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Eversince its inception on May 1998, the RPM-P has primarily tasked itself to the theoretical study and practical application of Marxism-Leninism. All organs of the Party in the islands of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao persevered in this work along the lines of the RPM-P’s basic criticisms of Stalinism and vulgarized Maoism espoused by the CPP-NPA.  This is paralleled with careful study of the objective situation and the particularization of revolutionary struggle for socialism in the Philippines through our anti-imperialist, democratic transitional program. One of the main challenges in our work under the prevailing conditions of class struggle—wherein the masses is not yet ready to wage revolution against capitalist rule—is the conduct of our work in the field of military.

It is always an option for any armed force waging war to enter into a negotiated peaceful settlement with its enemy.  Presently, the MILF and the CPP-NPA are two political forces that  engages the reactionary government in armed confrontations.

An immediate concern faced now by the RPM-P/ RPA-ABB is the entry into peace negotiation. The reactionary government uses this method to neutralize the revolutionary forces amidst the advancement of the people’s struggle against the onslaught of globalization. The reactionary government has thus considered the RPA-ABB as one of the revolutionary forces that it needs to negotiate with.

In this regard, the central committee of the RPMP lays down the following Marxist-Leninist principles and party regulations according to its idelogical and political line and other immediate tasks. This will serve as a guide to RPMP and RPA-ABB forces in the conduct of work with regards to peace negotiations between us and the reactionary government.


For its effective practical application in the over-all revolutionary struggle in a given period, there are two fundamental bases of Leninism with regards to peace and war. First, the basis for the assurance of maximum gains is the objective balance of class forces. Second, the revolutionary interest in a period of revolution which will determine the direction of war or peace. 

In 1918, when RSDLP was faced with the problem of declaring war or talking peace with the conquering Germans, Lenin said: “the answer to whether we should declare a revolutionary war at this period should be taken from our estimation of whether the material conditions and the interest of socialist revolution permits it…”

In the ensuing internal debates regarding correct tactics, Lenin opposed the view that a war should be declared by Russia against the Germans to accelerate revolution against the Germans despite the fact that there were also problems in the Russian army which was still not prepared for battle.  According to Lenin: “Perhaps the authors believe that the interests of the world revolution require that it should be given a push, and that such a push can be given only by war, never by peace, which might give the people the impression that imperialism was being legitimized? Such a theory would be completely at variance with Marxism, for growing acuteness of the class antagonisms that engender revolutions. Such a theory would be tantamount to the view that armed uprisings is a form of struggle which is obligatory always and under all conditions....”


The correct tactics to assure the maximum victory in struggle in a given period would be determined only through the realistic estimation of the actual balance of forces between reaction and revolution. It would be totally unscientific and an erroneous vanguardism to determine the tactics based on the subjective wish of driving the masses to wage war while they themselves do not have a direct experience and decision. 

Furthermore, Leninism gave importance to the engagement in peace negotiation as a revolutionary tactic that will serve in the advancement of revolutionary struggle and objectives wherein, based on the balance of forces, the objective condition dictates that the revolutionary forces will not be victorious in its war against the enemy. Peace negotiations play a particular importance in giving a necessary respite for revolutionary forces to avoid greater losses and consolidate its gains.

Lenin said: “History tells us that peace is a respite for war, war  is a means of obtaining a somewhat better or somewhat worse peace.” He explained that many oppressed countries in history have engaged in less certain peace negotiations but later were able to wage a revolution and won. In the Russian revolution, Lenin waged a passionate ideological struggle against what he labeled as “revolutionary phrase-making” and foolish adventurism that propagates the slogan “Peace is disgraceful, war is honourable.” Contrary to this slogan, Lenin campaigned for the tactic of engaging in “annexationist peace agreement  to avoid greater losses in the Russian revolution and use the time to prepare for war when the condition is ripe for this. He said “...If I accept peace when the army is in flight, and must be in flight if it is not to lose thousands of men, I accept it in order to prevent things from getting worse.”

In Vietnam, in a period of war for national independence against the colonial French, the revolutionary movement, under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh, engaged in peace negotiations to take time to rest and consolidate its first victory of freeing North Vietnam. And in the period of its offensives in the struggle to free South Vietnam from the imperialist Unite States, it engaged in peace negotiations to put the US in a defensive position in the eyes of the international community, to avoid greater losses and eventual annihilation of the Vietnamese revolutionary movement, and with that be able to end the war swiftly.


“....Revolution is impossible without a nationwide crisis (affecting both the exploited and the exploiters...for a revolution to take place, it is essential, first, that majority of the workers... should fully realize that revolution is necessary, and that they should be prepared to die for it; second, that the ruling classes should be going through a governmental crisis which draws even the most backward masses into politics...”

