************************************************************************
Location: RSVP (NO
HOST AS YET FOR THIS ONE - LET ME KNOW IF YOU CAN HELP OUT )
Time : 7pm to 10pm ish
This months discussion will be enriched by first hand accounts of a roving reporter Mehul.
Thanks to everyone who sent suggestions for articles.
The
documents are also available at the PAN web site:<?xml:namespace
prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />
https://www.angelfire.com/ult/pan/
General:
The articles are the basis for the
discussion and reading them helps give us some common ground and focus for the
discussion, especially where we would otherwise be ignorant of the issues. The
discussions are not intended as debates or arguments, rather they should be a
chance to explore ideas and issues in a constructive forum Feel free to bring
along other stuff you've read on this, related subjects or on topics the group
might be interested in for future meetings.
GROUND RULES:
* Temper the urge to speak with the
discipline to listen and leave space for others
* Balance the desire to teach with a
passion to learn
* Hear what is said and listen for what
is meant
* Marry your certainties with others'
possibilities
* Reserve judgment until you can claim
the understanding we seek
Well I guess that's all for now.
Colin
Any problems let me know..
847-963-1254
tysoe2@yahoo.com
The Articles:
First
for some general background checkout the facts from the guys who know, or
should do, pity about those surprise nuclear tests in 98...
http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/in.html
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URL:
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11571348/site/newsweek/
A
piece from the recent Newsweek special on India
India
Rising
Messy,
raucous, democratic India is growing fast, and now may partner up with the
world's richest democracy-America. By Fareed Zakaria
March
6, 2006 issue - Every year at the World Economic Forum in Davos, there's a
star. Not a person but a country. One country impresses the gathering of
global leaders because of a particularly smart Finance minister or a
compelling tale of reform or even a glamorous gala. This year there was no
contest. In the decade that I've been going to Davos, no country has captured
the imagination of the conference and dominated the conversation as India in
2006.
It
was not a matter of chance. As you got off the plane in Zurich, there were
large billboards extolling INCREDIBLE INDIA. Davos itself was plastered with
signs. WORLD'S FASTEST GROWING FREE MARKET DEMOCRACY! proclaimed the town's
buses. When you got to your room, you found an iPod Shuffle loaded with
Bollywood songs, and a pashmina shawl, gifts from the Indian delegation. When
you entered the meeting rooms, you were likely to hear an Indian voice, one of
the dozens of CEOs of world-class Indian companies. And then there were the
government officials, India's "Dream Team," all intelligent and
articulate, and all selling their country.
The
Forum's main social event was an Indian extravaganza, with a bevy of Indian
beauties dancing to pulsating Hindi tunes against an electric blue Taj Mahal.
The guests joined in the festivities. The impeccably dressed chairman of the
Forum, Klaus Schwab, donned a colorful Indian turban and shawl, nibbled on
chicken tikka and talked up the country's prospects with Michael Dell. INDIA
EVERYWHERE, said the ubiquitous logo. It was.
And
everyone now is in India-most significantly, of course, George W. Bush, who
will arrive there on March 1. Jacques Chirac was there two weeks ago. (So was
Bill Clinton, who can't stop returning to the country.) Two weeks before that
it was Saudi Arabia's newly crowned monarch, King Abdullah. The week after
Bush leaves, Australian Prime Minister John Howard arrives. And that's all in
six weeks. The world-and particularly the United States-is courting India as
it never has before. Fascinated by the new growth story, perhaps wary of
Asia's Chinese superpower, searching to hedge some bets, the world has woken
up to India's potential. But does it really know this complex, diverse
country? Just as important, does India know what it wants of the world?
The
marketing slogans wouldn't work if there were no substance behind them. Over
the past 15 years, India has been the second fastest-growing country in the
world-after China-averaging above 6 percent growth per year. Growth
accelerated to 7.5 percent last year and will probably hold at the same pace
this year. Many observers believe that India could well expand at this higher
rate for the next decade.
While
China's rise is already here and palpable-it has grown at almost 10 percent
since 1980-India's is still more a tale of the future, but a future that is
coming into sharp focus. A much-cited 2003 study by Goldman Sachs projects
that over the next 50 years, India will be the fastest-growing of the world's
major economies (largely because its work force will not age as fast as the
others). The report calculates that in 10 years India's economy will be larger
than Italy's and in 15 years will have overtaken Britain's. By 2040 it will
boast the world's third largest economy. By 2050 it will be five times the
size of Japan's and its per capita income will have risen to 35 times its
current level. Predictions like these are a treacherous business, though it's
worth noting that India's current growth rate is actually higher than the
study assumed.
Even
the here and now is impressive. Indian companies are growing at an
extraordinary pace, posting yearly gains of 15, 20 and 25 percent. The Tata
group, the country's largest business house, is a far-flung conglomerate that
makes everything from cars and steel to software and consulting systems. In
this sense, it is a useful window on India's industrial and postindustrial
economy. Its revenues grew last year from $17 billion to $24 billion and it is
heading for extremely strong growth this year. At another end of the scale,
the automobile-parts business is made up of hundreds of small companies. Five
years ago the industry's total revenues were $4 billion. This year they will
exceed $10 billion. In 2008, General Motors alone will import $1 billion of
auto components from India.
That's
outsourcing-as it is any time an American company buys goods or services from
abroad. It's also called trade or globalization or capitalism. Those who want
to stop it-and it's not clear how you could do that-should remember that the
United States' prosperity has come from its very willingness to open itself up
to the world. Over the last 60 years, manufacturing employment in the United
States has plummeted as those industries went abroad-and yet average American
incomes have risen to be the highest in the world. Over the last 20 years, as
globalization has quickened, American companies have outsourced first goods,
then services-and American incomes have risen faster than those of any other
major industrial country. Banning auto-parts factories or call centers will
not save General Motors. Globalization highlights some problems for America,
but the solutions are all at home. As they have in the past, Americans
must-and can-make goods and services that people will pay for freely, not
because the government forces them to by shutting out the competition. That is
the only stable path to economic security.
At
this point, anyone who has actually been to India will probably be puzzled.
