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IRIAN JAYA (WEST PAPUA, NEW GUINEA): THE QUEST FOR INDEPENDENCE-June 21-June 26, 2000

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June 21-June 26, 2000

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Ambon disaster - concern for West Papua
Date: 6/26/00 8:26:50 AM Central Daylight Time
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Dear Friends, I'm sending this message to you as it came to me from a
friend. Mainly I am appealing to you to pray with us for peace in Ambon and
in all of Indonesia, Love, Wini
-
This REALLY scares me. For the first time ever.

Spread this to your friends and relatives.

When they wipe out the Christians in Ambon, the Christians in West Papua
(Irian Jaya) are only 24 hours by boat away.
And we have no where to go but Australia.

Daud

----- Original Message -----
From: John Barr

> Dear Friends,
>
> Please see attachment. Ambon is very serious now. We must raise the
> issue with the world community. Please distribute this document as you
> are able.
>
> Yours sincerely,
>
> John Barr
> Uniting Church in Australia
> 24 June 2000
>

Ambon =96 Its time to Act !!


Dear Friends,

Tonight the terror continues in Ambon. Jihad militia, with the open support
of the Indonesian army, are attacking and burning the city.

Please make time to pray. Please also consider taking some action. The
Ambonese community is appealing to us to lobby for them internationally.
The world must take notice of what=92s happening in Ambon.

The Muslim Jihad militia are attacking and burning the city with the
support of the Indonesian army.

The Jihad militia continue to arrive in Ambon even though the President,
Abdurrurahman Wahid has ordered a stop to this. Yesterday morning an other
2 to 3,000 Jihad troops arrive by shiop in Ambon city.

More arms (guns, grenades etc.) are being smuggled into at this minute.

Law and order has broken down in Ambon. There is no security for the weak
and the vulnerable.

Tens of thousands of people have been displaced. Food, medical care and
shelter is in short supply.

Ambon faces a human disaster similar to what took place in Dili during
September 1999. In fact the disaster could be far worse.

Please take time to urgently fax or email some of the addresses listed
below. In your fax/email call for the following:

* All Muslim Jihad troops must be immediately withdrawn and the army must
be brought under control.

* All warring parties must be immediately disarmed in Ambon and the Maluku
Islands.

* Emergency humanitarian aid must be sent to Ambon and the Maluku Islands
for immediate distribution.

* An international presence must be immediately sent to Ambon and the
Maluku Islands:

to monitor the withdrawal of the Jihad militia and the army.
to monitor the disarming of all warring parties and implement an
appropriate peacemaking process
to facilitiate and monitor the distribution of emergency humanitarian aid


Mr Kofi Annan, Secretary General, United Nations
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:ecu@un.org ecu@un.org

Mrs Mary Robinson, United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights
Fax 0015 41 22 917 9016
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:webadmin.hohr@unog.ch webadmin.hohr@unog.ch


Abdurrahman Wahid, President of the Republic of Indonesia
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:webmaster@ri.go.id webmaster@ri.go.id

Dr Amien Rais, Chairperson, The Peoples=92 Consultative Assembly (Majelis
Permusyawaratan Rakyat) Indonesia
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:sumpr@jakarta.wasantara.net.id
sumpr@jakarta.wasantara.net.id

National Commission on Human Rights (Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia)
Indonesia
Fax 0015 62 21 392 5227
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:info@komnas.go.id info@komnas.go.id

Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, Canberra
Fax 02 6273 6017
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:kbricbr@dynamite.com.au kbricbr@dynamite.com.au


The Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Canberra
Fax 02 62734112
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:minister.downer@dfat.gov.au
minister.downer@dfat.gov.au
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:A.Downer.MP@aph.gov.au A.Downer.MP@aph.gov.au

The Hon Laurie Brereton MP, Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, Canberra
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:Laurie.Brereton.MP@aph.gov.au
Laurie.Brereton.MP@aph.gov.au

Madeleine K Albright, Secretary for State, US State Department, Washigton
Fax 0015 1 202 736 7720

US Embassy, Jakarta
Fax 0015 62 21 386 2259

Ambassador Genta Hawkins Holmes, US Embassy, Canberra
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:apvcanb@usia.gov apvcanb@usia.gov

Rt Hon Robin Cook MP, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth
Affairs, London
Go to web page and send a message: http://www.fco.gov.uk/feedback/asp




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======================================================= Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] PRESS RELEASE: For the round table talks on WP, Berlin, June
Date: 6/27/00 11:32:36 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org

29th and 30th 2000
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From: "INDONews (s)"
http://www.indo-news.com/

for the round table talks on West Papua,
Berlin, June 29th and 30th 2000
(Heinrich-B=F6ll-Foundation, Hackesche H=F6fe, Rosenthaler Str. 40-41)

June 27th, 2000

The West Papua Network calls on the German government to appeal to the
Indonesian government to take all measures necessary in order to prevent
any further escalation of violence in West Papua (Irian Jaya), to
substantially reduce the military forces in the region and to resume the
dialogue with the West Papuan people aiming at a peaceful settlement of the
conflict.

In this respect it is indispensable that the Indonesian government
starts investigations into human rights violations committed in West
Papua. Those responsible for terror and massacres should subsequently be
put on trial and victims be granted compensation..

Furthermore, we call on the German government to initiate and support
projects aiming at civil conflict prevention and to urge for a
comprehensive settlement of the West Papua conflict within the framework
of the UN as well as the EU.

The West Papua Network fears that West Papua (Irian Jaya) might become a
second East Timor. During the last weeks numerous pro-Indonesian and
pro-independence militias have been formed in different towns. The
pro-Indonesian militias that consist to a large extent of inhabitants of
transmigration sites, are armed by the Indonesian army and trained by
former army officers. The Indonesian goverment is planning to send in
another 5 or 6 army and police battalions, thus strengthening the
presence of armed security forces in the region.

Therefore the West Papua Network has in cooperation with Watch
Indonesia! and the Heinrich-B=F6ll-Foundation initiated round table talks
in Berlin. Politicians as well as representatives of NGOs and churches
will for two days discuss with prominent West Papuans and Indonesians
possibilties to prevent any further escalation of violence in West
Papua. It is hoped that these talks will contribute to a better mutual
understanding between Indonesians, Germans and West Papuans.

The West Papua Network comprises app. 20 NGOs and several individual
members.

Contact:

Watch Indonesia! - Alex Flor, Monika Schlicher, Planufer 92d, 10967
Berlin, phone/fax: ++49-30-6981 7938, Mobile: 0179-292 2536

Coordinating office of the West Papua Network: Siegfried Z=F6llner,
Rudolfstr. 137, 42285 Wuppertal, phone: ++49-202-8900 4170 or
++49-2336-81357, Mobile: 0173-284 5134

Advisory Board: Dr. Anita Heller, Protestant Church; Esther Hoffmann,
Watch Indonesia!; Dr. Jochen Motte, United Protestant Mission; Hartmut
Poth, Rain Forest Group Bochum; Wolfram Walbrach, Protestant Church
Rheinland.

The following experts from West Papua and Indonesia will take part in
the round table talks:

Dr. Benny Giay, Walter Probst Theological College, Jayapura, West Papua

Nato Gobay, Office for Human Rights at the Bishop (Catholic Church), Biak,
West Papua

Dominggas Nari, Foundation for Rural Development (YPMD), Jayapura, West
Papua

Agus Rumansara, WWF, Jayapura, West Papua

John Rumbiak, Institute for Human Rights Studies and Advocacy, Jayapura,
West Papua

Dr. George Aditjondro, University of Newcastle, Australia

Background information

On December 1st, 1961, the Netherlands, then the colonial power in
controll of West Papua, put in place a "transitional parliament" that
was supposed to prepare for the independence of "Dutch New Guinea".
However, the Netherlands were pressured by the United States, that
feared a Communist take-over in Indonesia, into handing over West Papua
to Indonesia. Thus, since May 1st, 1963 West Papua has been under
Indonesian rule. According to the New York Agreement of August 1962,
that spelled out the details of the hand-over, Indonesia was obliged to
conduct a referendum in West Papua within six years. But in what was
called the "Act of Free Choice" 1,025 hand picked representatives were
pressured into voting for integration. And on November 19th, 1969, the
United Nations General Assembly accepted this scandalous procedures in
their resolution No. 2504.

On June 4th, 2000, a congress came to an end in West Papua which had
been attended by thousands of West Papuans from different parts of the
country. The 500 congress delegates called for a dialogue between the
governments of Indonesia, the Netherlands and the United States as well
as the United Nations with the aim of dealing with the history of the
annexation of West Papua by Indonesia. The West Papuan Congress 2000
demands a revision of the above mentioned GA resolution No. 2504 and a
recognition of independence that had been promised in 1961. President
Abdurrahman Wahid had planned to open the congress, but due to his last
minute change of mind he has now missed the chance to resume a dialogue
with the West Papuan people.

It is estimated that since 1963 app. 50,000 Papuans have been killed by
the Indonesian military and innumerable have been wounded, tortured and
raped. The underlying reason for the repeated calls for independence are to
be found in those human rights abuses, in racial discrimination and in the
reckless exploitation of West Papua's natural resources.

**********************************************************************
Watch Indonesia! Tel./Fax +49-30-698 179 38
Planufer 92 d e-mail: watchindonesia@snafu.de
10967 Berlin http://home.snafu.de/watchin

Spendenkonto: 0 632 136 701 Dresdner Bank Berlin (BLZ 100 800 00)
**********************************************************************



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======================================================= Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Too soon to reward Indonesia?
Date: 6/26/00 5:54:27 PM Central Standard Time
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The Washington Times

June 26, 2000
Dana R. Dillon

It is a debate that pits the Clinton administration against
human-rights watchers who say the White House is rewarding a corrupt
regime bent on violence. The White House counters it is trying to
export American values. Building trade with China? No, resuming
military ties with Indonesia, where independence movements have been
springing up for months, only to be met with violent reprisals from
local militias.

