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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Legislators Deny Receiving Bribes From Freeport
Date: 3/22/00 11:06:57 AM Central Standard Time
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National News
Legislators Deny Receiving Bribes From Freeport
Tuesday, March 21, 2000/12:25:26 AM
Jakarta, March 21 (ANTARA)

A member of the House Commission VIII for mining and energy denied
rumours that each member of the commission had received bribes
totalling Rp900 million from PT Freeport Indonesia in return for its
decision to suspend a hearing with the copper and gold mining
company indefinitely.

"It is not true. If it is true, could you give me proof," Chief of
the House Commission VIII Irwan Prayitno told reporters on the
sidelines of a hearing with PT Newmonth Pasific Nusantara.

Rumours had earlier said members of the House Commission VIII had
received money amounting to Rp900 each from PT Freeport following
the company`s success in lobbying them to suspend the hearing.

PT Freeport was reportedly afraid to hold the hearing before members
of the House Commission VIII visited the giant gold and copper
mining company in Indonesia`s easternmost province of Irian Jaya on
April 9-10.

The House Commission had earlier held a hearing with the Econit
Advisory Group on PT Freeport`s activities.

The allegation said during the two-day visit, Freeport would only
show the legislators the evidence on the company`s good management
and handling of its tailings.

Responding to the allegation, deputy chairman of the House
Commission VIII Antonious Rahail said during the working visit to PT
Freeport, his side would make an impromptu inspection without having
to inform the company first.


KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com

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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [wpapua] ICRC's role in May 96 hostage rescue
Date: 3/22/00 1:27:38 PM Central Standard Time
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[This document, received from the ICRC Geneva, is undated, but its contents
were first made public on or about 15 March 2000. TAPOL]

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS OF THE INVESTIGATION
INTO THE EVENTS OF 9 MAY 1996 IN WESTERN PAPUA,

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Job Posting (x 1)
Date: 4/20/00 2:23:15 PM Central Daylight Time
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Position: Admin assistant

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[Extract:

d) Who were the armed Westerners on board the white helicopter?

Only a serious and transparent investigation by the relevant government
authorities would enable a reliable reply to be made to this question.
There are three possibilities: members of the British special forces (who
some accounts indicate were present in the area); mercenaries from
Executive Outcomes or Sandline; or Indonesian personnel of European
extraction. It is nevertheless certain that Western advisers, including Mr
Ivor Helberg, helped the Indonesian armed forces prepare the operation.]



1. MANDATE

Following the broadcast of Blood on the Cross, by Mark Davis, on
Australia's ABC network and the Swiss French-language network TSR, the
International Committee of the Red Cross announced publicly that it would
appoint an individual outside the organization to draw up a report as to
the veracity of the allegations made in the documentary and any
responsibility on the part of the delegates involved in its activities in
Western Papua. The ICRC appointed Mr Piotr Obuchowicz, who is very
familiar with the organization and the way it works.

Mark Davis largely based his documentary on the findings of the report
drawn up by Irian Jaya's Institute for Policy and Human Rights Advocacy
("ELSHAM") and published in August 1999. The report asked the ICRC to look
into the events that occurred in Western Papua in May 1996.

Mr Obuchowicz began his investigation on 25 October 1999. It required
travel to a number of places (including Jakarta and Western Papua itself)
and led him to meet directly and on the spot the various individuals
concerned and to analyse the allegations made against the ICRC.

Mr Obuchowicz spoke with many people ? including ICRC delegates ? who were
present in Indonesia in 1996, former hostages of Kelly Kwalik, armed forces
personnel, staff of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Indonesian
human rights activists, ELSHAM representatives in Jayapura, representatives
of the Papuan Amungme et N'duga tribes, and both British and Netherlands
diplomats. The vast majority of the individuals approached co-operated with
the investigation. However, the Indonesian, British and Netherlands
authorities declined to take an official position on the matter. Nor was it
possible to meet Kelly Kwalik, General Prabowo Subianto, who had been
responsible for security operations in Western Papua at the time, or Mr
Ivor Helberg, the British military attaché who was present in Western Papua
during the hostage crisis.


2. IS THERE ANY TRUTH TO THE ALLEGATIONS ?

The investigation made it possible to look into the facts of the case and
to assess the accounts gathered regarding the accusations levelled in the
ELSHAM report and the Davis documentary.


a) Did ICRC delegate Sylviane Bonadei take part in the military operation
of 9 May 1996 ?