"India?" he or she will say. "With its dilapidated airports,
crumbling roads, vast slums and impoverished villages? We're talking about
that India?" Yes, that, too, is India. The country might have several
Silicon Valleys, but it also has three Nigerias within it, more than 300
million people living on less than a dollar a day. India is home to 40 percent
of the world's poor and has the world's second largest HIV population. But
that is the familiar India, the India of poverty and disease. The India of the
future contains all this but also something new. You can feel the change even
in the midst of the slums.
To
new visitors, it won't look pretty. Many Western businessmen go to India
expecting it to be the next China. But it never will be that. China's growth
is a product of its efficient, all-powerful government. Beijing decides the
country needs new airports, eight-lane highways, gleaming industrial parks-and
they are built within months. It courts multinationals and provides them with
permits and facilities within days. It looks good and, in many ways, it is
that good, having produced the most successful case of economic development in
human history.
India's
growth is messy, chaotic and largely unplanned. It is not top-down but
bottom-up. It is happening not because of the government, but largely despite
it. India does not have Beijing and Shanghai's gleaming infrastructure, and it
does not have a government that rolls out the red carpet for foreign
investment-no government in democratic India would have those kinds of powers
anyway. But it has vast and growing numbers of entrepreneurs who want to make
money. And somehow they find a way to do it, overcoming the obstacles,
bypassing the bureaucracy. "The government sleeps at night and the
economy grows," says Gurcharan Das, former CEO of Procter Gamble in
India.
There
are some who argue that India's path has distinct advantages. MIT's Yasheng
Huang points out that India's companies use their capital far more efficiently
than China's; they benchmark to global standards and are better managed than
Chinese firms. Despite being much poorer than China, India has produced dozens
of world-class companies like Infosys, Ranbaxy and Reliance. Huang attributes
this difference to the fact that India has a real and deep private sector
(unlike China's many state-owned and state-funded companies), a clean,
well-regulated financial system and the sturdy rule of law. Another example:
every year Japan awards the coveted Deming Prizes for managerial innovation,
and over the last four years, they have been awarded more often to Indian
companies than to firms from any other country, including Japan.
This
bottom-up activity is evident not simply among entrepreneurs. The Indian
consumer is also rearing for action. Most Asian success stories have been ones
in which the government forces its people to save, producing growth through
capital accumulation and market-friendly policies. In India, the individual is
king. Young Indian professionals don't wait to buy a house at the end of their
lives with their savings. They take out mortgages. The credit-card industry is
growing at 35 percent a year. Personal consumption makes up a staggering 67
percent of GDP in India, much higher than China (42 percent) or any other
Asian country. Only the United States is higher at 70 percent.
Statistics
don't quite capture what is happening. Indians, at least in urban areas, are
bursting with enthusiasm. Indian businessmen are giddy about their prospects.
Indian designers and artists speak of extending their influence across the
globe. Bollywood movie stars want to grow their audience abroad from their
"base" of half a billion fans. It is as if hundreds of millions of
people have suddenly discovered the keys to unlock their potential. A famous
Indian once put it eloquently, "A moment comes, which comes but rarely in
history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends and when
the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance."
Those
words, which Indians of a certain generation know by heart, were spoken by the
country's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, just after midnight, on Aug.
15, 1947, when independent India was born. What Nehru was referring to, of
course, was the birth of India as an independent state. What is happening
today is the birth of India as an independent society-boisterous, colorful,
open, vibrant and, above all, ready for change. India is diverging from its
past, but also from most other countries in Asia. It is not a quiet,
controlled, quasi-authoritarian country that is slowly opening up according to
plans. It is a noisy democracy that has finally empowered its people
economically. In this respect India, one of the poorest countries in the
world, looks strikingly similar to the world's wealthiest country, the United
States of America. In both places, society has triumphed over the state.
The
Indian state has been a roaring success on one front. India's democracy is a
wonder to behold. One of the world's poorest countries, it has sustained
democratic government for almost 60 years. And this is surely one of the
country's greatest strengths when compared with many other developing
countries. If you ask the question "What will India look like politically
in 25 years?" we know the answer: like it does today-a democracy,
probably with a coalition government. Democracy makes for populism, pandering
and delays. But it also makes for long-term stability. (In case President Bush
is looking for some answers for Iraq, he should recall that the British were
able to stay in India for 200 years and built lasting institutions of
government throughout the country, and that India got very lucky with its
first generation of leaders. Men like Nehru may not have understood economics,
but they deeply understood political freedom.)
If
the Indian state has succeeded in one crucial dimension, it has failed in
several others. In the 1950s and 1960s, India tried to modernize by creating a
"mixed" economic model, between capitalism and communism. This meant
a shackled and overregulated private sector, and a massively inefficient and
corrupt public sector. The results were poor, and in the 1970s, as India
became more socialist, they became disastrous. In 1960 India had a higher per
capita GDP than China; today it is less than half of China's. That year it had
the same per capita GDP as South Korea; today South Korea's is 13 times
larger. The United Nations Human Development Index gauges countries by income,
health, literacy and other such measures. India ranks 124 out of 177, behind
Syria, Sri Lanka, Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. Female literacy in India
is a shockingly low 54 percent. Despite mountains of rhetoric about helping
the poor, by any reasonable comparison, India's government has done too little
for them.
Is
this a problem with democracy? Not entirely. Bad policies fail whether pursued
by dictators or democrats. But there are elements of democracy that have hurt,
certainly in a country with rampant poverty, feudalism and illiteracy.
Democracy in India too often means not the will of the majority but the will
of organized minorities-landowners, powerful castes, farmers, government
unions and local thugs. (Nearly a fifth of the members of the Indian
Parliament have been accused of crimes, including embezzlement, rape and
murder.) These groups are usually richer than most of their countrymen, and
they plunder the state's coffers to stay that way. It is ironic, for example,
that India's Communist Party does not campaign for growth to lift the very
poor but rather works to maintain the relatively privileged conditions of
unionized workers. As these power plays go on, the great majority's
interests-those 800 million who earn less than $2 a day-often fall through the
cracks.