It was because of last year's massacres in the Indonesian province
of East Timor that military-to-military contact between the United
States and Indonesia was cut in the first place. A recent U.N.
report says segments of the Indonesian army did "support the
militias in intimidation and terror attacks" in East Timor. Now the
White House is quietly re-establishing ties with the army and will
soon ask Congress to approve a program allowing the United States
and Indonesia to engage in more joint military exercises.

Generally, military-to-military programs with developing countries
are entirely defensible. Training their military officers makes
their armies more professional and imparts sound American practices.
But the problems with the Indonesian military are systemic and have
nothing to do with poor training. Indeed, if President Clinton's
goal is to reform the Indonesian army, then renewing engagement is
the worst course of action.

The problem is this: The Indonesian military has spent the last 30
years gradually grabbing control of almost every facet of Indonesian
society, including the bureaucracy, the legislature and the economy.
In short, the Indonesian military has evolved from an arm of
national security into a uniformed mafia.

I traveled to Indonesia in March and visited both Aceh and Papua,
two of the more restless provinces. It was clear from the people I
spoke with that the army and police are the most hated and
distrusted institutions in the country. Many Indonesians feel the
military cares more about its business and political interests than
about national security. One activist who has worked in eastern
Indonesia for 12 years told me he frequently asks people what could
be done to improve their quality of life. Their consistent reply:
"Get the army out of my village."

The Clinton administration says it is rewarding Indonesia for
removing some senior officers responsible for the massacres in East
Timor and for establishing civilian control of the military. True,
President Abdurrahman Wahid's record of pursuing and convicting
soldiers who commit war crimes isn't bad, but don't give him too
much credit. After all, the general who served as the army's chief
of staff during the East Timor debacle has only been questioned, not
tried, for whatever role he played in slaughtering unarmed
civilians.

Supporters of resuming military ties often tout Juwono Sudarsono's
record as civilian defense minister, but he is allied with the
uniformed officers. Mr. Sudarsono has decried the intense
vilification of the military and calls anti-army media commentary
the result of "too much democracy" in Indonesia. When violence and
political dissent increased in Aceh last year, Mr. Sudarsono asked
permission to re-impose martial law. President Wahid denied that
request, but the military went ahead and launched a brutal crackdown
anyway. Since February, more than 400 people have been killed and
more than 300 schools torched. The killing continued even after the
government signed a peace accord with the main insurgent group on
May 12. Since then, more than two dozen have been killed.

At one point, the army agreed to give up its seats in the
legislature by 2004, but it now appears to have reneged on that
commitment. Lt. Gen. Agus Widjoyo, chief of territorial affairs,
recently called for the formation of a military "faction" in the
legislature. These are not the words or actions of a military under
the control of a civilian government.

A few days or weeks of American military training for officers who
have spent their entire careers in a corrupt system =97 and who will
return to that system when their training is complete =97 will not
reform Jakarta's military. Nor will it encourage democracy in
Indonesia. It will more likely help Indonesia's army officers become
more proficient criminals.

If our goal is to reward Indonesia's government, we should maintain
the military embargo until we see evidence of substantive reform.
Removing a few officers isn't sufficient. The army must abandon its
political role, divest its business interests and dismantle its
territorial security apparatus. The U.S. seal of approval doesn't
belong on half-measures.
-- Dana R. Dillon is a Southeast Asia policy analyst at the Heritage
Foundation.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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======================================================= Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Theys Eluay: Papua leader meets police summons
Date: 6/26/00 4:47:00 PM Central Daylight Time
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Indonesian Observer
June 27th 2000

Papua leader meets police summons
JAKARTA (IO) The most senior leader of the Free Papua Movement, Theys
Hiyo Eluay, yesterday appeared at the Irian Jaya Police headquarters in
compliance with a summons for questioning about the recent Papua Peoples
Congress.

The congress, held from May 29-June 4, ended with a declaration that West
Papua (Irian Jaya) was no longer part of Indonesia.

Accompanied by hundreds of Papua Task Force members and clad in the
traditional garb of the Sentani tribe, Eluay arrived at the police office
at 9:15 a.m. local time, Antara reported.

Eluay, who is presidium chairman of the Papua Council, was also flanked by
his lawyers and two West Papuan flags.

He was reportedly questioned a team from the local police detective unit,
led by Major Uli Siregar and consisting of three other officers, namely
Captain Asep, Junior Second Lieutenant S. Betaubun and Sergeant Iwan S.

Eluay came to the police headquarters after failing to heed three previous
summonses.

This is his first appearance in compliance with our summonses, while we
have sent him four summonses already, Asep was quoted as saying.

Police had also summoned five other Free Papua Movement figures: Agustinus
Alua, head of the Papua Peoples Congress organizing committee; Herman
Awom, the congress secretary; Thaha Alhamid, chief of the congress
steering committee; Don AL Flassy, head of the Papuan Independence
Committee; and Joh Mambor, a former political prisoner.

The modern history of West Papua is somewhat controversial, as the
Indonesian government for decades taught people that its heroic Army had
liberated the territory from the Dutch colonists.

A brief impartial history written by AP states that after the Dutch
started to pull out of West Papua in the early 1960s, the US worried
about its waning influence in Indonesia due to an increase in communist
activities belatedly pressured the Netherlands to negotiate with
Indonesia to find a solution to the problem.

Former US President John Kennedy dispatched his brother, Attorney General
Robert Kennedy, to both Holland and Indonesia to act as mediator.

In 1962, the Dutch agreed to hand over the territory to the United
Nations, who then, a year later gave the region to Indonesia, with an
understanding that by the end of the decade the West Papuan people would
have a chance to vote as to whether they wanted to remain part of
Indonesia.

However pro-independence activists say that the so-called Act of Free
Choice six years later, was a sham. All 1,022 village chiefs supposedly
decided to remain part of Indonesia. Since then, rebels belonging to the
Free Papua Movement have been battling Indonesian rule.

Until 1999, the military ran the province with an iron hand. Torture and
murder were reportedly common. Although the government of President
Abdurrahman Wahid provided funding for the Papua Peoples Congress, it has
rejected the independence declaration, claiming the event was not
representative of the provinces population.




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======================================================= Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Naval base planned for Sorong
Date: 6/26/00 4:46:46 PM Central Daylight Time
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Indonesian Observer
June 27th 200

Naval base to be built in Sorong
JAKARTA (IO) A Navy official First Lieutenant Muksin said yesterday that
the Indonesian Navy will soon build a Naval Base that will become an
official camp for 3,000 members of the Navys marines, in the district of
Sorong, Irian Jaya.

He said the decision to build the naval base also shows that Sorong will
be the center to manage marine bases across the province of Irian Jaya.

Muksin said all the 3,000 mariners will be deployed across Irian Jaya, but
800 of them will be placed in Sorong.

He said the district of Sorong was chosen because its location enables the
marines to reach areas across Irian Jaya and nearby provinces.

He added Sorong also has infrastructure that can support a naval base.

Muksin added that the Navy will soon deploy about a hundred marines to
support the Village Development Program (TNI Masuk Desa).

The program will start on July 3 in the coastal area of Mariat, Sorong.

The Naval Base that will be built consists of a Combat Marine
Regiment which includes cavalry, artillery, and the Navys special troops,
according to Muksin.

He emphasized that the establishment of the Naval Base is for security
reasons and has nothing to do with political issues.



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======================================================= Subj: Indonesia in the balance
Date: 6/26/00 2:26:31 AM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org

from AWPA

SMH 26/6/00
Indonesia in the balance

President Wahid may pay dearly for failing to get a quick turnaround in
his country's troubled economy, writes Hamish McDonald.

Analysts of Indonesia have occasionally looked to the Soviet Union for
analogies to explain and predict trends in this far-flung archipelago.

The rise of former KGB agent Vladimir Putin as Russian president has
given rise to fresh conjecture about Indonesia tracing a similar
circular path through chaotic democracy back towards a familiar
authoritarianism.

If former president B.J. Habibie was Indonesia's Mikhail Gorbachev, the
old regime insider turned belated reformer,
and the current President Abdurrahman Wahid is a version of Boris
Yeltsin, the unpredictable and ill maverick who is able to stay in
office but can't achieve not achieve national progress, where and when
will a tough, probably less democratic, leader emerge?

What bits of Indonesia might fall off like the non-Russian Soviet
republics in the meantime?

Most Indonesia specialists see no immediate threat to Wahid's position,
despite intensifying jostling ahead of the August session of the supreme
legislature, the MPR, which has the power to censure or fire the
President.

There is yet no Putin apparent, says Sydney University's Michael van
Langenberg, because Indonesia has nothing like the KGB (or FSB, as it is
now named).

The military, the TNI, has been neutralised for the time being by
Wahid's deft removal in February-May of General Wiranto and many other
adherents of Soeharto-era military involvement in politics. "There is no
possibility of a successful military coup in present circumstances,"
says a recent survey by the Crisis Management Group, a political
risk outfit represented in Jakarta by long-time TNI-watcher Harold
Crouch.

Nor do any of the potential civilian contenders - the nationalist
Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri, the Islamist chairman of the MPR,
Amien Rais, or Akbar Tanjung, leading the rump of Soeharto's Golkar
party - look to have enough support inside or outside the MPR to
challenge.

