American Psychological Association as they deal primarily with psychological abuse."
Note, please, the presumption of self-interest. Despite my best efforts at presenting the issue objectively, others all-too-frequently choose to perceive me as a pitiful supplicant, begging for mercy and assistance. I am, to be sure, the victim of a kind of torture few could begin to understand, in need of help and relief from suffering and indescribable indignity, but I am also a whistleblower. My letters consistently stress that my primary objective is to inform, to advise, to warn, to admonish. There is nothing wrong with begging for help under torture, but to presume that I have no other purpose is to add insult to injury.
Should society, moreover, become aware of the reality of round-the-clock "internal surveillance," such treatment will, indeed, be seen to constitute a form of imprisonment. What loss of liberty is greater than the lack of mental privacy? Something from which one cannot escape is a prison, is it not? Anyone enduring cruel, inhuman, degrading treatment from which no escape is possible must be considered a prisoner. Were Amnesty International to acknowledge this reality, there would be no excuse for refusing assistance to its victims. In any event, a callous response that says "That's not my department" to complaints of torture is, in my opinion, unjustifiable.
On to Part 3
Discuss this article in my Yuku Human Rights Community
Selected Documents and Links