But
democracy has its own way of rebalancing. The wave of Hindu nationalism that
raged through the country in the 1990s is on the wane, for now, and a
thoroughly secular government is in power. Headed by Manmohan Singh, the
former Finance minister who opened up India's economy in the summer of 1991,
it is also committed to economic reform. In an act of great wisdom and
restraint, Sonia Gandhi, who led the ruling coalition to victory in the polls,
chose to appoint Singh as prime minister rather than take the job herself. As
a result, quite unexpectedly, India's chaotic and often-corrupt democratic
system has yielded as its head of government a man of immense intelligence,
unimpeachable integrity and deep experience. Singh, an Oxford Ph.D., has
already run the country's central bank, planning ministry and Finance
Ministry. His breadth, depth and decency are unmatched by any Indian prime
minister since Nehru.
But
Singh has disappointed many of his fans. They had hoped for another set of
large-scale reforms, but the government has been cautious and is implementing
programs that look suspiciously like another round of subsidies (programs that
have had such little success in the past). These are the constraints of
democracy. Singh heads a fragile coalition government without a strong mandate
for economic change. He is not himself a powerful politician, depending on
Mrs. Gandhi for his clout. But his quiet determination to keep moving
forward-on economics, politics and foreign policy-has been underestimated. His
Economic ministers are all reformers. They work within the political limits,
but they work. For example, infrastructure in India is slowly getting better
and will be funded through public-private partnerships. India's two major
airports will be privatized and improve dramatically. Every week you read of a
set of regulations that have been eased or permissions that have been
eliminated. These "stealth reforms," too small to draw vigorous
opposition from the unreconstructed left, add up. And India's pro-reform
constituency keeps growing. The middle class is already 300 million strong.
Urban India is not all of India, but it is a large and influential chunk of
it.
Democracy
is India's destiny. A country this diverse and complex-17 major languages,
22,000 dialects and all the world's major religions-cannot really be governed
any other way. The task is to use democracy to India's advantage. In some
cases this is happening. The Indian government has recently begun investing in
rural education and health, and is focusing on ways to make agriculture more
productive. Good economics can sometimes make for good politics, at least that
is the Indian hope. Another change is that, since 1993, democracy has been
broadened to give villages greater voice in their affairs. Most important,
village councils must reserve 33 percent of their seats for women. As a result
there are 1 million elected women in villages across the country. They will
now have a platform from which to demand better education and health care.
It's bottom-up development, with society pushing the state.
Will
the state respond? Built during the British Raj, massively expanded in India's
socialist era, it is filled with bureaucrats who are in love with their petty
powers and privileges. They are joined by politicians who enjoy the power of
patronage. And then there are some journalists and intellectuals who still
hold on to some romantic idea of Third World socialism. There are many in
India's ruling class who remain deeply uncomfortable with the modern, open,
commercial society that they see growing around them.
But
the state fills a vital role. Look at India's great success-its private
companies. They flourish because of a well-regulated stock market and
financial system that has transparency, adjudication and enforcement-all
government functions. Or consider the booming telecommunications industry,
which was created by intelligent government deregulation and re-regulation. Or
the Indian institutes of technology-among the world's best-all government-run.
But that's just a start. The private sector cannot solve India's AIDS crisis
or its rural education shortfalls or its environmental problems. If India's
governance does not improve, the country will never fully achieve its
potential.
This
is perhaps the central paradox of India today. Its society is open, eager,
confident and ready to take on the world. But its state-its ruling class-is
far more hesitant, cautious and suspicious of the changed realities around it.
Nowhere is this tension more obvious than in the realm of foreign policy, in
the increasingly large and important task of determining how India should fit
into the New World.
Most
Americans would probably be surprised to learn that India is, by all accounts,
the most pro-American country in the world. The Pew Global Attitudes Survey,
released in June 2005, asked people in 16 countries whether they had a
favorable impression of the United States. A stunning 71 percent of Indians
said yes. Only Americans had a more favorable view of America (83 percent).
The numbers are somewhat lower in other surveys, but the basic finding remains
true: Indians are extremely comfortable with, and well disposed toward,
America.
This
may be because for decades India's government tried to force-feed
anti-Americanism down people's throats. (Politicians in the 1970s spoke so
often of the "hidden hand" when explaining India's miseries-by which
they meant the CIA or American interference generally-that cartoonists took to
drawing an actual hand that descended every now and then to cause havoc.) More
likely it is because Indians understand America. It is a noisy, open society
with a chaotic democratic system-like theirs. Many urban Indians speak
America's language, are familiar with the country and often actually know
someone who lives there, possibly even a relative.
The
Indian-American community has been a bridge between the two cultures. The term
often used to describe Indians leaving their country is "brain
drain." But it's been more like brain gain, for both sides. Indians
abroad have played a crucial role in opening up the mother country. They
returned to India with money, investment ideas, global standards and, most
important, a sense that one could achieve anything. An Indian parliamentarian
once famously asked the then prime minister, Indira Gandhi, "Why is it
that Indians seem to succeed everywhere except in their own country?" The
stories of Indians scaling the highest peaks in America have produced pride
and emulation in India. Americans, for their part, have embraced India in some
measure because they have had a positive experience with Indians in America.
Americans
also find India understandable. They are puzzled and disturbed by impenetrable
decision-making elites like the Chinese Politburo or the Iranian Council of
Guardians. A quarrelsome democracy that keeps moving backward, forward and
sideways-that they know. Take the current negotiations on nuclear issues.
Americans watch what is going on in New Delhi, with people inside the
government who are opposed to a nuclear deal leaking negative stories to the
media, political opponents using the issue to score points, true ideological
opponents being utterly implacable-and this all seems very familiar. Similar
things happen every day in Washington.
Most
countries have relationships that are almost exclusively between governments.
Think of the links between the United States and Saudi Arabia, which exist
among a few dozen high officials and have never really gone beyond that. But
sometimes bonds develop not merely between states but between societies. Twice
before the United States had developed a relationship with a country that was
strategic but also much more-with Britain and later with Israel. In both
cases, the resulting ties were broad and deep, going well beyond government
officials and diplomatic negotiations. The two countries knew each other,
understood each other and as a result became natural and almost permanent
partners. America has the opportunity to forge such a relationship with India.