Yet the optimism last October that greeted Wahid's emergence as
Indonesia's first president resulting from popular elections (even if
the vote was transmuted through backroom deals in the MPR) has faded
drastically in recent weeks.

The gloomier mood has overclouded the sound political beginnings of
Wahid's first six months - purging Wiranto and elevating TNI reformers,
engaging the Acehnese in negotiations on terms for staying in the
republic, adjusting
the presidency to more democratic ways and, through his apology in Dili,
setting relations with East Timor on a decent basis.

Wahid's travels, his provocative statements and retractions, his
simultaneous pursuit of dialogue and attack (in different ways, with the
Acehnese rebels and the Soeharto family) have been credited with a
certain Machiavellian method in their apparent randomness. Wahid has
unbalanced his domestic political targets, cut off international support
for regional separatists, and girded himself with important foreign
support.

But only confusion is seen in Wahid's approach to Indonesia's huge
economic problems, notably the refloating of the banking system now
largely in receivership under the restructuring agency IBRA. The
President is surrounded by several economic ministers and advisory teams
with overlapping authority. Even his main economics minister,
Kwik Gian Gie, has said that "if I were a foreign investor, I wouldn't
come to Indonesia".

Weakening economic confidence is compounded by perceived nepotism and
influence-peddling around Wahid. A brother was given an unmerited job in
IBRA, Wahid's masseur walked off with $7 million from a government
agency, extorted on the basis of his alleged closeness to the President,
and a lobbyist who paid for Wahid's eye
surgery in the United States seems to have upset the awarding of a power
contract. To be fair, Wahid has an unwieldy coalition to keep happy. And
implementing economic policy is hampered by the chronic weakness of
institutions like the judiciary resulting from neglect and corruption
during Soeharto's 32-year rule, when the army provided the stiffening
for the state and Soeharto's family ran a parallel tax system to pay off
regime insiders.

But the lack of a firm stamp on policy is producing some hard judgments
on Wahid. "Gus Dur [Wahid's nickname] has some qualities, but not the
full range of qualities needed to fix all the problems," says a senior
Australian banker
who visits Jakarta frequently. "He's still behaving like a traditional
Nahdlatul Ulama chieftain," said another long-time visitor, referring to
the Islamic movement Wahid has led.

"It's like he's sitting around in a sarong on the mat, chatting with his
mates and plotting against his enemies."

The weakness has extended forecasts for Indonesia's recovery from the
couple of years envisaged in 1998, just after the Asian crisis.
"Indonesia will take several years to restore order and stability,"
Singapore's Deputy Prime Minister,
Lee Hsien Loong, said earlier this month in Canberra, in a remarkably
hard comment for a South-East Asian neighbour.

With this has come more pessimism about the longer-term prospects for
Wahid, and democracy in Indonesia. "My guess is Wahid's pretty safe for
another 12 to 18 months," said van Langenberg. "I would not put any
money on him lasting a full five-year term."

Nor is the military permanently knocked out of contention. "Although the
danger of a military takeover seems low at the moment, it remains a real
possibility in Indonesia," wrote Laksamana Sukardi, a lieutenant of
Megawati who was
recently dropped from Wahid's Cabinet, in the Jakarta Post on June 23.

"[It is] one that could grow more likely if the Government's performance
over the coming seven months is as poor as we have seen during the first
seven months."

A senior Canberra expert also fears Indonesia could be on a cycle back
to dictatorship, delivering a blow along the way to the current
philosophy pervading the World Bank and other development circles that
"democracy equals development".

"The best guide might just be to re-read Herb Feith," this expert said,
referring to the 1962 book The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in
Indonesia, which charted the country's course from the high hopes of
independence to Sukarno's "guided democracy" - which was replaced by
Soeharto's military rule.

"I would say we are at about 1951 or 1952 right now."

Hamish McDonald is the Herald's Foreign Editor
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
------------------------------------------------------------------------

--------------------


from AWPA

SMH 26/6/00

Indonesia in the balance
President Wahid may pay dearly for failing to get a quick turnaroundin his country's troubled economy, writes Hamish McDonald.
Analysts of Indonesia have occasionally looked to the Soviet Union for analogies to explain and predict trends in this far-flung archipelago.
The rise of former KGB agent Vladimir Putin as Russian president hasgiven rise to fresh conjecture about Indonesia tracing a similar circular path through chaotic democracy back towards a familiar authoritarianism.
If former president B.J. Habibie was Indonesia's Mikhail Gorbachev,the old regime insider turned belated reformer,
and the current President Abdurrahman Wahid is a version of Boris Yeltsin, the unpredictable and ill maverick who is able to stay in office but can't achieve not achieve national progress, where and when will a tough, probably less democratic, leader emerge?
What bits of Indonesia might fall off like the non-Russian Soviet republicsin the meantime?
Most Indonesia specialists see no immediate threat to Wahid's position, despite intensifying jostling ahead of the August session of the supreme legislature, the MPR, which has the power to censure or fire the President.
There is yet no Putin apparent, says Sydney University's Michael vanLangenberg, because Indonesia has nothing like the KGB (or FSB, as it isnow named).
The military, the TNI, has been neutralised for the time being by Wahid's deft removal in February-May of General Wiranto and many other adherents of Soeharto-era military involvement in politics. "There is no possibility of a successful military coup in present circumstances," says a recent survey by the Crisis Management Group, a political
risk outfit represented in Jakarta by long-time TNI-watcher HaroldCrouch.
Nor do any of the potential civilian contenders - the nationalist Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri, the Islamist chairman of the MPR, Amien Rais, or Akbar Tanjung, leading the rump of Soeharto's Golkar party - look to have enough support inside or outside the MPR to challenge.
Yet the optimism last October that greeted Wahid's emergence as Indonesia's first president resulting from popular elections (even if the vote was transmuted through backroom deals in the MPR) has faded drastically inrecent weeks.
The gloomier mood has overclouded the sound political beginnings of Wahid's first six months - purging Wiranto and elevating TNI reformers, engaging the Acehnese in negotiations on terms for staying in the republic,adjusting
the presidency to more democratic ways and, through his apology inDili, setting relations with East Timor on a decent basis.
Wahid's travels, his provocative statements and retractions, his simultaneous pursuit of dialogue and attack (in different ways, with the Acehnese rebels and the Soeharto family) have been credited with a certain Machiavellian method in their apparent randomness. Wahid has unbalanced his domestic political targets, cut off international support for regional separatists, and girded himself with important foreign support.
But only confusion is seen in Wahid's approach to Indonesia's huge economic problems, notably the refloating of the banking system now largely in receivership under the restructuring agency IBRA. The President is surrounded by several economic ministers and advisory teams with overlapping authority. Evenhis main economics minister,
Kwik Gian Gie, has said that "if I were a foreign investor, I wouldn'tcome to Indonesia".
Weakening economic confidence is compounded by perceived nepotism and influence-peddling around Wahid. A brother was given an unmerited job in IBRA, Wahid's masseur walked off with $7 million from a government agency, extorted on the basis of his alleged closeness to the President, and a lobbyist who paid for Wahid's eye
surgery in the United States seems to have upset the awarding of apower contract. To be fair, Wahid has an unwieldy coalition to keep happy. And implementing economic policy is hampered by the chronic weakness of institutions like the judiciary resulting from neglect and corruption during Soeharto's 32-year rule, when the army provided the stiffening for the state and Soeharto's family ran a parallel tax system to pay off regimeinsiders.
But the lack of a firm stamp on policy is producing some hard judgments on Wahid. "Gus Dur [Wahid's nickname] has some qualities, but not the full range of qualities needed to fix all the problems," says a senior Australianbanker
who visits Jakarta frequently. "He's still behaving like a traditional Nahdlatul Ulama chieftain," said another long-time visitor, referring tothe Islamic movement Wahid has led.
"It's like he's sitting around in a sarong on the mat, chatting withhis mates and plotting against his enemies."
The weakness has extended forecasts for Indonesia's recovery from the couple of years envisaged in 1998, just after the Asian crisis. "Indonesia will take several years to restore order and stability," Singapore's DeputyPrime Minister,
Lee Hsien Loong, said earlier this month in Canberra, in a remarkablyhard comment for a South-East Asian neighbour.
With this has come more pessimism about the longer-term prospects for Wahid, and democracy in Indonesia. "My guess is Wahid's pretty safe for another 12 to 18 months," said van Langenberg. "I would not put any moneyon him lasting a full five-year term."
Nor is the military permanently knocked out of contention. "Although the danger of a military takeover seems low at the moment, it remains areal possibility in Indonesia," wrote Laksamana Sukardi, a lieutenant ofMegawati who was
recently dropped from Wahid's Cabinet, in the Jakarta Post on June23.
"[It is] one that could grow more likely if the Government's performance over the coming seven months is as poor as we have seen during the firstseven months."
A senior Canberra expert also fears Indonesia could be on a cycle back to dictatorship, delivering a blow along the way to the current philosophy pervading the World Bank and other development circles that "democracyequals development".
"The best guide might just be to re-read Herb Feith," this expert said, referring to the 1962 book The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, which charted the country's course from the high hopes of independence to Sukarno's "guided democracy" - which was replaced by Soeharto's militaryrule.
"I would say we are at about 1951 or 1952 right now."
Hamish McDonald is the Herald's Foreign Editor



Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000


======================================================= Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Ambon disaster - concern for West Papua
Date: 6/26/00 8:26:50 AM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
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Dear Friends, I'm sending this message to you as it came to me from a
friend. Mainly I am appealing to you to pray with us for peace in Ambon and
in all of Indonesia, Love, Wini
-
This REALLY scares me. For the first time ever.

Spread this to your friends and relatives.