A detailed investigation into Ms Bonadei's whereabouts on 9 May shows it to
be impossible that she could have been in Kenyam when the military
operation began. Moreover, the majority of witnesses and others involved in
the affair (including the makers of the documentary) who were questioned
stated that they had never believed that she had been present during the
operation. On the other hand, no one seemed to have difficulty in believing
that there had been a ruse, with a European posing as Ms Bonadei, to create
the illusion that an ICRC operation was underway.

b) Was the white helicopter the one previously used by the ICRC, or
another?

The investigation revealed that when the military operation took place, at
least three white helicopters were operational in the region (one with
yellow markings, one with green and one with blue). It was not possible to
establish whether one of these had been used, especially as it is a simple
matter to quickly paint a military helicopter white. What is certain,
however, is that a white helicopter was employed for the military
operation.

c) Did the helicopter used for the military operation bear the Red Cross
emblem?

Accounts differ as to whether the emblem was used. What is certain,
however, is that a white helicopter appeared in Ngesselema on the afternoon
in question and that it could have been perceived by the local population
only as an ICRC helicopter, whether displaying the red cross emblem or not.
Deceiving the local population in this manner could have had only one
effect in military terms: total surprise.

d) Who were the armed Westerners on board the white helicopter?

Only a serious and transparent investigation by the relevant government
authorities would enable a reliable reply to be made to this question.
There are three possibilities: members of the British special forces (who
some accounts indicate were present in the area); mercenaries from
Executive Outcomes or Sandline; or Indonesian personnel of European
extraction. It is nevertheless certain that Western advisers, including Mr
Ivor Helberg, helped the Indonesian armed forces prepare the operation.

e) Why did the ICRC announce that it was terminating its involvement? Was
this fact conveyed to the hostage-takers?

The role played by the ICRC during the hostage crisis was in complete
accordance with the organization's policy in such situations. There were
two major aspects to that role:

1. material and moral support;
2. serving as a neutral intermediary.



The ICRC fulfilled both aspects of its role as long as it could, abandoning
the second on the morning of 9 May, though it indicated that it was
prepared to continue providing material and moral support. Thus, the ICRC
never took the decision to withdraw completely. However, owing to
insufficient communication within the ICRC team, but above all as a result
of security concerns (i.e. the hostage-takers' pronounced aggressiveness
towards the ICRC on the morning of 9 May), it was not possible for the
organization to explain to the hostage-takers in sufficient detail that it
was withdrawing certain services but not others. It should be noted that
the accounts of the hostages themselves and those of the delegates present
in Ngesselema on 9 May agree that the hostage-takers were by then expecting
imminent action by the Indonesian armed forces.

f) How did the ICRC respond to the allegations and how did it handle public
information in their wake?

>From the moment the first accusations were voiced following the military
intervention, the ICRC kept a low profile and declined to respond to the
accusations (issuing neither confirmation nor denial). This was done in
order not to jeopardize the organization's other activities in the area.
Apart from a report on the events drawn up by the head of delegation and
received in Geneva two months after they had occurred, no detailed analysis
or thorough investigation was carried out. The approach taken by the ICRC's
Department of Operations is also open to question as it was limited to
asking the head of delegation to make informal inquiries of the Indonesian
authorities as to whether the allegations had any basis in reality. No
reply was received to those inquiries and no additional steps were
considered. Finally, the ICRC failed to defend staff members who were
publicly accused of collusion with the Indonesian armed forces.
Unfortunately, it was only after the publication of the ELSHAM report and
the broadcast of Mark Davis's documentary that the ICRC approached the
Indonesian authorities formally and in writing. No reply has thus far been
received.