This
is not a matter of strategic "balancing" against China. The world is
not that simple. The United States should not create a self-fulfilling
prophecy of a conflict with China. The American relationship with China is
complex, with many elements of cooperation. China, after all, is one of
America's chief creditors, and Americans in turn buy Chinese goods, fueling
its growth. Nor will India want to play along as a counterweight to China,
since its own relations with its powerful neighbor are crucial. Beijing will
overtake America as India's largest trading partner within a couple of years.
Both India and America will want to retain their independence in dealing with
the Middle Kingdom. That said, the rise of China is the fundamental strategic
shift that is altering Asia's-and the world's-landscape. And the United States
and India will be glad to have each other's company in that circumstance.
This
doesn't mean that the United States and India will agree on every policy
issue. Remember that even during their close wartime alliance, Roosevelt and
Churchill disagreed about several issues, most notably India's independence.
America broke with Britain over Suez. It condemned Israel for its invasion of
Lebanon. Washington and New Delhi have different interests and thus will
inevitably have policy disputes. But it is precisely because of the deep bonds
between these countries that such disagreements would not alter the
fundamental reality of friendship, empathy and association.
Such
a relationship between the United States and India is almost inevitable.
Whether the nuclear agreement goes through or not, whether the governments
sign new treaties, the two societies are getting increasingly intertwined. A
common language, a familiar world view and a growing fascination with each
other is bringing together businessmen, nongovernmental activists, journalists
and writers.
I
say almost inevitable because there are pulls against it on both sides. In
America, there is always the danger that politicians will turn to populism and
protectionism as a cheap way to get votes. So far the pandering has been
limited and temporary, but as elections approach and politicians grandstand,
it's always convenient to find foreigners upon whom to blame your ills.
Additionally, Washington is still learning the art of treating other countries
with the respect and deference they expect-and India can be prickly and proud.
But
the real stumbling block to a deep Indo-U.S. relationship will come not from
Washington but New Delhi. While Singh and some others at the top of the Indian
government see the world clearly, and see the immense opportunities it opens
up for India, many others are blinded by their prejudices. For many Indian
elites, it has been comfortable and comforting to look at the world from the
prism of a poor, Third World country, whose foreign policy was neutral,
detached (and, one might add, unsuccessful). They understand how to operate in
that world, whom to bargain with, whom to beg from and whom to be belligerent
with. But a world in which India is a great power, in which it moves
confidently across the global stage, and in which it is a friend and partner
of the most powerful country in history-that is an altogether new and
unsettling proposition. "Why is the United States being nice to us?"
several such doubters have asked me repeatedly. Even now, in 2003, they were
searching for the hidden hand. China's Mandarin class has been able to rethink
its country's new role as a world power with skill and effectiveness. So far,
India's Brahmins have not shown themselves the equals of their neighbor.
The
danger for India is that this moment might not last forever. The world turns
and India will have its ups and downs. But today it is India's moment. It can
grasp it and forge a new path for itself. Along that road lies a genuine and
deep relationship between the planet's largest democracy and its wealthiest
democracy. Until now, this has merely been a slogan. It could actually become
a reality, and who knows what such a world might look like?
*******************************************************************************
But
the rise is not without problems...
Worried
About India's and China's Booms? So Are They By Thomas L. Friedman
The
New York Times March 24, 2006
The
more I cover foreign affairs, the more I wish I had studied education in
college, because the more I travel, the more I find that the most heated
debates
in
many countries are around education. And here's what's really funny -- every
country thinks it's behind.
Tony
Blair has been fighting with his own party over permitting more innovative
charter schools. Singapore is obsessed with improving its already
world-leading
math
scores before others catch up. And America agonizes that its K-12 public
schools badly need improvement in math and science. I was just in Mumbai
attending the annual meeting of India's high-tech association, Nasscom, where
many speakers worried aloud that Indian education wasn't nurturing enough
''innovators.''
Both
India and China, which have mastered rote learning and have everyone else
terrified about their growing armies of engineers, are wondering if too much
math
and science -- unleavened by art, literature, music and humanities -- aren't
making Indira and Zhou dull kids and not good innovators. Very few global
products
have been spawned by India or China.
''We
have no one going into the liberal arts and everyone going into engineering
and M.B.A.'s,'' said Jerry Rao, chief executive of MphasiS, one of the top
Indian outsourcing companies. ''We're becoming a nation of aspiring
programmers and salespeople. If we don't have enough people with the
humanities, we will
lose
the [next generation of] V. S. Naipauls and Amartya Sens,'' he added,
referring to the Indian author and the Indian economist, both Nobel laureates.
''That
is sad and dangerous.''
Innovation
is often a synthesis of art and science, and the best innovators often combine
the two. The Apple co-founder Steve Jobs, in his compelling
Stanford
commencement address last year, recalled how he dropped out of college but
stuck around campus and took a calligraphy course, where he learned about the
artistry of great typography. ''None of this had even a hope of any practical
application in my life,'' he recalled. ''But 10 years later, when we were
designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me. And we
designed it all into the Mac. It was the first computer with beautiful
typography.''
Fifty
years ago the Sanskrit scholar was respected in India, Mr. Rao noted, but
today it is all about becoming an engineer, a programmer, an M.B.A. or a
doctor. ''More people will get Ph.D.'s [in the study of] Sanskrit in America
this year than in India,'' Mr. Rao asserted, ''and Sanskrit is the root of our
culture!''
Why
all this ed-anxiety today? Because computers, fiber-optic cable and the
Internet have leveled the economic playing field, creating a global platform
that
more workers anywhere can now plug into and play on. Capital will now flow
faster than ever to tap the most productive talent wherever it is located, so
every
country is scrambling to upgrade its human talent base. When everyone has
access to the same technology platform, human talent, as the consultants
John
Hagel III and John Seely Brown wrote, is the ''only sustainable edge.''
Hence
the concern I found in India that it must move quickly from business process
outsourcing (B.P.O.) -- running back rooms, answering phones or writing code
for U.S. companies -- into knowledge process outsourcing (K.P.O.): coming up
with more original designs and products.
