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State Murder 3, Section 5


WEETON

Weeton – Getting To Know All About You


Going into year 1986, while living in
Kenilworth in Warwickshire, England, there was an impetus to document more fully my encounters with state agencies and to compile a record on those in the IRA with whom it was believed I enjoyed a fraternal communion. I was in fact, though this was perhaps not over well understood at the time, compiling on a core element of the Provisional IRA known as the England department. Through getting to know about its members, and their credits, alleged or otherwise, I would better understand the events that overtook me, and, in some part, why.

The work was new to me. It was a case of learning on the job. The effort was piece-meal, unpressured, spread out over time. There was a hope that one day it would no longer be necessary and I would happily drop it and carry only its memory to the future. I fondly believed the authorities would come to accept the great mistakes made in their judgements of me and correct matters. Little did I know there were forces at work within and without that would ensure no such resolve was possible.

Those with God would have nothing to do with the ways of man. There was a duty to be done and all the manipulation in the world would not be allowed to transcend or obviate it.

This periodic research was pursued through the year up to my departure from
England and return to Dublin in October 1986. It goes without saying that Miss Evelyn Glenholmes was a major inclusion in that research, as presentation State Murder 1 makes point.

IRA actions in London in December 1980 and January 1981 had a special interest because of the people, IRA active service unit, with whom I passaged for part of the return leg of a train-ferry journey from Coventry to my then west Cork farm home on the night of 8/9 January 1981.

Where I went and what I did, as much as it could be discerned, was of interest to the authorities. As it was in
England, so too it was on a brief foray to Dublin in February 1986.

The security services of
Ireland and Britain, not forgetting the omnipresent shadow of Uncle Sam, have a mutual interest in self protection. By that I mean there is a shared endeavour to preclude the exposure of truth and a concomitant denial of justice to those wronged by their joint actions. In that resolve, all notions of the so-called democratic process and natural justice are stood on their head. Their influence appears to know no bounds. Their privileges no challenge.

By end June 1986 the trials for the 1984 Brighton Grand Hotel bombing, and cases to do with the 1985 Glasgow IRA arrests, concluded with sentences passed.

My appreciation is that after the Brighton Grand Hotel bombing trial, etc., had I been submissive to the ways of the security services, a reference to a particular event, they would have manipulated a favour across my path, a sweetener to silence. In their world the human dimension is a ball of dough made to be poked and kneaded into a given shape and direction to achieve a happy and trouble free acquiescence. In my instance to realise a cessation of bolshie demands for justice.

I didn't play ball. This was not due to an innate stroppiness but more down to a gifted incapacity to be manipulated in the fashion so beloved by the security services. By this failure to accommodate a likely degrading across my path encounter did not take place. Not then, at least.

One could say that state sided activities were crowded at that time. Due to their complexity and to avoid confusion, the following is an attempt at a rational summary. Please remember, this is an outline presentation, much understanding is witheld.



In the month of August 1986 I put up my Kenilworth house for sale. In the first full week of advertising the property was purchased by a local family. One is, however, of the impression that the speedy disposal may not have been appreciated by a certain state agency charged with security matters who would have preferred a lengthier preamble to achieving a sale.

More time for assessment. More time to put their manipulative proclivities to work. Time is flexibility. Time is opportunity. Time was short.

Anything to secure a control situation, an acquiescent doughball, is considered fair game. An when all else fails – what then?

The lived out philosophy of intelligence agencies is that they do not exist, this despite the consumption of countless millions of exchequer funding – peoples’ money. To act the farce of non existence they manipulate. It is a cop-out. A means of deniability if things go wrong.

As they do.That is the reality of allowing undue rein to a lot of low life. When the citizen is denied redress and there is no accountability – not even a worthless self regulation, an almost inevitable on-the-ground arrogance and judgemental incompetence will follow in train.

Power, privilege and non-accountability are a bedrock for wrongdoing. They rot morality. They are a prescription for off-the-record actions.

Who better to carry them out? Who better to cover them up? The Security Service. While all else in the land observe a deadly silence.

"Ludicrous", isn't it?