When they wipe out the Christians in Ambon, the Christians in West Papua
(Irian Jaya) are only 24 hours by boat away.
And we have no where to go but Australia.

Daud

----- Original Message -----
From: John Barr

> Dear Friends,
>
> Please see attachment. Ambon is very serious now. We must raise the
> issue with the world community. Please distribute this document as you
> are able.
>
> Yours sincerely,
>
> John Barr
> Uniting Church in Australia
> 24 June 2000
>

Ambon =96 Its time to Act !!


Dear Friends,

Tonight the terror continues in Ambon. Jihad militia, with the open support
of the Indonesian army, are attacking and burning the city.

Please make time to pray. Please also consider taking some action. The
Ambonese community is appealing to us to lobby for them internationally.
The world must take notice of what=92s happening in Ambon.

The Muslim Jihad militia are attacking and burning the city with the
support of the Indonesian army.

The Jihad militia continue to arrive in Ambon even though the President,
Abdurrurahman Wahid has ordered a stop to this. Yesterday morning an other
2 to 3,000 Jihad troops arrive by shiop in Ambon city.

More arms (guns, grenades etc.) are being smuggled into at this minute.

Law and order has broken down in Ambon. There is no security for the weak
and the vulnerable.

Tens of thousands of people have been displaced. Food, medical care and
shelter is in short supply.

Ambon faces a human disaster similar to what took place in Dili during
September 1999. In fact the disaster could be far worse.

Please take time to urgently fax or email some of the addresses listed
below. In your fax/email call for the following:

* All Muslim Jihad troops must be immediately withdrawn and the army must
be brought under control.

* All warring parties must be immediately disarmed in Ambon and the Maluku
Islands.

* Emergency humanitarian aid must be sent to Ambon and the Maluku Islands
for immediate distribution.

* An international presence must be immediately sent to Ambon and the
Maluku Islands:

to monitor the withdrawal of the Jihad militia and the army.
to monitor the disarming of all warring parties and implement an
appropriate peacemaking process
to facilitiate and monitor the distribution of emergency humanitarian aid


Mr Kofi Annan, Secretary General, United Nations
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:ecu@un.org ecu@un.org

Mrs Mary Robinson, United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights
Fax 0015 41 22 917 9016
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:webadmin.hohr@unog.ch webadmin.hohr@unog.ch


Abdurrahman Wahid, President of the Republic of Indonesia
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:webmaster@ri.go.id webmaster@ri.go.id

Dr Amien Rais, Chairperson, The Peoples=92 Consultative Assembly (Majelis
Permusyawaratan Rakyat) Indonesia
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:sumpr@jakarta.wasantara.net.id
sumpr@jakarta.wasantara.net.id

National Commission on Human Rights (Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia)
Indonesia
Fax 0015 62 21 392 5227
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:info@komnas.go.id info@komnas.go.id

Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, Canberra
Fax 02 6273 6017
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:kbricbr@dynamite.com.au kbricbr@dynamite.com.au


The Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Canberra
Fax 02 62734112
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:minister.downer@dfat.gov.au
minister.downer@dfat.gov.au
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:A.Downer.MP@aph.gov.au A.Downer.MP@aph.gov.au

The Hon Laurie Brereton MP, Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, Canberra
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:Laurie.Brereton.MP@aph.gov.au
Laurie.Brereton.MP@aph.gov.au

Madeleine K Albright, Secretary for State, US State Department, Washigton
Fax 0015 1 202 736 7720

US Embassy, Jakarta
Fax 0015 62 21 386 2259

Ambassador Genta Hawkins Holmes, US Embassy, Canberra
Email: HYPERLINK mailto:apvcanb@usia.gov apvcanb@usia.gov

Rt Hon Robin Cook MP, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth
Affairs, London
Go to web page and send a message: http://www.fco.gov.uk/feedback/asp




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======================================================= Subj: EPSON CUP
Date: 6/26/00 7:47:26 AM Central Daylight Time
From: icechic14@hotmail.com (Epson Cup Trials)
To: boy@cott.com

URGENT - PLEASE ACTION TODAY
Suspension of Fiji from EPSON Cup Rugby Tournament
We urgently look to your support to call off the Fiji/Canada rugby match to be held in Samoa tomorrow (24th June) and the Fiji/ United States match on the 1st of July.
These matches are part of the EPSON sponsored tournament (which is a global computer accessories company).

As the advocate of human rights pease support.

Inform EPSON that failure to respond positively immediately there will be a sustained campaign to boycott EPSON products worldwide.

This message will also have a demonstrable impact on other companies choosing to do business with Fiji Military or any interim government.

As the advocates of the Movement for Democracy in Fiji, representing Fijians, keeping in mind the many who have been the victims of beating, looting, houses burnt and finally due to unbetold terrorism displaced in Fiji and globally, we call upon you to join the international community in helping us to ask EPSON announce an immediate sporting ban on official Fiji Islands teams and individuals.

A Fiji Islands rugby team is participating in the EPSON Cup tournament now
underway.

We seek your help to ask EPSON take action to suspend Fiji from that tournament. Failing that, please ask that they
withdraw sponsorship of that tournament .

The most immediate contact between Fiji and Canada is the rugby match between Fiji and Canada to be held on the 24th of June. The match between the US and Fiji will be held on the 1st of July.

Both these matches will be played in Apia, Western Samoa.

Please tell them that the Governments of New Zealand and Australia have already approved sporting bans. They took this decision at the request of the Peoples Coalition Government which has called for activating smart sanctions to support the restoration of the 1997 Constitution of Fiji Islands and elected Peoples Coalition Government.

We would appreciate your most urgent attention to this request.

We look forward to your utmost cooperation in this matter. This will assist in isolating the military dictatorship that is now in effective control of government and in securing through coordinated international pressure (of which sporting isolation is an important part) the release of the democratically elected Government and its Prime Minister.

Your help in this direction will also help arrest Fiji's rapid slide into a racist political and constitutional disorder.

Please tell them that this request is actively supported by the Peoples' Coalition Government now being held hostage.



--------------------









URGENT -
PLEASE ACTION TODAY
Suspension of Fiji from EPSON Cup Rugby Tournament
We urgently look to your support to call off the Fiji/Canada rugby match to be held in Samoa tomorrow (24th June) and  the Fiji/ United States match on the 1st of July.
These matches are part of the EPSON sponsored tournament (which is a global computer accessories company).
As the advocate of  human rights pease support.
Inform EPSON that failure to respond positively immediately there will be a sustained campaign to boycott EPSON products worldwide.
This message will also have a demonstrable impact on other companies choosing to do business with Fiji Military or any interim government.
 As the advocates of the Movement for Democracy in Fiji, representing Fijians, keeping in mind the many who have been the victims of beating, looting, houses burnt and finally due to unbetold terrorism displaced in Fiji and globally, we call upon you to join the international community in helping us to ask EPSON announce an immediate sporting ban on official Fiji Islands teams and individuals.
A Fiji Islands rugby team is participating in the EPSON Cup tournament now
underway.
We seek your help to ask EPSON take action to suspend Fiji from that tournament. Failing that, please ask that they
withdraw sponsorship of that tournament .
The most immediate contact between Fiji and Canada is the rugby match between Fiji and Canada to be held on the 24th of June. The match between the US and Fiji will be held on the 1st of July.
Both these matches will be played in Apia, Western Samoa.
Please tell them that the Governments of New Zealand and Australia have already approved sporting bans. They took this decision at the request of the Peoples Coalition Government which has called for activating smart sanctions to support the restoration of the 1997 Constitution of Fiji Islands and elected Peoples Coalition Government.
We would appreciate your most urgent attention to this request.
We look forward to your utmost cooperation in this matter. This will assist in isolating the military dictatorship that is now in effective control of government and in securing through coordinated international pressure (of which sporting isolation is an important part) the release of the democratically elected Government and its Prime Minister.
Your help in this direction will also help arrest Fiji's rapid slide into a racist political and constitutional disorder.
Please tell them that this request is actively supported by the Peoples' Coalition Government now being held hostage.
 

=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Separatists angered by treason charges against rebel leaders
Date: 6/23/00 5:58:03 PM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
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Indonesian Observer
Saturday, June 24 - 2000
Separatists angered by treason charges against rebel leaders

JAKARTA (IO) The Papua National Front has urged the Irian Jaya
Police to drop charges against the territorys separatist leaders
who have been accused of treason.

Chairman of the Front, Herman Wayoi, yesterday said he has asked
police to rescind the charges of attempted coup and subversion
leveled against the pro-independence leaders.

I demand the police abrogate all charges against Papuan leaders
because the political status of Papua is not within the Unitary
State of Indonesia, Wayoi was quoted as saying by Antara.

According to him, the fight for independence is the political right
of the Papuans, who were manipulated by the New Order regime under
former president Soeharto.

So there is no legal justification for the police to arrest and
examine Papuan leaders, because Irian Jaya is actually just a colony
of Indonesia, he said.

To set the history of the Papuan nation straight, there is a need
for dialogs with the House of Representatives (DPR) and Peoples
Consultative Assembly (MPR), he added. Wayoi threatened to take the
Papua issue to the United Nations if the DPR and MPR refuse to hold
such talks.

Irian Jaya Police are investigating six Papuan leaders in connection
with the Papua Peoples Congress.

The six are: Agustinus Alua (congress organizer), Reverend Herman
Awom (congress secretary), Thaha Alhamid (member of the steering
committee), Don Al Flassy (Papua Independence Committee), John
Mambor (leader of the Free Papua Movement), and Beatrix Koibur
(Papuan womens leader).