''We
need to encourage more incubation of ideas to make innovation a national
initiative,'' said Azim Premji, the chairman of Wipro, one of India's premier
technology
companies. ''Are we as Indians creative? Going by our rich cultural heritage,
we have no doubt some of the greatest art and literature. We need to
bring
the same spirit into our economic and business arena.''
But
to make that leap, Indian entrepreneurs say, will require a big change in the
rigid, never-challenge-the-teacher Indian education system. ''If we do not
allow our students to ask why, but just keep on telling them how, then we are
only going to get the transactional type of outsourcing, not the high-end
things that require complex interactions and judgment to understand another
person's needs,'' said Nirmala Sankaran, C.E.O. of HeyMath, an Indian-based
education company. ''We have a creative problem in this country.''
My
guess is that we're at the start of a global convergence in education: China
and India will try to inspire more creativity in their students. America will
get more rigorous in math and science. And this convergence will be a great
spur to global growth and innovation. It's a win-win. But some will win more
than others -- and it will be those who get this balance right the fastest, in
the most schools.
***************************************************************************
An
edited article from the online journal Intech 5 April 2006 on why India may
benefit from China's success,
China's
help-wanted ripple effect
At
the Well Brain factory in one of China's special economic zones, the changes
are clear. Over the last year, Well Brain, a midsize producer of small
electric appliances like hair rollers, coffee makers, and hot plates, has
raised salaries, improved benefits, and even dispatched a team of recruiters
to find workers in the countryside.
When
sporadic labor shortages first appeared in late 2004, government leaders
dismissed them as short-lived anomalies. However, they now say the problem is
likely to be a more persistent one. Experts said the shortages are arising
primarily because China's economy is sizzling hot, tax cuts have helped keep
people working on farms, and factories are continuing to expand even as the
number of young Chinese starts to level off.
Prosperity
is also moving inland, and workers who might earlier have migrated elsewhere
are staying closer to home.
Though
estimates are hard to come by, data from officials suggest major export
industries are looking for at least one million additional workers, and the
real number could be much higher.
Because
of these shortages, wage levels throughout China's manufacturing ranks are
rising, threatening at some point to weaken China's competitiveness on world
markets.
"I
look at China a lot differently than I did three years ago," said Bruce
Rockowitz, president of Li & Fung in Hong Kong, citing the rising costs of
doing business in China. "China is no longer the lowest-cost producer.
There's an evolution going on. People are now going to Vietnam, India, and
Bangladesh."
********************************************************************************
How
much does India suffer from the lasting effects of those nasty Brits and their
colonization....
http://india_resource.tripod.com/colonial-impact-culture.html
Politics
and Culture in Modern Society March 2004
Colonization,
"Westernization" and Social Culture in the Post-Colonial Societies
One
of the most profound (but relatively less-understood) consequences of
colonization has been how the political and economic rape of the colonies has
also led to what sometimes seems to be an unbridgeable cultural gap between
the nations that were the beneficiaries of colonization and those that were
the victims of the colonial assault.
The
era of colonial pillage and plunder led to the relative stagnation and often
precipitous decline of traditional cultural pursuits in the colonies (mainly
due to the loss of patronage resulting from political defeat and economic
contraction). At the same time, there was an unparalleled and almost dazzling
flowering of culture in Europe - in terms of urban planning, in the realm of
science and technology, and most remarkably, in the genre of harmonically
constructed polyphonic music.
Whereas
in Europe, the steady inflow of capital led to an unprecedented growth in
trade and industrialization which culminated in a certain degree of political
democratization - the reverse occurred in the colonies. Local economies were
emasculated, and political and social progress was reversed, or highly
circumscribed by the colonial authorities.
While
Europe entered an era that ushered in unique and revolutionary developments in
culture - the colonized nations of Asia, Africa and Central America not only
missed out on these monumental developments, their political and economic
subjugation led to cultural theft and annihilation, and even more so, to a
deeply penetrating psychological genocide.
Not
only were certain aspects of the material culture in the colonies lost or
destroyed, colonial societies also lost the power of cultural discrimination.
Losing almost all sense of cultural continuity, they were also unable to
recover (in any adequate measure) the ability to strive for cultural progress
on their own terms.
On
the one hand, there was a widespread sociological aversion to appreciating and
preserving what had precariously survived from the past - on the other hand,
there was an irrational and defensive embrace of religious dogmas and
practices that had long since lost any significance or practical utility (or
in fact, may have always been an obstacle to progress).
Robbed
of any measure of self-confidence, the colonized (and even post-colonial)
intelligentsia either looked upon its heritage with skepticism or disdain, or
conversely, sought refuge in fundamentalism, obscurantism, or idealistic
myth-making. When a native tradition had the stamp of approval from a
'respected' Western 'authority', it attracted excited and flattering
attention. But rarely, and only in relatively isolated cases, was it possible
for the colonized cultural intelligentsia to rise above the cultural
stereotypes, and critically explore and examine its cultural legacy for any
intrinsic (or sustainable) merit.
This
is not to say that the struggle for freedom did not awaken the spirit of
cultural regeneration in the colonies. Leaders of the National Liberation
Movements invariably invested some effort in seeking the cultural rejuvenation
of their societies - but there were too many practical impediments that
prevented them from achieving anything more than partial success.
Because
the domain of culture is extremely broad, and encompasses many facets of
civilized social life - the task of post-colonial cultural regeneration was
much larger than what even what the most well-meaning advocates of
de-colonization could have anticipated. And whereas some aspects of culture
are immediately apparent to all (or most people in society), there are other
more subtle and complex aspects of social culture that are not as readily
understood or appreciated by the majority - especially at times (and in
situations) when there have been sharp and forcible breaks in cultural
continuity.
When
people think or speak of culture - they often do so in very simple and general
terms - they think most immediately of popular customs - such as traditions
and rituals pertaining to birth and death, to puberty and marriage. They think
of social celebrations and festivals, forms of greeting and communication,
hospitality rites, cuisine, games, sports and entertainment. But by and large,
colonial regimes did not interfere excessively in such aspects of human
existence. Thus it is often the case, that most victims of colonization are
relatively ignorant and oblivious of what they may have irrevocably lost (or
incorrectly internalized) as a result of colonization.