On the completion of the sale of my Kenilworth house it was intended that I should return to Ireland to live. On that intention I remained silent.

The decision to dispose of the property was speedily arrived at. On Tuesday 05.08.86 it was made. Later in the same day an estate agent, already spoken to, was instructed to put the property on the market.

As earlier stated, a quick – full price – sale was made.

Wednesday 13.08.86 – I post off an Investment Bond Certificate for full encashment. Three months notice was required.

All this public, and some private, domain activity would become known to the authorities. One can say that those concerned with security matters had a close and ongoing interest in developments. It was an interest that was not confined to Britain. Just in case I should return to Ireland, the engine of disinformation began to warm up there.

A letter arrived at the address of one of my Coventry based sisters'. It was for me, from west Cork, and endorsed "urgent". The local franking says it was posted on the same day as my Kenilworth house was put up for sale. The letter was in response to one of mine posted just over three years previous – the day before I left Coventry to fly to New Zealand – and was not hitherto acknowledged.

The writer of the letter sought to get me involved in a court case which concerned a party whose facilitation on behalf of state security interests in west Cork was as especial as it was extended. Events to do with the this party were not solely confined to assisting national interests but could be said to have a local self interest. In this, and in other regards, there was at play – at the best – a psychological tack with the aim of rescripting past happenings in west Cork, the gamesmanship of not being able to see the wood for the trees when confronted with the reality of the human dimension; or at the worst, an opportunity for character assassination in a witness box. State interests employing the psychology of the dustbin to look after its own end?

I do not hold that the letter came over coincidentally. It had the prospect to unfold a situation with potential for mischief.

As Mr. Justice Boreham remarked at the conclusion of the Thomas Maguire trial: "The less I say about this, the better."



Friday 22.08.86 – When cycling on the A5 road from Nuneaton to Atherstone in Warwickshire, pedalling close to a thin sliver of land, a narrow island edging a long lay-by, I stopped my bike at the very end of the island. On doing so a small van exited from the lay-by at very high speed. Had I kept on cycling for no more than a few seconds there would have been an impact – the car slamming into me.

Never before or since have I seen a vehicle propel itself from a lay-by at such speed. It rocketed out. It was a small nondescript off-white van. Whatever its appearance, the power under the bonnet was decidedly healthy.

The log containing a mention of this has an asterisk that connects to a comment alongside: "Dirty white van seen outside number 37 Queen's Road (Kenilworth) – installing listening equipment?" (The sighting would seem to have been made on 04.11.85). "Small white van (also) seen in Q's (28 Queen's Road. Next door to my house) front yard on 14.04.86 and 15.04.86. Believe the vehicles (seen each day) were different." A similar small white "tradesman's" van was parked in driveway of number 32 Queen's Road (next door to my house on other side) at the time of the Brighton Grand Hotel bombing trial, etc. All the small vans had the same anonymous off-white colour. The vehicles may have been Ford Motor Company (England) manufacture.

Returning to my bicycle ride along the A5 from Nuneaton to Atherstone in Warwickshire. When pedalling by the kerbstone edging the narrow island of land separating the lay-by from the road, I had a dulled pick-up – a perception which observes in an underscored way and responds in slow motion. It is as if the conscious retreats and sight and feeling become one. A doing what is necessary when necessary. Not before.

It was felt and noticed that my right trouser leg was working its way out of the sock which, instead of bicycle clips, enclosed the trouser leg. I absorbed this but did nothing and continued cycling. The trouser leg was edging further out of the sock. Something had to be done lest the trouser should come free and make contact with the oily bicycle chain. It was decided to carry on to the other side of the lay-by and stop at the kerbside there. In looking ahead I saw that there was no kerbing at the road edge beyond the lay-by. By then I was at the end of the kerbstone along the lay-by island. I stopped the bicycle.

It was at the end of the island, the exit point of the lay-by. I placed my left foot on the kerbstone and began to drop my arms downward to tuck the drifting right trouser end into the sock. On doing so, to my front, a small van rocketed out of the lay-by. The vehicle would have impacted with me had the cycling continued. No heightened feeling was attached to the happening. No interpretation. Just a subordinate perception which observed, as in absorbing, the sight of a speeding car in front of me – it was a small off-white van.