They are charged with an attempted coup, because they hoisted Papua
s Morning Star flag on December 1, 1999, and then held deliberations
on independence from February 23-26, and finally held the May
29-June 4 congress.

The suspects are being assisted by 31 lawyers from the Irian Jaya
Human Rights Advocacy Team, consisting of representatives from the
Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI), Legal Aid Institute (LBH),
Indonesian Advocates Association (IAI), Institute for the Study of
Human Rights (ELS-HAM), and individual lawyers from Irian Jaya and
Jakarta.



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Papua wants Jakarta to hand back rights
Date: 6/23/00 5:57:05 PM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
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Indonesian Observer
Saturday, June 24 - 2000
Papua wants Jakarta to hand back rights

JAKARTA A leading Irian Jaya (West Papua) separatist has urged
foreign companies to stop dealing with Jakarta and work directly
with the people of the resource-rich province instead.

Theys Eluay, chief of a tribal congress which declared the province
s split from Indonesia earlier this month, said in an interview the
government should stop managing the natural resources of Irian Jaya
and hand control back to locals.

I want the Indonesian government to stop meddling in the Freeport
mine.

They...the central and local government... have to stop talking on
behalf of the Papuans, he said.

The vast province on the western half of New Guinea island is rich
in natural resources, including one of the worlds largest copper
and gold mines, the Grasberg mine majority-owned by US-based
Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. The government and Rio Tinto
have stakes in PT Freeport Indonesia, Freeport McMoRans subsidiary.

Eluay, a former local legislator, also said foreign investors should
stop signing contracts with Jakarta and now deal directly with the
Papua Presidium, a recently established pro-independence council.
They have to negotiate only with the Papuans via this presidium.
Papuans are the lawful owners.

So do not deal with Indonesia, he said on Wednesday. Why should
Jakarta sign the contracts? Do Jakartans own the land? Jakarta only
wants to grab the fortune of the Papuans.

Along with the westernmost province of Aceh, Irian Jaya is home to
one of the strongest separatist movements in the diverse
archipelago. Many Papuans accuse Jakarta of plundering their natural
resources and brutally suppressing their rights for decades.

But many Indonesians, including the powerful military, fear granting
either Aceh or Irian Jaya independence could spark the break-up of
the worlds fourth most populous nation.

Independence
Irian Jaya was incorporated into Indonesia in 1963, after heavy
diplomatic pressure on the Netherlands, the former colonial ruler of
the Indonesian archipelago which held onto West Papua after it
handed over rule of the rest of the country.

In 1969, a UN-run vote among local leaders, including Eluay,
resulted in a vote to join Indonesia. But its legality and fairness
have been widely disputed. Eluay and other pro-independence leaders
argue the Dutch established a country of West Papua in 1961.

We have never been a part of Indonesia. Now we ask Indonesia ...
when will Indonesia return the independence back to Papuans? he
said. When will our rights be given back?

Irian Jaya Police have named Eluay a suspect for treason for his
separatist activities, especially his role in the June Papua People
s Congress which made him leader of the Papua Presidium.

He has twice defied police summonses for questioning, but said he
would turn up for questioning soon.

Eluay plans to meet President Abdurrahman Wahid soon to outline the
pro-independence movements demands and the results of the congress.

We want to report it to the president, no other. And tell him all
Papuans want independence.
Reuters



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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Papua Natl Front Demands A Stop To Papua Leaders Examination
Date: 6/23/00 5:57:15 PM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
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National News
Papua Natl Front Demands A Stop To Papua Leaders Examination
Friday, June 23, 2000/3:37:08 PM
Jayapura, Irian Jaya, June 23 (ANTARA)

The Papua National Front has urged the Irian Jaya Police to stop
examining and detaining Papuas political leaders, saying that Papua
s integration with Indonesia is unlawful.

Front chairman, Herman Wayoi, disclosed here Friday that he has
asked the police to abrogate the charges of coup attempt and
subversion levelled against pro-independence Papua leaders.

"I demand the police to abrogate all charges against Papua leaders
because the political status of Papua is not within the Unitary
State of Indonesia," Wayoi said.

According to him, the fight for independence is the political right
of the Papuans, who were manipulated by the New Order regime under
former president Soeharto.

"So, there is no legal justification for the police to arrest and
examine Papua leaders, because Irian Jaya (or Papua) is actually
just a colony of Indonesia," he said.

To set the history of the Papuan nation aright, according to Wayoi,
there is a real need for dialogs with Indonesias House of
Representatives (DPR) and Peoples Consultative Assembly (MPR).

He threatened to take the Papua issue to the United Nations if the
House and the Assembly refused to carry out the dialogs.

The charges
The Irian Jaya police are examining six Papua leaders in connection
with the holding of the Papua National Congress early in June, which
winded up with a declaration that Papua is no longer a part of
Indonesia.

The six Papua leaders under police examination are Agustinus Alua
(congress organizer), Rev Herman Awom (congress secretary), Thaha
Alhamid (member of the steering committee), Don Al Flassy (Papua
Independent Committee), John Mambor (leader of the Free Papua
Movement), and Beatrix Koibur (Papua womens leader).

The Papuan leaders were charged with coup attempt, as attested to in
their activities in the hoisting of Papuas morning-star flag on Dec
1, 1999, the Papua deliberation last Feb 23-26, and the Papua
National Congress on May 29-June 4.

They are being assisted by 31 lawyers from the Irian Jaya Human
Rights Advocacy Team, consisting of representatives from the
Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI), Legal Aid Institute - Irian
Jaya (LBH), Indonesian Advocates Association (IAI), Institute for
the Study of Human Rights (ELS-HAM), and individual lawyers from
Irian Jaya as well as Jakarta.

The deadline
Meanwhile, chairman of the Papua Council Presidium, Theys Hiyo
Eluay, has failed to fulfill the Irian Jaya Polices summonses
because he is busy in Jakarta.

Theys maintained that the summonses have nothing to do with the
congress, which he claimed was approved by President Abdurrahman
Wahid.

According to Wayoi, the Front will fight shoulder-to-shoulder with
the Papua Council Presidium in the pursuit of the aspiration for
independence.

The Papua National Congress has set Dec 1, 2000 as the deadline for
the final decision whether Irian Jaya will remain integrated with
Indonesia or declare it as a separate and sovereign state.



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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Human Rights Watch report on Papua (fwd)
Date: 6/23/00 5:57:34 PM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 23 Jun 2000 12:36:49 -0400
From: Charles Scheiner
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org
Subject: Human Rights Watch report on Papua

The recent HRW report on Papua,
"HUMAN RIGHTS AND PRO-INDEPENDENCE ACTIONS IN
PAPUA, 1999-2000" is available on the web at
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/papua/

The Table of Contents and Summary of the report
follow:

May 2000 Vol. 12, No. 2 (C)
INDONESIA
HUMAN RIGHTS AND PRO-INDEPENDENCE ACTIONS IN PAPUA, 1999-2000
I. SUMMARY
II. RECOMMENDATIONS
III. BACKGROUND
IV. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE NATIONAL DIALOGUE ON IRIAN JAYA
V. CRACKDOWN FOLLOWING THE OPENING OF THE NATIONAL DIALOGUE
VI. RIGHTS VIOLATIONS FOLLOWING FLAG-RAISINGS IN SORONG AND GENYEM
Genyem
Sorong, July 5, 1999
Sorong, September 9
VII. PUBLIC MOBILIZATION AGAINST DIVISION OF THE PROVINCE
VIII. DECEMBER 1 FLAG-RAISINGS AND THE CLASH IN TIMIKA
The Clash in Timika
APPENDICES

I. SUMMARY

In December 1999, Indonesia's new President, Abdurrahman Wahid, announced
that he would watch the first sunrise of the new century from the
easternmost province of Irian Jaya. It was an unusual choice-the province,
roughly the size of France, has a population under two million in a country
of over two hundred million, and its capital, Jayapura, is some 3,500
kilometers (2,100 miles) from the Indonesian capital, Jakarta-but Wahid's
announcement was clearly intended to signal a major change of policy after
more than thirty years of authoritarian rule. At a ceremony at an army base
near Jayapura on January 1, 2000, Wahid declared that the province would
from that day forward be called "Papua," an important gesture of
reconciliation toward the indigenous population of the province, who call
themselves "orang Papua" (Papuan people). For decades, the name had been all
but taboo as the embodiment of forbidden aspirations to political and
cultural autonomy.1

Since coming to power in October 1999, the Wahid government has introduced
significant reforms in Papua in the face of widespread demands for
independence. In addition to the name change, which has yet to be officially
endorsed by Indonesia's parliament, the government has declared that
peaceful expression of pro-independence sentiment will no longer be punished
as it had been in former years, and it released over sixty Papuans from jail
as part of a nationwide amnesty for political prisoners. The government's
actions, however, have not been consistent and abuses have continued. While
it has permitted a number of peaceful demonstrations, which usually take the
form of symbolic raising of the "Morning Star" flag signifying an
independent Papua, other such rallies have been forcibly dispersed by police
with resulting injuries to demonstrators. Likewise, even as Indonesia's
Minister for Law and Legislation announced on December 13, 1999, that all
Papuan political prisoners would be released, five men involved in a
peaceful flag-raising which had taken place in the town Genyem on July 1,
1999, were charged with rebellion by a state prosecutor in Jayapura.
Although those charges subsequently were dropped, at the time this report
was being prepared authorities were continuing investigations into a series
of peaceful flag-raising ceremonies held throughout the province on December
1, 1999 and nine people already had been named as suspects.