In
particular, they are rarely able to comprehend how the hundred or two hundred
years of colonization were not only very destructive in terms of culture, but
that they were also precious decades of lost opportunity - when the colonized
nations could have been active recipients of the cultural developments that
transformed Europe, and perhaps, made additional contributions of their own.
Whereas the European colonizers were able to expropriate (and utilize on their
own terms) the centuries of progress made in colonized Asia or Africa - only a
small elite in the colonies became aware of the new cultural vistas that had
opened up in Europe. And very rarely were these colonized elites able to
absorb and communicate the most useful and inspiring elements of the new
European culture.
In
part, this was because the colonial elites were too removed from the colonized
masses, or didn't care enough. But this was also because the cruelty of the
colonial occupations led many radical nationalists in the colonial world to
associate all European culture with the culture of conquest and hegemony, and
it became very difficult to separate the positive and more universally
appealing aspects of the new European culture from the racist and chauvinistic
philosophical developments that dominated the European intellectual space.
(To
this day, there are some scholars who have branded Beethoven's music as
"imperialistic", notwithstanding how Beethoven was in fact drawn
towards very radical democratic ideals in his lifetime, and probably had no
inkling of what damage colonial rule was bringing to the colonized world. By
and large, the most monumental cultural changes in Europe took place in those
nations that were not engaged in direct colonial rule - such as in Austria and
Russia - or in Germany and Italy before their emergence as imperial powers.
The best European composers were either sharp or sensitive social critics, or
moved by ideals of humanism and social justice, and even when they weren't
explicitly socially conscious, they had the talent to eloquently express
profoundly moving human experiences; few could have been intimately aware of
the injustices of colonization.)
Thus,
in part by accident, and in part by design, the colonized nations became very
removed from the most advanced of the new humanizing trends that were
beginning to shape the best of the new European civilization. But quite
unfortunately, by the time many of the colonies were liberated, European
culture was already in decline - even decaying; so it was Western
"pop" culture that drifted to Asian and African shores. But the more
enlightened and invigorating classical culture was unable to make much of an
impact.
Although
prior to liberation, there was indeed a period of cultural renaissance that
accompanied the struggles for freedom in the colonies, these evanescent trends
could not survive the inexorable march of pop culture that the forces of
Western commerce had a vested interest in pushing.
Soon
colonized societies had not only forgotten what they had, they had also
forgotten how to sustain or renew (or elaborate upon) their fragile heritage.
Above all, they had forgotten to dream, to fantasize and to engage in
constructive and creatively critical social discourse. Most of all, colonized
societies lost the ability to envision a better future that was consistent
with their own geography and history. More often than not, even the most
advanced social activists in colonized societies fell prey to a
semi-mechanistic interpretation of imported ideas of social change that were
indeed inspiring and useful, but yet, may have fallen short in key respects.
Cultural
and social progress seldom comes about without some measure of struggle - but
struggle alone does not guarantee success. For that, theoretical
understanding, historical knowledge, critical self-awareness and material
practicality (one that takes into account the physical constraints of
geography, resource availability, time and environment) all become important.
Unfortunately,
many serious proponents of social change in India (as elsewhere) have been
unable to fully comprehend the lasting sociological consequences of
colonization, or effectively mine the rich (non-European) pre-colonial
heritage for ideas or inspiration. For instance, in the realm of the fine
arts, and in the realm of epistemology, Indian civilization has had much to
offer. And the Indian people have not been entirely averse to studying nature
so that they might mould it for their own benefit. The long history of
managing scarce water resources provides numerous examples of Indian
creativity and problem-solving. Putting others before self is also not an
entirely alien tradition in India.
Yet
today, it seems much harder to find such qualities amongst those that hold the
keys to power.
This
is at least partially because colonial rule taught the Indian elite to become
divorced from nature and from India's highly evolved aesthetic traditions, -
to neglect its traditional training in epistemology. Although elites often
tend to be duplicitous in their dealings with the masses - the colonial era
state bureaucracy treated the masses with a contempt and disingenuousness that
was perhaps unseen in pre-colonial India. (For instance, when people bemoan
the corruption that has seeped into all elements of Indian public life, it is
sometimes forgotten that corruption of the Indian bureaucracy was an important
element in ensuring colonial domination. Personal corruption is what allowed
tens of thousands of Indians to betray their brethren day in and day out, even
as the nation as a whole was being systematically looted).
Colonial
rule discouraged the development of personal integrity - to the point that if
any exceptional Indian (such as Bhagat Singh) dared display it to any
admirable degree - he had to be hanged - as a warning to other Indians who
wished to be as patriotic, or miraculously retained an element of gallantry,
or exhibited some bit of romantic idealism.
Colonial
rule destroyed not only the character and spirit of the Indian people, it also
took away their ability to engage in holistic analysis. It turned Indians into
peons and pages - people who were capable of serving the destiny of others -
not those who could shape and mould their own destinies. Indians retained the
ability to be intelligent about details and particularities, but lost the
ability to be intelligent about the big things in life - the important things
in life.
Whereas
once, the wisest Indians had spent years and years contemplating about what
brings about human happiness, the colonized Indian couldn't even conceive of
happiness - let alone plan the happiness of an entire society.
And
to some degree or another, we are still paying the price of that odious
legacy. Even as sections of our elite have learnt some of the lessons of
modern science and technology, and appear somewhat successful in marshalling
re-emerging Indian scientific and engineering talents (in the domain of their
business activities) - they have yet to correlate the progress of science and
technology to what really matters - which is the all-round progress of human
civilization. Nor have they been able to fully co-relate cultural and material
development with geographic and climactic advantages and constraints.
If
we look at the case of India, or any other ancient civilization - certain
conclusions are inescapable: barring periods when an external (usually
dominant) power (such as an invading conqueror) forced its culture on the
society it captured and defeated - civilizations have been typically compelled
to develop in harmony with their peculiar geographic environment. Geographic
conditions and climate have shaped the economic lives of societies, which in
turn has influenced their cultural output. Civilized societies have learned to
take advantage of natural resources available in abundance, and do without
things that were generally inessential to healthy and comfortable living.