3. CONCLUSIONS

a) The information gathered in the course of Mr Obuchowicz's investigation
enabled the ICRC to state categorically that Sylviane Bonadei did not take
part in the military operation carried out in Ngesselema on 9 May 1996 to
liberate the hostages held by the Free Papua Movement. For three years the
ICRC failed to unequivocally deny Ms Bonadei's involvement. The
organization owes it to her to take a clear position on the matter.

b) The ICRC withdrew from its role as a neutral intermediary in accordance
with its established policy in such matters. Although the dangerous
circumstances in which it was taken are sufficient to explain this abrupt
decision, the head of delegation's handling of the situation failed to
ensure adequate internal communication and lacked consistency with regard
to its consequences.

c) There can be no doubt that the military forces that took action on 9 May
1996 in Ngesselema made perfidious use of the ICRC's role in the affair
(i.e. the white helicopter). They may also have misused the emblem, though
this has not been definitely proved.



d) The ICRC was tardy in approaching the Indonesian authorities and made no
attempt to approach the Papuan representatives with a view to verifying the
allegations. Steps must be taken to restore dialogue with the Papuans.

e) The ICRC was not sufficiently assiduous in following up the affair, in
dealing with its staff and, in particular, in handling its relationship
with the media.
++++




**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 1420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia,
East Timor, West Papua and Aceh, 1973-1999

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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Black-headed parrots saved from smugglers
Date: 3/22/00 1:28:18 PM Central Standard Time
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National News, Jakarta Post - March 23/2000


Black-headed parrots saved from smugglers

SORONG, Irian Jaya: Forest rangers have successfully
foiled an attempt to smuggle 50 black-headed parrots
(lorius domicel), a protected species, from their habitat in
Bintuni district.

The forest rangers found the birds in two big boxes
brought by a man identified as Mustakin, 23, aboard the
Alken Persada motorboat, chief of Bintuni's forest rangers,
JS Parirak, said here Wednesday.

Mustakin admitted that he bought the parrots for Rp 25,000
each and plans to sell them for Rp 35,000 each in Sorong.

The black-headed parrot could fetch millions of rupiah if
sold in big cities, Antara reported.

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com

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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Maluku refugees arrive in Sorong
Date: 3/22/00 1:28:56 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org
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National News, Jakarta Post - March 23/2000

Maluku refugees arrive in Sorong

SORONG, Irian Jaya: A total of 963 refugees from riot-torn
East Seram in Maluku have arrived here in the last couple
of weeks.

The refugees are being sheltered in a social agency
building, a Catholic Church hall and a warehouse owned by
state oil company Pertamina.

The refugee coordinator Rev. Yan Zeth Matalula said the
locals of Bula in East Seram were forced to leave their
homes due to an outbreak of violence in the area.

The refugees comprise people of various occupations
including civil servants, Pertamina employees as well as
police officers and military members.

"Bula Police station chief reportedly sought refuge in
Ambon while Bula Military chief Capt. Y. Wattimena came
along with the refugees to Sorong," Yan said.

"We are happy to stay here rather than live in terror," a
refugee named Anto said. (eba/edt)

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com

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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] On Freeport's violations
Date: 3/22/00 1:31:55 PM Central Standard Time
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Opinion - Jakarta Post March 23 2000

On Freeport's violations

According to recent reports, U.S. Ambassador Robert
Gelbard has complained to President Abdurrahman Wahid
about allegations from the attorney general and the finance
minister of corrupt practices by U.S. companies, PT.
Freeport Indonesia in particular. Ambassador Gelbard said
he does not believe the allegations -- as if corruption were
like the tooth fairy, something one has the option of
believing in or not. Then, sounding more like Andi Ghalib
than like a statesman, the ambassador warned that
continuing accusations by Indonesian officials would lead
to the cancellation of U.S. investment in Indonesia. Is
Freeport's corruption a figment of Cabinet members'
imaginations?

Corruption takes many forms. But whatever form it takes
we can be sure that no corrupt deed is ever labeled
"corruption" per se by its perpetrators. If the ambassador
is waiting for someone to do this, he will never know about
corporate America's Indonesian corruption. Many U.S.
companies began operations long before there was a
Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) to constrain their
business practices. Corruptive practices ingrained over
generations of management are not easily eliminated,
especially if people will not acknowledge the problem. It is
hard to believe that Freeport has no problems, when other
companies acknowledge the pressures.

Does the ambassador want to know about corruption? In
January in an article in this newspaper, I suggested steps
the United States Embassy might take to encourage
companies to report corruption, collusion and nepotism
(KKN). If any steps were taken, they are being kept a
secret. In February, two American organizations
cosponsored a forum in Jakarta on corruption and business
ethics. The President of Indonesia took the time to address
the gathering, as did the foreign minister, the attorney
general and other ministers and directors general; nearly
400 business executives were present. The Australian
ambassador and other diplomats stayed for most of the
day. The U.S. ambassador was conspicuous for his
absence. There may have been a perfectly good reason
that Ambassador Gelbard was not personally available on
Feb. 17, but was there no other high level embassy
representative who could have shown support for
Indonesia's efforts against business-related corruption?