Human Rights Watch takes no position on Papuan claims to self-determination,
but it supports the right of all individuals, including independence
supporters, to express their political views peacefully without fear of
arrest or other forms of reprisal. To the extent individuals are arrested
and imprisoned for peaceful participation in symbolic flag-raising
ceremonies, such treatment constitutes arbitrary arrest and detention in
violation of international standards. According to the U.N. Working Group on
Arbitrary Detention, which visited Indonesia in February 1999, the majority
of individuals then facing charges in connection with flag-raising
ceremonies in Irian Jaya were being held for peaceful expression of their
views and, as such, their detention was arbitrary and in violation of
international law. Under the new administration, the number of cases is
down, but Indonesia has continued to prosecute organizers of peaceful
protests.

Papua, Indonesia's largest province, comprising more than one-fifth of the
country's total land area, was first put under Indonesian control in 1963.
It was formally incorporated into Indonesia in 1969 in a still
controversial, U.N.-approved process. For many years, the province was
categorized as a military combat zone (Daerah Operasi Militer or DOM;
literally, Military Operations Area) and under an effective state of martial
law, ostensibly because of the threat posed by the Free Papua Movement
(Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM), an armed group engaged in a generally low
level guerrilla campaign for independence from Indonesian rule. At the same
time, many Papuans sought to express their support for independence through
peaceful means, notably the symbolic public raising of the "Morning Star"
flag which had first been flown openly when local people sought to free the
territory from Dutch colonial rule in 1961.

Under Soeharto, who ruled Indonesia for thirty years until forced to resign
by popular protests in 1998, such flag-raising ceremonies and other
pro-independence manifestations were ruthlessly suppressed. Demonstrators
were forcibly dispersed and assaulted, and leading activists were subjected
to arbitrary arrest and detention. Such activists frequentlywere prosecuted
and imprisoned under harsh laws dealing with subversion and rebellion, as
well as the notorious "hate sowing" articles of the Indonesian penal code.

Indigenous Papuans, who are Melanesians and darker-skinned than the
numerically and politically dominant Javanese and members of most other
ethnic groups in Indonesia, were also subject to ethnic and racial
discrimination. While Indonesian rule brought unprecedented economic
development, it also resulted in an influx of immigrants from other parts of
Indonesia and caused resentment among Papuans as the benefits went
disproportionately to foreign investors and these immigrants.When Soeharto
was forced from power in May 1998, many of these long repressed sentiments
could be made public for the first time.

When he took over following Soeharto's resignation, President B.J. Habibie
initially made efforts to recognize and apologize for the human rights
violations committed under his predecessor. But the new administration's
willingness to acknowledge past abuses in general terms was not accompanied
by concrete measures to establish justice or redress for the victims. In the
meantime, demands for independence mounted.

The strength of pro-independence sentiment was unmistakable as early as
February 1999, when 100 leading Papuan leaders met with President Habibie to
initiate what was being hailed as a "National Dialogue" on Papuan concerns.
But the leaders presented President Habibie with a single demand:
independence. This clearly shocked and displeased the Habibie government,
which had encouraged the National Dialogue up to then, and the process was
soon suspended. In April 1999, the government reverted to the methods used
during the Soeharto era, attempting to round up independence supporters and
censor discussion of the subject. The crackdown included bans on expression,
assembly, and association, arbitrary arrests, and widespread intimidation of
independence supporters. With nationwide demands for democratization still
mounting across Indonesia, however, opposition voices could not easily be
silenced. The result was an uncertain atmosphere in which, even as the
crackdown was underway, Papuan leaders continued to assert their right to
advocate Papuan independence. In July and September 1999, at least four
demonstrators were seriously injured, one of whom subsequently died in
custody, and thirty-two were arrested after police moved in to disperse what
had intially been peaceful flag-raising ceremonies.

In October 1999, following democratic elections, a new government took
office in Indonesia under President Abdurrahman Wahid, and promptly
initiated a number of reforms. Openly acknowledging the errors of the past,
the new administration moved quickly to allow greater freedom and to permit
the open expression of pro-independence views. Peaceful Papuan
flag-raisings, which had been broken up under Soeharto and Habibie, were now
permitted and were held without police interference in at least a dozen
places in Papua on December 1, 1999. The next day, however, there was a
violent clash between police and demonstrators at a flag-raising in Timika
in which six people were shot by police and dozens were injured. When he met
local community leaders at Jayapura on December 31, President Wahid assured
them that flag-raisings and other peaceful expression of pro-independence
views should and would be considered protected acts of free speech. At the
same time, Wahid stated unambiguously that the Indonesian government was not
prepared to accede to Papuan demands for independence.

During a visit to Irian Jaya in December, 1999, Indonesia's new minister for
human rights, Hasballah Saad, acknowledged the link between the past lack of
accountability for human rights abuses suffered by Papuans and the growth of
the separatist movement within the territory, and announced that a new
center for human rights study and advocacy would be established in Irian
Jaya. "If human rights are not respected . . . that could in turn provoke
people to ask what maintaining the unity of the Republic is for," Saad was
quoted as saying. "This circumstance could in turn encourage people to fight
for an independent state."2

This report details violations of civil and political rights in Papua from
the beginning of 1999, including those associated with the National Dialogue
and subsequent symbolic flag-raising ceremonies. At the outset, it provides
an overview of independence demands, then describes the rise and fall of the
National Dialogue and the crackdown that followed. It also reviews
developments since President Abdurrahman Wahid came to power in October 1999.

As this report was being prepared, Human Rights Watch learned of disturbing
developments in Merauke and Nabire in which groups of armed Papuan
neighborhood patrols (Satgas Papua) clashed with police and troops, an
incident in Fak Fak in which villagers clashed with the entourage of a local
government official, and communal violence in Entrop, near Jayapura, in
which a Papuan mob attacked non-Papuan shopkeepers. There were also reports
that, in response, non-Papuan transmigrant residents in the province were
being provided with firearms by government officials, and that, in at least
one district, an East Timor-style pro-government militia was being set up.
These reports, if true, make it all the more imperative that respect for
basic civil and political rights and strict implementation of the
distinction between peaceful advocacy and violent criminal acts be made
components of any long-term solution in Papua. Although the Indonesian
government has recognized such rights in principle, it has not yet
consistently respected those rights in practice.

1 The names "Papua" and "Irian Jaya" are used interchangeably in this report
to refer to the province.

2 "Rights abuses fed separatism in Irian Jaya," Jakarta Post, December 10,
1999; "Indonesia proposes rights center in Irian Jaya," Radio Australia,
December 9, 1999.
***********************************************************
Charles Scheiner
National Coordinator, East Timor Action Network/US
P.O. Box 1182, White Plains, New York 10602 USA
Telephone:1-914-428-7299; fax:1-914-428-7383 cell:1-914-720-9205
charlie@etan.org PGP key available on request.
Check out ETAN's web site: http://www.etan.org
For information on East Timor write info@etan.org



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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=======================================================

Subj: WPapua leader tells foreign companies not to deal with RI
Date: 6/22/00 9:13:06 AM Central Daylight Time
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (TAPOL)
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

INTERVIEW-Irian wants Jakarta to hand back rights

By Achmad Sukarsono

JAKARTA, June 22 (Reuters) - A leading Irian Jaya separatist has urged
foreign companies to stop dealing with Jakarta and work directly with the
people of the resource-rich province instead.

Theys Eluay, chief of a tribal congress which declared the province's split
from Indonesia this month, said in an interview the Indonesian government
should stop managing the natural resources of Irian Jaya and hand control
back to the locals.

``I want the Indonesian government to stop meddling in the Freeport mine.
They..the central and local government... have to stop talking on behalf of
the Papuans,'' he said.

The vast province on the western half of New Guinea island is rich in natural
resources, including one of the world's largest copper and gold mines, the
Grasberg mine majority-owned by U.S based Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc
(FCX.

The Indonesian government and Rio Tinto have stakes in PT Freeport Indonesia,
Freeport McMoRan's subsidiary.

Eluay, a former local legislator, also told Reuters foreign investors should
stop signing contracts with Jakarta and now deal directly with the Papua
Presidium, a recently established pro-independence council.

``They have to negotiate only with the Papuans via this presidium. Papuans
are the lawful owners. So do not deal with Indonesia,'' he said on Wednesday.

``Why should Jakarta sign the contracts? Do Jakartans own the land? Jakarta
only wants to grab the fortune of the Papuans.''

Along with the westernmost province of Aceh, Irian Jaya -- also known as
Papua -- is home to one of the strongest separatist movements in the diverse
archipelago.

Many Papuans accuse Jakarta of plundering their natural resources and
brutally suppressing their rights for decades.

But many Indonesians, including the powerful military, fear granting either
Aceh or Irian Jaya independence could spark the break-up of the world's
fourth most populous nation.

ELUAY WANTS INDEPENDENCE

Irian Jaya was incorporated into Indonesia in 1963 under controversial
circumstances, after heavy diplomatic pressure on the Netherlands, the former
colonial ruler of the Indonesian archipelago which held on to Irian Jaya
after it handed over rule of the rest of the country.

In 1969, a U.N.-run vote among local leaders, including Eluay, resulted in a
vote to join Indonesia. But its legality and fairness have been widely
disputed.

Eluay and many other pro-independence leaders argue the Dutch actually
established a country of West Papua in 1961.

``We have never been a part of Indonesia. Now we ask Indonesia ...When will
Indonesia return the independence back to Papuans,'' he said. ``When will our
rights be given back.''

The Irian Jaya police have named Eluay a suspect for treason for his
separatist activities, especially his role in the June Papua People's
Congress which made him leader of the Papua Presidium.

He has twice defied police summonses for questioning, but said he would turn
up for questioning this week.

Eluay plans to meet President Abdurrahman Wahid soon to outline the
pro-independence movement's demands and the results of the congress.