Although
the expansion of trade and the development of technology can and does allow
societies to transcend the limitation of local geographic conditions, there
can be important impediments and constraints that come with ones geography
that cannot be entirely wished away. Moreover, it is important to recognize
that cultural developments that are very meaningful in one society may be of
lesser significance in other societies due to certain climactic differences.
And while some cultural innovations can be adopted with very little variance
or adaptation, others may require a much more thoughtful and creative
application in a very different setting.
Take
for instance, the attitude towards clothes. In warm tropical or semitropical
climates, clothes were not essential to survival. Thus clothes were light and
involved rudimentary stitching and tailoring. Being bare breasted or being
semi-nude wasn't considered a matter of shame or deprivation - but something
that was in keeping with the natural environment. Throughout the tropical
world, whether in the jungles of the Amazon, or the grasslands of Africa, or
the rice paddies of India and South East Asia - light or little clothing was
the norm - even when society had the knowledge and know-how to drape itself.
But
to invaders from the North - for whom elaborate clothing was no luxury, but a
matter of survival and dire necessity - Indian (or African) semi-nakedness
came as a shock - on the one hand it appeared to them as a mark of abject
poverty and social backwardness - and on the other hand, it challenged deeply
internalized moral values where exposure of the naked body was seen as
prurient and titillating. Today, throughout the planet, it is the dress-code
of the Northerner (with its dark suits, ties and dark leather shoes) that has
become the "respectable" norm. That this fully-draped attire is at
odds with the Indian (or Indonesian or African climate) and entails an
unnecessary level of office air-conditioning is tacitly ignored.
Having
to adopt the Northern dress-code is perhaps a relatively small sacrifice. But
it is emblematic of a larger problem - that even as post-colonial societies
have missed out on some of the most advanced cultural trends that shaped
Western civilization, they have nevertheless accepted Western leadership in
defining and shaping less critical cultural mores, even when those mores
conflict with their natural environment.
Today,
it is the unquestioning and mechanistic imitation/adoption of the Western
lifestyle that is contributing to new and more serious distortions.
For
instance, one of the most important inventions that has propelled urban growth
in Europe (and the West) has been the invention of electrically-powered
water-intensive indoor plumbing and sewage management. For Europe, where
open-air bathing and washing was virtually out of question for much of the
year, this was a very significant invention, and led to dramatic gains in
urban health and living standards.
Although
even in Europe, this involved serious environmental costs (that have yet to be
adequately dealt with), it did not lead to the kind of environmental and
social stresses seen in India (or in other water and energy-stressed
societies). At home (and in the lands they were able to colonize in the
Americas or in Australia and Africa) Europeans (or European settlers) did not
have to worry about the efficacy of their water and energy intensive urban
societies. Possessing lands with plentiful rivers and water from melting
snows, and having access to the energy resources of many other small nations,
(and having controlled population growth with very restrictive immigration
policies where necessary) Europeans have not had to question the
sustainability of their present urban solutions.
But
in many parts of Africa, the Middle East and India - this Western-developed
water (and energy) intensive system of personal hygiene (and agriculture) is
putting intense (and unbearable) pressure on local resources in the dry
sub-tropics, and to date, has been possible to implement only with grave
inequities. In many formerly-colonized nations, a significant proportion of
the population enjoys neither the benefits of modern plumbing nor the
traditional benefits of nature (as it may have in the past) - when there was
much greater access to natural water bodies (which have either been overused,
or severely polluted) - or are simply not to be found in the large urban
agglomerations that have developed around the old colonial towns.
A
related problem is how the elites (and other upwardly mobile sections of
society) have also been in a rush to imitate Western housing and transport
solutions that are highly energy intensive and are environmentally unsound in
the densely-packed hot-climate cities of the Indian and African interior.
Although the car offers individuals unparalleled convenience and scheduling
liberty - at present, an automobile-based transport system seems sustainable
only in a highly unequal world.
The
West (where car-ownership is a norm) must constantly plunder and expropriate
the oil-wealth of other countries - and countries that are unable to join in
the plunder (or in fact, have been victims of plunder) can provide the
automobile only to a small fraction of their populations - and that too at
great cost to air-quality.
(Car-based
transport also requires wide cemented roads that turn into heat traps - not a
problem in cold countries - but a serious added burden in the already sizzling
cities of the Indian plains. Large roads also mean that homes must be built
relatively further apart, whereas traditionally, homes in the towns of
Northern India (such as can be seen in Rajasthan) were built relatively closer
so as to limit exposure to the hot summer sun.)
Western
cities with their broad avenues certainly look very attractive, and they work
admirably for the Northern climate, but they can be extremely discomforting at
the height of the Indian summer. The net result is that barring the few who
can afford the air-conditioned car - most Indians must live with a solution
that isn't ideal for Indian conditions.
It
is the same with modern housing. Whereas traditional builders in Iran and in
the Indian (or Arab) plains utilized special techniques to keep homes cool in
the hot summers (such as cooling towers in Iran, or double walls and shaded
inner courtyards in India and elsewhere), modern town planners and architects
have discarded many sensible cultural traditions only to make urban living
require more energy-intensive artificial cooling.
Although
there has been no dearth of alternatives to the Western urban model in India,
these models have either not been given a fair chance, or else, they have yet
to prove their viability in large urban settings, nor do they seem to offer
the same degree of convenience that Western solutions have provided. In
addition, Indian town planners have been generally poorly trained, and at
best, have only imitated and improvised. Rarely have they been able to
innovate or harmonize their schemes with the peculiarities of the Indian
environment.
By
and large, it must be acknowledged that Indian municipal architects,
construction engineers and planners have yet to make any substantial or
original contributions to modern living that can be economically reproduced on
a massive scale even as they offer qualitative improvements in living
conditions that fit with Indian climactic patterns.
Urban
Indians (especially those with means) want all the comforts that the West has
to offer, but they don't wish to consider the cost that it may entail, or the
constraints that might apply in the Indian situation. So even as India has
been liberated from the most extreme injustices of colonial plunder, power is
now in the hands of an Indian elite that has unwittingly entered into a
complicated trap - where if it is to live well - and "enjoy" modern
comforts using Western solutions - it can only do so in a way that ignores the
needs of the Indian masses (and essentially disenfranchises them).