I cannot say if the van was in the lay-by on my cycling by. At least one vehicle was parked there. What I do know is that it exited from the lay-by at an exceedingly fast speed.

Vehicles were passaging by on the other side of the road. The flow was constant with spacing. There was no vehicle immediately behind me.

After tucking the trouser end into the sock, I continued cycling as if nothing had happened. While having absorbed in a dulled picture-frame way what had gone on, no application of mind was given to it. A scant logging of the event wasn't done until two days later. It required a nudging into the consciousness, a sometimes difficult process, for that to happen.



Even after the Brighton Grand Hotel bombing trial completion in June 1986 the round the clock surveillance continued. Each departure from my Kenilworth house was observed. One could say, though, that it was not as technically heavy as for the Brighton, etc., trials.

During the Brighton bombing trial fixed surveillance was mainly mounted from the local HQ at number 37 Queen's Road. From August, by my judgement, the local HQ had largely moved to number 28 Queen's Road (Q's house). I lived next door, a detached property, at number 30.

There was alternation in the use of the two houses. Number 37 having a greater history of use than number 28. There were days when both properties were employed. At least two other local properties were used to advantage.

Surveillance in August-September 1986 was not as heavy as from April 1986 to end June 1986. Yet it was heavy. Above the norm.

Whatever the reason, my personal pursuits continued. Things that needed to be done were done.



Monday 15.09.86 – I cycled from Kenilworth to Coventry, having decided to visit London on a personal quest. Just before arrival in Coventry one of my tubes punctured. The bicycle was parked with a note of explanation in the driveway of a house owned by a family lightly known to me. The railway station was a short walk away, from where I would entrain to London.

My business done in London I retreated to the English midlands.

It is with an easy confidence that I say where I went in London was known and also where my bicycle was parked in Coventry.

From Coventry I took to walking the punctured bicycle about five miles to Kenilworth. The route was largely via a main road. To begin with I kept to the left footpath in line with the flow of traffic. Not far along the main road, wooded on both sides, when nearing a point where the road would adjunct with a side artery, I crossed over to the other side. This was done about 150m before reaching a set of traffic lights.

From the junction where the side road and main road met there was a tail-back of cars. Say about 60/70m back from the main road, at the kerbside, between cars and trees, a cyclist was parked. There was no impediment on the cyclist making progress to the traffic lights at the junction. The person was holding back.

The person was known to me. And known to and well used by the security services.

Had I maintained passage on the other side of the road I would have been seen by the lying in wait cyclist. The cyclist would then have gone forward and taken a right turn at the traffic lights where we would chance coincide. An opportunity for the cyclist to dismount and engage in conversation.

Over the years variations of these chance encounters were created on countless occasions. This person was used many times.

It is a tactical game of many formulas. In this instance the likelihood would be to ask questions. Queries such as: "What's happened?" (Re. my bicycle tyre being flat). "Where have you been?" And: "What were you doing there (London)?"

The test would be to see how I answered. Would I admit to being in London. Would I be evasive. Would I show hesitation. Would I lie. Did I have anything to hide.

The practitioners of this pathetic psychological mumbo-jumbo do not always win. The cyclist moved up to the traffic lights and turned right into the main road. Because of my earlier crossing over we were now on opposite sides.

When we were parallel with one another I shouted over: "You were caught out this time." The return above traffic noise was a clatter of macho sounding words amongst which my name was mixed. It was most unfeminine!



Tuesday 16.09.86 – A report in the Guardian caught my eye. "Bomb case delayed – a 27 year old Irishman pleaded not guilty at the Old Bailey yesterday of conspiring to cause an explosion in Britain. The start of the trial of Thomas Maguire of Milbourne Street, Blackpool was postponed for 24 hours. Mr. Justice Boreham told the jury: 'I am not in a position to proceed with this trial at this moment for reasons I will not bother you with.' Maguire denies conspiracy with Patrick magee, Patrick Murray and 'other persons unknown' to cause an explosion in the United Kingdom between January 1 1982 and April 27 1983."