Lenin considered this as the fundamental rule of revolution. It is under this conditions that revolution exists.

This kind of condition of class struggle is clearly not present in the country at this period. In reality we see that the bourgeois rule remains strong despite the growing sentiments of the people against the reactionary state. 

The present administration effectively controls the government despite the issue on crony capitalism which bring about the ire of less favored sections of local bourgeoisie. While the issue of corruption within the government is publicly know, any seemingly serious efforts to deal with prove to be cosmetic and are done to cover the stink of bourgeois rule.

As a whole, the bourgeoisie are united in protecting and promoting their rule and in advancing globalization in the country. But if the present regime fails now in arresting  the widening discontent of the masses due to worsening povert and the failure of the government to alleviate it, it is possible that the bourgeois rule will be put in jeopardy. 

The masses of the working class composed of the proletariat and semi-proletariat in the urban and countryside has been experiencing severe poverty because of unemployment and inflation. Their abject poverty put them to greater oppression, strangled by capitalist exploitation and subjugation.

The organized section are now looking for alternative while the bourgeoisie continue its attacks against trade unions and while the CBA are being disregarded amidst the widespread unemployment and labor contractualization.  The organized forces among workers comprise a mere 9% of the over-all number of workers in the country and this number is fast declining as a result of contractualization and massive lay-offs. Worse, the biggest unions and federations are being controlled by labor aristocrats.

A large section of the unorganized workers are influenced by the reactionary hierarchy of religious institutions through its programs that give them temporary relief from their everyday needs.  For this reason, a significant number among the masses participate in mobilizations and activities spearheaded by religious institutions.

There is so much to do in organizing the masses of workers for them to be able to learn from their own direct experience that would call for their organization at conscious class struggle against the bourgeoisie. We need to seriously engage in the organizing of their struggle for reforms to bring about concrete gains to alleviate their condition, bring them to believe in their own organized strength and lift their morale in pursuing the struggle against capitalist exploitation and oppression. 

But presently, the forces who are actively engaged in movement for social transformation remain divided. Confusion and distrust prevail between them – the civil society groups, the vulgarized Maoists CPP-NPA at the PMP are waging their own sectarian political agenda. While showing a wrong impression of milintacy in struggle, the CPP-NPA bring damage to the socialist interest of the working class as it continues to advance the vulgarized Maoist line and strategy as a form of organizing and mobilizing the masses.

The struggle of the Moro people for self determination against the exploitative rule of the bourgeois state is also faced by the problem of disunity wherein the MILF and the MNLF take separate paths of struggle. While the masses of Moro people experience dislocation and great suffering as a result of sustained and escalated military operations waged by the reactionary armed force.


            Peace negotiation is an integral part of our revolutionary mass movement. Peace negotiation as a revolutionary unarmed tactics can help advance the over-all strategy of revolutionary mass movement. Leninism has defined the that entering into a peace agreement is part of the revolutionary tactics, which serve to advance the revolutionary tasks and objectives in a given situation when the balance of forces does not permit the forces of revolution to win a war against the enemies. It has the particular role of providing respite to the revolutionary forces in order for them to avoid worse loses and consolidate success.

            But current conditions and level of class struggle in the country remains that of a non-revolutionary period when the following three conditions for a revolution to take place are absent; one, the readiness of the working masses to rise up in revolution and seize state power; two, the ruling class is experiencing a government crisis that has weakened it and makes possible its immediate overthrow; and three, that all vacillating forces have taken the side of the revolution. Marxism-Leninist principles further defines that tactics must be based on a truthful appraisal on the balance of forces of revolution and forces of reaction.

            The RPMP has, therefore, defined that our tactics must fit the present non-revolutionary condition in order to advance the tasks of building and strengthening the strength and raising the political consciousness of the proletariat in the transition program of the anti-imperialist and democratic struggle for socialism.

            Armed struggle, in general, is a form of struggle that is advanced in a revolutionary war period. But the revolutionary armed force of the RPA-ABB that the Party inherited after its split from the dogmatic Maoist CPP-NPA undoubtedly expresses a high level of political strength for the socialist forces as it recognizes the Marxist-Leninist leadership of the RPMP. The RPMP-RPA-ABB cannot do otherwise but maximize this armed strength not in waging a lonely destructive war against government military forces but in advancing and defending the mass movement of the working masses for the socialist transformation of the Philippine society.

            In defining this orientation, the Party has therefore decided to engage in a peace negotiation with the bourgeois government in order to maximize the armed strength of the RPA-ABB in the struggle for the well-being of exploited and oppressed working masses. At the same time, it will also serve the objective of maintaining and further strengthening its armed force to be able to continuously serve and protect the interest of socialism.