``We want to report it to the president, no other. And tell him all Papuans
want independence.''

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath,
Surrey CR7 8HW, UK
Phone: 020 8771-2904 Fax: 020 8653-0322
email: tapol@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Campaigning to expose human rights violations in
Indonesia, West Papua and Aceh

26 years - and still going strong
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Illegal polling in Biak - Military suspected
Date: 6/22/00 2:50:33 PM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
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Jakarta Post
June 23, 2000
National news


'Illegal' polling on Irian's fate underway

JAYAPURA, Irian Jaya (JP): Biak Military chief Lt. Col. Bayu Purwiyono
confirmed on Thursday reports that residents of at least 10 villages in
the regency had been asked to respond to a poll checking their attitude
toward a campaign to set up an independent state in the province.

The officer said people in the districts of West Biak, West Numfor and
East Numfor received the forms from certain people, who claimed to be
carrying out a government-sanctioned survey.

Bayu denied the military's involvement in the polling. "I never ordered
the distribution of any such questionnaires. And I do not know from where
they came," he added.

Oschar Kabarek, head of West Biak district, alleged that some military
personnel were involved in distributing the forms to the Papuans. The
polling has been conducted since the day after the Papuan Congress agreed
on June 4 to the separation of Irian Jaya from Indonesia.

According to Oschar, the respondents are asked to reply whether they
choose a special autonomy for the province or to become an independent
state.

"I have informed the West Biak Military chief about the polling, and he
promised to withdraw the forms quickly from the villages," Oschar told The
Jakarta Post by phone.

Leo Wamafma, a Protestant church leader, and Izhak B. Wamafma, chief of
Wansra village in West Numfor, claimed to see on June 11 a soldier visit
the village and ask the people to fill out the forms.

During the door-to-door survey, the soldier told the villagers to
participate in the state polling, said Leo.

"Some of the villagers accepted the forms while many just returned the
empty forms," said Izhak.

Ottis Alber Msen, a member of the Biak legislative council, deplored the
polling because it could provoke new unrest in the territory.

"The purpose of the polling is just to create chaos," said Ottis. (eba)



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
NOTE: "All items are posted for their news/information content. They are
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=======================================================

Subj: A general lesson for Government
Date: 6/22/00 9:47:46 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org

from AWPA

Australian 23/6/00

A general lesson for Government
By Foreign editor GREG SHERIDAN

MAJOR-GENERAL Peter Cosgrove is a big, big media star whose primary
dangers now lie in the bureaucratic and political jealousy he has
aroused, and in the temptation for big headedness that the wave of media
adulation, following his successful leadership of Interfet in East
Timor, must have induced in him.

Nonetheless, his Larry Adler lecture this week to the Sydney Institute
was masterful, both in style and substance. If the Government were
generally this coherent in foreign policy, things would be a lot better
than they are. Most of the attention from the speech focused on a moving
anecdote about judgment under pressure shown by a 22-year-old Australian
soldier.

But Cosgrove's real import lay in his remarks on Indonesia, especially
on the value of Australia's past military engagement with Indonesia. One
part of the Howard Government's serious mismanagement of the Indonesia
and East Timor relationships was to paint our necessary troop deployment
as a total repudiation of past Australian policy, which it characterised
as subservient and sycophantic towards Indonesia and frantic in its
obsession with Asia in general. It would have been much better to
present it as a continuation of our commitment to deep regional
engagement.

No part of our previous relationship with Indonesia has been subject to
more wholesale repudiation than the military-to-military relationship.
>From the Australian point of view this process had several purposes.
One was to attempt to influence the way the Indonesian military
developed, one was to have a purchase on a key institution in the
Indonesian government, one was to gain crucial knowledge, another to
avoid any military tension arising out of misunderstanding ? all
sensible and worthy goals.

Cosgrove has added another vital dimension to the debate by saying, in
effect, that this relationship probably saved lives in East Timor.
Cosgrove's words are worth quoting at length: "I would like to emphasise
that the mission in East Timor was accomplished with the co-operation of
the Indonesian armed forces not, as has been wrongly described by some
commentators, [despite] them or in opposition to them.

"My Indonesian counterpart in East Timor, Major-General Kiki Syahnakri,
worked very hard
during the first critical weeks after Interfet arrived in Dili to
evacuate disobedient Indonesian and East Timorese military personnel who
had misbehaved in East Timor. "One of my battalion commanders knew the
Indonesian garrison commander in Dili, having exercised in Indonesia
with his unit the year before. Many Australian officers in Interfet were
able to establish co-operative relations with Indonesian counterparts in
East Timor because they had either trained in Indonesia, learned Bahasa
or had hosted Indonesian personnel who had trained in Australia."

COSGROVE then moved to the critical judgment: "The Australian Defence
Force's engagement
with the Indonesian armed forces over the past decades did have a
pay-off in East Timor. There was a shared understanding by General
Syahnakri and the Indonesian commanders of those units deployed with him
just before Interfet arrived that it was in everyone's interests to
stabilise East Timor, to get miscreant elements out and to restore
public safety. Like Australia, all of the regional contributors to
Interfet saw the mission as one to help the Indonesian government sort
out a dangerous internal situation . . . We all co-operated in common
purpose. We were helped by knowing each other and having gained respect
for each other through past regional military engagement."

These are important and powerful words by Cosgrove, who has done the
nation a service by putting his moral authority behind both the past and
the future policies of engaging Indonesia, including the Indonesian
military. This is especially so because of the critical period we are
entering. The breakdown of order in the Melanesian world is leading to
the emergence of broken-backed micro-states, within land-based air power
range of Australia, so badly run that they could not even deny their
territory to someone else, and which inevitably end up as de facto aid
dependencies of Australia's.

Further, our whole long-term relationship with Indonesia is up for
grabs, as is Indonesia's future itself. Elite opinion in Jakarta is
firmly of the view that Australia wants to help dismantle at least the
eastern part of Indonesia. This is not true. Both the Coalition
Government and the Opposition support Indonesia's territorial integrity.
No one in mainstream Australian politics supports independence for West
Papua. The predominant strategic view in Canberra is that the emergence
of more non-viable micro-states would be bad in itself, bad for
Australia and fatal for the Australia-Indonesia relationship.
But our message on all this has been immensely confused. Members of the
Government would do well to enrol in the Cosgrove school of
communications and diplomacy.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
------------------------------------------------------------------------

--------------------


from AWPA

Australian 23/6/00

A general lesson for Government

By Foreign editor GREG SHERIDAN
MAJOR-GENERAL Peter Cosgrove is a big, big media star whose primarydangers now lie in the bureaucratic and political jealousy he has aroused,and in the temptation for big headedness that the wave of media adulation,following his successful leadership of Interfet in East Timor, must haveinduced in him.
Nonetheless, his Larry Adler lecture this week to the Sydney Institutewas masterful, both in style and substance. If the Government were generallythis coherent in foreign policy, things would be a lot better than theyare. Most of the attention from the speech focused on a moving anecdoteabout judgment under pressure shown by a 22-year-old Australian soldier.
But Cosgrove's real import lay in his remarks on Indonesia, especiallyon the value of Australia's past military engagement with Indonesia. Onepart of the Howard Government's serious mismanagement of the Indonesiaand East Timor relationships was to paint our necessary troop deploymentas a total repudiation of past Australian policy, which it characterisedas subservient and sycophantic towards Indonesia and frantic in its obsessionwith Asia in general. It would have been much better to present it as acontinuation of our commitment to deep regional engagement.
No part of our previous relationship with Indonesia has been subjectto more wholesale repudiation than the military-to-military relationship.>From the Australian point of view this process had several purposes. Onewas to attempt to influence the way the Indonesian military developed,one was to have a purchase on a key institution in the Indonesian government,one was to gain crucial knowledge, another to avoid any military tensionarising out of misunderstanding ? all sensible and worthy goals.
Cosgrove has added another vital dimension to the debate by saying,in effect, that this relationship probably saved lives in East Timor. Cosgrove'swords are worth quoting at length: "I would like to emphasise that themission in East Timor was accomplished with the co-operation of the Indonesianarmed forces not, as has been wrongly described by some commentators, [despite]them or in opposition to them.
"My Indonesian counterpart in East Timor, Major-General Kiki Syahnakri,worked very hard
 during the first critical weeks after Interfet arrived in Dilito evacuate disobedient Indonesian and East Timorese military personnelwho had misbehaved in East Timor. "One of my battalion commanders knewthe Indonesian garrison commander in Dili, having exercised in Indonesiawith his unit the year before. Many Australian officers in Interfet wereable to establish co-operative relations with Indonesian counterparts inEast Timor because they had either trained in Indonesia, learned Bahasaor had hosted Indonesian personnel who had trained in Australia."
COSGROVE then moved to the critical judgment: "The Australian DefenceForce's engagement
with the Indonesian armed forces over the past decades did have a pay-offin East Timor. There was a shared understanding by General Syahnakri andthe Indonesian commanders of those units deployed with him just beforeInterfet arrived that it was in everyone's interests to stabilise EastTimor, to get miscreant elements out and to restore public safety. LikeAustralia, all of the regional contributors to Interfet saw the missionas one to help the Indonesian government sort out a dangerous internalsituation . . . We all co-operated in common purpose. We were helped byknowing each other and having gained respect for each other through pastregional military engagement."
These are important and powerful words by Cosgrove, who has done thenation a service by putting his moral authority behind both the past andthe future policies of engaging Indonesia, including the Indonesian military.This is especially so because of the critical period we are entering. Thebreakdown of order in the Melanesian world is leading to the emergenceof broken-backed micro-states, within land-based air power range of Australia,so badly run that they could not even deny their territory to someone else,and which inevitably end up as de facto aid dependencies of Australia's.
Further, our whole long-term relationship with Indonesia is up for grabs,as is Indonesia's future itself. Elite opinion in Jakarta is firmly ofthe view that Australia wants to help dismantle at least the eastern partof Indonesia. This is not true. Both the Coalition Government and the Oppositionsupport Indonesia's territorial integrity. No one in mainstream Australianpolitics supports independence for West Papua. The predominant strategicview in Canberra is that the emergence of more non-viable micro-stateswould be bad in itself, bad for Australia and fatal for the Australia-Indonesiarelationship.
But our message on all this has been immensely confused. Members ofthe Government would do well to enrol in the Cosgrove school of communicationsand diplomacy.



Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000



=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] 2 articles: Irian Jaya congress organisers suspected of treason/8 named
Date: 6/21/00 12:23:26 AM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
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Tuesday, June 20 11:19 AM SGT
Irian Jaya congress organisers suspected of treason
JAKARTA, June 20 (AFP)

Five civic leaders who organized a landmark congress that called on
Jakarta to recognise the independence of the Indonesian province of
Irian Jaya, face possible life imprisonment for suspected treason, a
press report said Tuesday.

The five were questioned by police in the Irian Jaya capital of
Jayapura on Monday over their involvement in the week-long Papuan
National Congress which called for the province's independence, the
state Antara news agency said.

Under Indonesian law, fomenting separatism is a crime that carries a
maximum punishment of a life sentence.

The congress ended in Jayapura on June 4 with a resolution
reaffirming that West Papua -- the term the congress used for Irian
Jaya -- has been independent since December 1961, and called on the
Jakarta to recognize its sovereignty.

The five were Agustinus Alua, head of the organizing committee,
Herman Awom, the congress' secretary, Thaha Al-Hamid, chief of the
congress' steering committee, Don Al Flassy, head of the Papuan
Independent Committee and Joh Mambor, a former political prisoner.

"My clients came to the police headquarters and were questioned
separately from 9.00 a.m. to 1.00 p.m. on the Papuan Congress of
February 23-26 and the Papuan National Congress of May 29 - June 4,"
the lawyer for the five, Demianus Wakman, said.

The February congress was a meeting of the Papua Presidium which
resulted in the decision to hold the National Congress in May and
June.

With the exception of Al-Hamid, the four others had already ignored
a first police summons for questioning last week.

A sixth suspect, Theys Hiyo Eluay, who heads the Papua Presidium,
did not come for questioning as he was in East Java.

Antara said that the five men questioned were suspected of treason
for advocating separatism through their role in organizing the
congress.

Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid had initially supported the
holding of the conference and helped fund it.

But he cancelled plans to open it at the last minute and later
dimissed the meeting as illegitimate, saying that it had failed to
represent the entire spectrum of society in Irian Jaya.

Calls have since mounted in Jakarta for the government to take a
firmer stance against separatists in regions such as Irian Jaya, and
Aceh, another province where there is strong pressure for self-rule.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Indonesian Observer
Wednesday, June 21 - 2000
Eight Papuans named suspects

JAKARTA (IO) Police have named eight organizers of the Papuan
Peoples Congress as suspects of treason for their attempts to have
Irian Jaya (West Papua) secede.

The eight figures include Theys Eluay, chairman of the Papua
Presidium, which held the May 29-June 4 Papuan Peoples Congress,
Satunet.com reported.

Irian Jaya Police Chief Brigadier General S.Y. Wenas told the press
after meeting with Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri that the
police have interrogated all the suspects and some could be sent to
court.

The Papuan Peoples Congress ended with a resolution claiming the
integration of West Papua into Indonesia in the 1960s was invalid
therefore the international community must support the independence
movement.

President Abdurrahman Wahid did not recognize the results of the
congress, but rejected a militaristic approach in overcoming the
separatist moves. The government has also refused to say the
congress organizers committed treason.

The National Defense Forces (TNI) chief has said that he would obey
the governments policy on Irian Jaya, but warned the Papuan
Congress organizers against making further separatist moves.

Wenas said that the police have interrogated Theys, who is chairman
of the Papua Presidium, the organizing committee of the Papua People
Congress, four times. We have drafted dossiers from the
interrogation and some of the dossiers have been submitted to
court.

Wenas said the congress had violated an agreement with the
government in which foreign groups were not to allowed to attend.
The government donated Rp3 billion to the congress implementation.

He said that apart from continuing the legal process against the
eight Papuan figures, the police have also approached other Papuan
figures so that they will not provide support to the separatist
movement.

Wenas also said the police, in cooperation with other security
officers, were able to maintain security in Irian Jaya. He said that
the people had promised that they will not make trouble as long as
the security forces were not repressive against them.

He denied the political elite in Jakarta were involved in the Papuan
Congress as well as in creating insecure conditions in Irian Jaya.



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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Freeport eyes more community aid
Date: 6/21/00 12:23:32 AM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
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Indonesian Observer
Wednesday, June 21 - 2000
Freeport eyes more community aid

BANDUNG Mining company PT Freeport Indonesia plans to increase
contributions to the local community in remote Irian Jaya province,
says Mines and Energy Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Proposals have been conveyed to the government which are quite
significant...in terms of funding and range of community development
projects. We are still negotiating, he told Reuters in an interview
on Monday.

Freeport Indonesia, which has long been criticized by local
activists for harming the environment and not doing enough to
support the Irianese, is majority owned by US-based Freeport McMoRan
Copper & Gold Inc.

The Indonesian government also holds a stake in PT Freeport.

Yudhoyono said Freeport would set aside one percent of the firms
gross revenue for community development during the life of its giant
copper and gold mining operation in a province where many people
still practice stone-age lifestyles.

This would amount to some US$15 million each year, said Yudhoyono,
speaking in the West Java town of Bandung.

Freeport already provides one percent of its gross revenue for
community development, but such funding would expire in several
years under an earlier agreement, Yudhoyono said.

Other funding proposals involved land reclamation, improving the
environment, building a technology institute and a center dedicated
to human rights, Yudhoyono said.

As a minister I encourage community development in accordance with
peoples aspirations, he added.

Last month, about 200 people from the remote eastern province
rallied outside Freeports central Jakarta office, demanding the
company set aside two percent of its revenue for community
development and education, instead of one percent.

A Freeport executive confirmed the proposals had been submitted to
the government, but declined to give details. Freeport, which
employs 16,000 people, says it has been assisting Indonesias
development.

Yudhoyono also brushed aside suggestions from non-governmental
organisations that the mine be shut.

For the government, we cannot quickly take decisions to close
businesses in this country...We have to look at the business climate
and the fate of thousands of workers, he said.

Yudhoyono said Freeport had also come up with a proposal to repair
and strengthen the companys Lake Wanagon waste dump.

On May 4 a landslide of waste from the mine triggered flooding down
an adjacent valley, killing four workers. I told them (Freeport)
the plan was logical, but I asked related parties, including mines
and energy officials in cooperation with several universities, to
vet the technology, said Yudhoyono, who visited the Freeport mining
site last week.

Freeport has agreed to temporarily limit production at its Grasberg
copper and gold mine to an average of 200,000 tons of ore per day
since the accident.

The Grasberg mine is home to the one of the worlds largest deposits
of gold and copper.
-- Reuters






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=======================================================

Subj: Eight Papuans named suspects
Date: 6/21/00 2:35:01 AM Central Daylight Time
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (TAPOL)
To: tapol@gn.apc.org
CC: mallison@amnesty.org

>From AWPA

Indonesian Observer 21/6/00
Eight Papuans named suspects

JAKARTA (IO) — Police have named eight organizers of the Papuan People’s
Congress as suspects of treason for their attempts to have Irian Jaya (West
Papua) secede. The eight figures include Theys Eluay, chairman of the Papua
Presidium, which held the May 29-June 4 Papuan People’s Congress, Satunet.com
reported.

Irian Jaya Police Chief Brigadier General S.Y. Wenas told the press after
meeting with Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri that the police have
interrogated all the suspects and some could be sent to court. The Papuan
People’s Congress ended with a resolution claiming the integration of West
Papua into Indonesia in the 1960s was invalid therefore the international
community must support the independence movement.

President Abdurrahman Wahid did not recognize the results of the congress, but
rejected a militaristic approach in overcoming the separatist moves. The
government has also refused to say the congress organizers committed treason.
The National Defense Forces (TNI) chief has said that he would obey the
government’s policy on Irian Jaya, but warned the Papuan Congress organizers
against making further separatist moves.

Wenas said that the police have interrogated Theys, who is chairman of the
Papua Presidium, the organizing committee of the Papua People Congress, four
times. "We have drafted dossiers from the interrogation and some of the
dossiers have been submitted to court." Wenas said the congress had
violated an
agreement with the government in which foreign groups were not to allowed to
attend. The government donated Rp3 billion to the congress’ implementation.

He said that apart from continuing the legal process against the eight Papuan
figures, the police have also approached other Papuan figures so that they
will
not provide support to the separatist movement. Wenas also said the police, in
cooperation with other security officers, were able to maintain security in
Irian Jaya. He said that the people had promised that they will not make
trouble as long as the security forces were not repressive against them. He
denied the political elite in Jakarta were involved in the Papuan Congress as
well as in creating insecure conditions in Irian Jaya.

----------

Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000

----------





+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath,
Surrey CR7 8HW, UK
Phone: 020 8771-2904 Fax: 020 8653-0322
email: tapol@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Campaigning to expose human rights violations in
Indonesia, West Papua and Aceh

26 years - and still going strong
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++


=======================================================

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