A report in the Guardian of Wednesday 17.09.86 informed that the bombing had been planned for the "Wheeton (sic) army camp in Fylde."

That is how my introduction to the Weeton conspiracy to bomb case came about. As in some other instances, it was the authorities who, albeit unwittingly, informed me.



The quoted paragraphs below are taken from a document known as The Zig-Zag Travail, which was to my memory typed in July, August, September, reaching completion in early October, 1986. Part of the document shows proof that it was undergoing assembly in September 1986. It informs that more work was done on research in that year than I now (original June 1994 Weeton typing) appreciated.

I was aware of there being an authority interest in my doing this work. Research was carried out in the Kenilworth public library and in the Coventry City Library. Theoretically the side with a greater knowledge of the other has the advantage. That said, the imbalance in these matters, one that is as gross as it is disproportionate, favours state agencies. It is primarily their friends: the disgruntled former intelligence officer, the equally disgruntled retired military man, the facilitated investigative journalist, the documentary film maker, the phoney human rights and peace activists, the rent-a-quote agencies, and others, who are given space and access to communicate to a wider audience. The technique is to crowd out disclosure of real worth with diversions. Plainly put, through the medium of dupes and stooges to stamp a lie on the record. In its way, a system that controls through managed representations of protest – staged exercises in democratic freedoms. There are undoubted exceptions in the media and elsewhere to this rule of thumb judgement. Concerned citizens who want the truth to out but are not given the support to make it possible. In Ireland the latter are about as thick on the ground as a principled politician and newspaper editor. Beyond these barriers, other hurdles exist. Convention, privilege, prejudice; contrived ridicule, and then, when ridicule and lies fail, the gagging order. Yes, all have flown by me. Intimidation included. And too, side door/back door encouragement to apply through a solicitor for compensation. Other side door/back door methods of payment, buy-out formulas, exist – but alas there is no such door for justice.

If you detect a stomach robbed of feeling and made cynical by years of experience, you are right. To show that neither all feeling or humour has been vanquished, I will tell you of one side door route by which the secret state can facilitate payment, the channelling of largesse, to those it has wronged – like me, without, as it were, admitting liability. It is book publishing. And too, a route by which friends of family can be rewarded for historic and/or ongoing favours. Bread for sound bite warriors?


Borrowing from notes:

33) Friday 20 July 1984 – I was sounded out on a farm unit (farming was my choice of occupation but I did not have sufficient funds to buy a viable small farm). It was said to be 60 acres (the size of my former west Cork farm). It was suitable for beef rearing on a non-intensive scale, so my interlocutor mentioned. A “nature” farm was a phrase he used. All this was me – a consideration well known to the Security Service. The farm was said to be in “Fylde” (Blackpool area), Lancashire. I had been stationed at nearby Royal Air Force Weeton three times on technical training courses between 1957 and 1962, and mentioned this to the man. At the time it was my understanding the Weeton camp had long been decommissioned. My memories were of a dreary place with World War Two Nissen (?) huts for accomodation. At night the pot-bellied cast iron stoves glowed red and sweated those in close proximity. On expiration of the fire, the biting cold of winter soon took hold.

 

Yes, I remember it well.

I was informed in 1985 that the camp was still in use – as an army barracks. At the time of typing this document (The Zig-Zag Travail, in September 1986) a conspiracy to bomb court case is proceeding in which the Weeton camp, or a nearby pub, is the focal point.

The man who introduced – who floated – on the above farm was a retired bank manager. Previously, in May-June 1984, he sounded me out in that inimitable easy deniable state agency fashion on a sports management job, also believed to be in north west England. While his attention was devoted to the home side of things, his daughter was more generally concerned with external affairs.


There was a strong sense of a sinister and dangerous motivation behind this seemingly generous offer (for had I bitten that is surely what it would have become). It wasn't just a case of questioning an act of apparent altruism coming from that quarter, a knowing they were not in the business of doing me favours, there was a natural if unreasoned determination to stay away from it.