            However, the Party sees this as an indomitable task that will be a difficult and complicated process as it fully knows that the bourgeoisie, especially the ultra-rightists and militarists, have no other desire but the complete destruction of the revolutionary armed forces. 

VI. The Revolutionary Agenda in Peace  Negotiation 

            In engaging in one of these fields of revolutionary struggles as a revolutionary organization, we must have a clear agenda as the reactionary state has also its own agenda. In this field of struggle, we are directly dealing with the enemy of the working class, the instrument of oppression and exploitation of the ruling bourgeois class which has a clear agenda to dismantle and smash the revolutionary mass movement.

            Our general agenda in entering peace negotiation is very clear in our framework, which is mentioned, above re: advancing the revolutionary mass movement in the framework of struggle for reform. Through this engagement, it will give the RPMP an easy way to openly present and propagate to the masses and to the general public about our transitional program, our orientation, our conduct and framework of the revolution, and the socialist alternatives. In this case, the masses and the conscious and progressive elements will be enlightened of our great differences with other Maoist and Stalinist, and neo-liberal Civil Society organizations. It will also serve to consolidate our own forces and organize and mobilize the masses of the working class along with their own demands and interests. Aside from these, we will maximize the peace negotiation to expand our mass base, allies, and networks of the revolution. Along with this, we could propagate openly to the general public the legitimacy of our revolutionary struggle and socialist alternatives. 

            Another part of the revolutionary agenda is to reduce the cost of war and preserve human and material resources. Moreover, negotiations or the pursuit of a negotiated solution can bring about or facilitate significant gains in the political field diplomacy united front, propaganda, mass struggle etc. and in the humanitarian conduct of the war itself.

            Negotiated solution has become a world phenomenon in addressing national conflicts. For instance, diffusing East-West tension were done through negotiated solution and eased out the nuclear-arms race of the two-super power nations. In the Middle East, the Iran-Iraq territorial conflict was eased out through peace negotiations. In Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) had a peace settlement with Apartheid regime and enthroned into power through election as part of the peace accord; the Zimbabwe African National Union PTRIOTIC Front (ZANUPF) also enthroned into power through electoral exercise as part of the peace settlement processes; and the South west African Peoples Organization (SWAPO) of Namibia won and was placed into power through a negotiated political settlement via election.


RPM-P believes that class struggle, through the mass struggle of the working class, is the only way for the the working class to liberate itself from the slavery of capitalism. In this period of reforms, revolutionary organizing and the upliftment of the class consciousness of the masses of the working class should be pursued  relentlessly through their painstaking organizing, mobilization and education in various forms of struggle for them to obtain their immediate demands. By this the masses will then learn from their own experience the necessity of revolutionary change.

From this, the open and legal mass movement will strengthen the organizing and leadership of the working class under the transitional program of anti-imperialist and democratic struggle for socialism. Accordingly, parliamentary form of struggle should also be taken that will support our work in education, organizing and the leadership of the class struggle.

We have repudiated the old strategy espoused by the bankrupt leadership of Jose Maria Sison of the CPP-NPA. While our revolutionary army continue to operate, this does not mean that will wage a revolutionary war against the state at present. The RPMP has determined the immediate revolutionary task is the work of consolidating the RPA-ABB that supports the working class movement. Military actions are being waged solely for the defense of the working class and the revolutionary forces against the direct attacks of the enemy.

The question of engaging in peace negotiation with the reactionary state as part of our tactic should be understood based on the prevailing objective situation, tasks and other requirements of our transitional program to socialism. Our fundamental principle is that the objectives and duties of the RPM-P/RPA-ABB serves for the interest of the class struggle against social injustice at inequity against the capitalist system. Under the present objective balance of of forces and in a period of reforms, we have no other option but to engage in a negotiation if only to win demands of the masses that will eventually benefit the revolutionary forces and the masses.

     Hence, the correctness at success of our conduct in peace negotiation will be measured according to how it will advance the anti-imperialist and democratic transitional program and ensure the gains to serve our revolutionary agenda at present.

In this light, our conduct with regards to peace negotiations with the reactionary government should be in accordance with the following objectives: 

1. To obtain concrete gains for reforms in some particular issues of the working class, both in the urban and rural, that will accelerate the organizing and upliftment of the consciousness of the masses under the leadership of the RPMP.

2. To demonstrate the correctness and justice of the struggle being waged by the RPMP/RPA-ABB for the interest of the exploited and oppressed masses of the working class. 

3. To propagate the socialist alternative as the only viable solution to the social ills of the capitalist system.

4. To convince and gain more  friends and allies; and

5. To give the RPA-ABB a necessary respite from the attacks of the reactionary armed force and allow them to effectively undertake the task of consolidation.