For a leading G-7 country to have missed this event seems
almost criminally negligent. Although the ambassador cries
foul when an American corporation comes under the
spotlight for alleged corruption, neither the U.S. Embassy
nor the American Chamber of Commerce here has taken
much of a lead in assisting companies to avoid corrupt and
collusive relationships. Where does this leave companies
like Freeport if they do have unwelcome problems? It
leaves them with nowhere to turn.

The ambassador asked for proof of corruption. Unless the
ambassador follows his words with actions, the obvious
conclusion is that the words have public relations value
only. He has blamed people's reluctance to discuss
problems on the provision of the FCPA that requires the
embassy to report violations to the Department of Justice.

There is a time, sometimes even an obligation, for the
embassy to threaten disclosure of crimes. But this need not
be the first course of action; this strategy is sure to
have a
chilling effect on companies' willingness to speak honestly.
There are ways for the ambassador to encourage
companies to report problems before their reports become
self- incriminating. If, that is, the embassy really wants to
know what is going on. Rightly or wrongly, Freeport has a
poor public image. It and other American enterprises are
not well served by an ambassador whose words of defense
do not ring true.

DONNA K. WOODWARD

Medan, North Sumatra

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com

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Subj: Military blasted over 1996 Papua hostage drama
Date: 3/22/00 2:18:12 AM Central Standard Time
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (TAPOL)
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org, indonesia-act@igc.apc.org



Military blasted over 1996 Papua hostage drama

Jakarta (IO),The International Committee for the RedCross (ICRC) yesterday lashed out at the Indonesian
military, accusing it of using the Red Cross emblen as cover in adramatic hostage rescue four years ago in West Papua (Irian Jaya).

ICRC Director General Paul Grossrieder said theIndonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) in 1996 used a white helicopter with a redcross
emblazoned on its side to deceive separatist rebels who had kidnapped a team of Indonesian and European biologists conducting a study in the remote Lorentz National Park.

The disguised helicopter was actually carrying members of the Army's elite Special Forces (Kopassus), but the natives thoght it contained ICRC negotiators who wanted to discuss efforts to release thehostages.

"Using the (Red Cross) emblem was a seriousviolation of humanatarian law," Grossieder told reporters inJakarta.

He said the 1977 GenevaConvention clearly states that the red cross and red crescent are emblems that are used to identify people or vehicles involved in humanitarianwork.

"The misuse of the emblen was clearly aviolationof this rule."

Grossider also denied a report broadcast late last year by Australia' ABC television network and European network TSR that the ICRC was allegdly working with the Indonesian military to rescue thehostages.

In a documentary called Blood on theCross, there were suggestions the ICRC may have been involved in the military's rescue operation, in which many Papuans were killed.

"No intervention whatsoever of the ICRC wasproved. The contrary can be established due to the different reestablishment of the timetable of who, what and where were the delegates at that time. It is absolutely impossible that any of the delegates were involved in the military operation, " Grossriedesaid.

He said the television documentary was based on the findings of a report drawn-up by Irian Jaya's Institute for Policy and Human Rights Advocacy (ELSHAM) which published the document in August1999.

In May 1996, a team of crack troops raided a hideout of rebels in West Papua to free six European and four Indonesians taken hostage four months earlier. Two of the Indonesians were killed by the separatists moments before the rescue.

The rebels had kidnapped the foreigners in an effortto make the word recognize West Papua as an independent nation.

Several were freed following earlier Red Crossnegotiations, and native came to know and trust the organization's whitehelicopters.

Leader of the Lorentz research expedition, DanielStart, in his book about the hostage drama - The Open Cage- describes the separatist rebel leaders as badly aorganized and lackingcohesion.

However, troghout his book he sympathizes with most ofthe natives who have suffered at the hands of Indonesian troops andreceived little from development and business projects.

Grossrieder did not comment on reports that members of Britain's elite SAS regiment were involved in the rescue. He admitted the ICRC had been rather late in making an official Cross emblen. The ICRConly conveyed its stance to the Foreign Affairs Ministry on March 7.

The Observer Indonesian : Wednesday, March 15,2000