The rejection was so powerful that I felt impelled to go out the following day and look for a house in Kenilworth. It was a search for somewhere else to run to. I walked the few miles there. The intention was to kill off what was behind the Fylde farm float. It was not a thought out decision, just something that had to be done.

It was done. I found a house. Made an offer to the estate agent handling the sale. We spoke again on Monday (23.07.84). An extra £500 was asked for. I agreed. Subject to contract the house was bought.

The pursuit of purchasing a house in Kenilworth had been going on for some time. Over previous months a number of excursions were made but no suitable property was found. Having got tired of drawing blanks, I did not pursue the quest for weeks.

After the farm float I decided to renew the endeavour. Such was the feeling of distrust for the Fylde farm prospect that I literally went out and purchased a house in a nearby town. That is a strong testament of rejection, even if that rejected was at the time unknown and unseen.

The long held opinion, from September 1986, is that the float of the strategically located Fylde farm was as loaded as a satchel of semtex. It had to do with its proximity to Blackpool and the Conservative Party conferences held there. The authorities were aware that the IRA had an interest in such gatherings, whether at Blackpool or Brighton.

Were the same authorities just as surprised as a professional acquaintance of mine appeared to be – somebody much closer to the security services than I was – on my going forward with the purchase of a house, the turning one's back on the prospect of owning a 60 acre farm, and doing so decisively immediately following the Fylde farm float?



I am equally confident that a similar notion to Fylde was held in respect of the
Brighton area. I say area because suggestions for south-east England had to do with Bournemouth. As one might say, just along the coast from Brighton.

In early 1984, after it became evident that I would not go abroad or oblige with another neat solution of control, the endeavour was, and this relates to the most repeated attempt to secure a UK re-location, that I should purchase a boarding house in Bournemouth. A suggestion made by not less than five people in the first months of 1984. In saying that I do so from memory: the score may be higher.

I always felt that the suggestion had an ulterior motive. The repetition of
Bournemouth seemed extraordinary. I had never been there. I had no known connections there. I never expressed a wish to go there. I had no desire to own a boarding house. And why specifically Bournemouth?

Apart from the nature of the work, I believed that a permanent boarder would find his or her way into the system who would be on contract to the authorities. Surveillance on the cheap.

Why the repeated insistence on
Bournemouth? Some of the mooting for Bournemouth came before February 1984. In that month a less than charming muggins visited Coventry, having just been in south east England. She not only pushed buying a boarding house in Bournemouth – but actually had particulars of a property with her.

Some contextual detail was given. Memory of it is imprecise. The property was say an eleven or twelve bedroom boarding house. The price was, as best I can recollect, in the mid sixties or mid eighties (thousand pounds). A purchase was possible with maybe a small borrowing. A consideration known to you know who. The presentation was listened to without enthusiasm or comment.

To my memory, the last sounding out on
Bournemouth was in April 1984 when in the company of two people who were independent entities. This notwithstanding, they combined to suggest I purchase a boarding house in Bournemouth. As before, it was politely if tiredly shunned.

My understanding is that the Fylde farm was to
Blackpool what the Bournemouth boarding house was to Brighton, and both were floated for the same reason, the authorities knew of an IRA interest in the Conservative Party conferences, held alternatively in Blackpool and Brighton.

Wouldn't it be convenient for the IRA England department leadership to know somebody living close-by whom they could trust and avail of? A co-fraternal. A place to stay when in the area? A supplier of intelligence? I was, after all, an erstwhile member of the Conservative Party who had opportunities to attend Tory conferences. And the Security Service held to peculiar notions of my having republican attachments.

Where I deserved credit I got none. Where I didn't deserve credit it was heaped on me. I did try to tell them. But knowing everything, they just would not listen.

MI5 wrongfooted themselves at Weeton-Blackpool in April 1983. That could be put down to operational intelligence reasons. One asks what misreading of signals was there in 1984? Was there a lucky hiatus, an interregnum, in the IRA’s
England department? That and an alteration of pattern enforced by historic circumstance which allowed them to get the formula right for a change? Success by default?

Whatever the permutation, the culmination was the IRA bombing of the Grand Hotel in
Brighton in October 1984.


Next: state Murder 3 Section 6