In
this sense, unthinking elite-driven "Westernization" even after the
political termination of direct colonial rule in an unequal society, has the
potential of turning into a divisive and perhaps destructive process - pitting
the elites against the broad masses not only in India, but in much of the
developing world.
It
is little wonder that this process of "Westernization" (in terms of
lifestyles) is generally accessible only to the English-speaking elite which
is becoming strongly averse to any equalizing currents in society. And for
that reason, it is also becoming incapable of leading any real cultural
regeneration of modern society.
Even
as this assertive elite eagerly seeks to imitate Western consumerism, it has
little interest in learning from the best of Western philosophy and high
culture (such as embodied in the music of Mozart's late symphonies,
Beethoven's Eroica, the piano (and/or orchestral) scores of Chopin, Liszt,
Schumann or Brahms, the ballet music of Tchaikovsky or Khachaturian, or
sections from the operatic scores of Berlioz, Verdi, or Wagner).
As
is typical in many other nations, the Indian elite appears to be less and less
attracted to high culture - (whether Indian, or foreign), but more and more
drawn towards all things vulgar and profane. And rather than seek alternatives
that could make things fairer for all Indians, middle-class admirers of the
Indian elite prefer to simply look the other way.
Whether
in theory or in practice, the Indian elite has exclusively embraced the
business of business - it can crunch numbers, it can market and trade, it can
hire, train and supervise scientists and engineers - so that they may
dutifully serve the needs of foreign investors.
But
in its race for profits, the Indian elite is relatively unworried as to
whether any particular new technology will ever be effectively used in India,
or will ever be generally available to the Indian masses. It is unperturbed by
the co-existence of all manner of contradictions: the shiny new glass and
chrome office adjacent to a pathetic slum - the new Mercedes Benz next to the
stray cow or mangy dog - the gala wedding banquet overlooking a heap of
garbage (or uncollected construction rubble) piled high against the next wall
- - the imported cologne and perfume shop adjacent to open drains overflowing
with untreated sewage - the privatized electric company that has automated
billing but inanely bureaucratic record-keeping and manual bill-collection.
In
its rush to appear chic and modern, the Indian elite has yet to consider that
environments can often matter more than individuals. That fresh air, clean
water, reliable water-supply and electricity can all matter more than that
fourteenth or fifteenth new car model.
The
Indian elite has shown very limited interest in determining if there could be
solutions that might ameliorate the perennial problems of water and
electricity shortages - especially since developing alternative methods of
managing water and generating electricity might require a special focus, and
perhaps, some interim sacrifices that some may be unwilling to make.
In
contrast, it should be noted that radical egalitarian currents were far more
influential in Europe of the colonial era. Europe's greatest philosophers and
music composers of the 19th century were driven by a strong sense of
egalitarian fairness and justice that had a powerful impact on the social
milieu of Europe. Although such currents had little effect in diluting or
controlling the European momentum towards imperial expansionism, Europe's
advanced cultural intellectuals did however succeed in propelling significant
internal social reforms.
In
practical terms, this meant that to a much greater degree, new inventions were
also put to the service of the masses. If the rich had their private cars, the
masses were provided with an extensive system of underground (and over-ground)
trains and buses to get around. In addition to food and clothing, home heating
and indoor plumbing also came to be seen as basic necessities - and when
societies failed to provide them, socialist revolutions (or pressure from
socialist parties) ensured that heated homes with running water eventually
became available to every working family.
But
in the former colonies - liberation has not gone far enough. The urban elites
of the former colonies have the same desire for good living as their European
counterparts, but without the ability to plunder other lands, or the ability
to export and settle their excess populations in other lands, they are in no
position to comfortably share the gains of modern technology with their
masses.
Having
become exceedingly cynical (or pessimistic) that their masses could ever enjoy
the comforts of modern living - the intellectual elites have generally turned
their backs on philosophies of progressive social change. And even amongst
those that appear to give lip service to one or another type of radical
position, there are many who do so in a way that is subversive to the point of
making the radical currents they claim to avow - irrelevant, impotent or just
plain unpopular. (This is not to say that there are no real votaries of social
change in India or elsewhere. But at present, they are yet to make any lasting
impression on the urban scientific and cultural intelligentsia).
Even
the few environmental groups who have found cost-effective and relatively
environment-friendly alternatives to pressing urban problems face difficulties
in getting sufficient attention. While some of their alternatives appear
practical only in villages and in smaller towns, there are things that could
be implemented on a much wider scale. City governments could make
water-harvesting structures and solar units for water heating, purifying and
lighting mandatory in all new building; the centre could provide more research
funding and practical support for wind and other energy alternatives; state
governments could encourage bio-fuel plantations and emphasize mass transit.
For
instance, in Africa - (where there is much more land per capita than in
India), it is likely that if bio-fuels were developed to their full potential,
they could provide enough energy to power all the buses required for urban
transportation. Wind and solar power have considerable potential in sparsely
populated arid regions of sub-Saharan Africa. An enlightened Indian government
could try and interest African countries in suitable joint ventures that could
be of mutual benefit.
But
one of the greatest tragedies of colonization (that has only been exacerbated
in the last few years) is the almost complete breakdown of social solidarity -
both within nations, and between nations.
Colonization
succeeded through the cultivation of local elites who could make a complete
break with almost all prior social obligations. Such elites were trained to be
loyal to colonial goals - but disloyal to their fellow citizens. They were
encouraged to focus on just their own narrow self-interest, and that too in a
very sectarian and individualistic manner.
This
is not to say that sectarian currents were absent in pre-colonial societies.
Caste and religion have the potential of developing along strongly sectarian
lines, and it cannot be denied that many older societies (India included) have
been plagued by the ills of social segmentation and stratification. But it is
also notable how such divisions were cynically exploited by the colonial
authorities, and were exacerbated by colonial rule.
It
is especially important to note how in the past, some of India's most
enlightened currents have stressed the interconnectedness of human existence
and emphasized the relationship between individual happiness and collective
social consciousness:
Take
for instance this shloka from the Atharva Veda:
All
have equal rights to food and water. The yoke of life is placed equally on the
shoulders of all. All should live together in harmony, supporting one another
like the spokes of the wheel in a chariot that connect its rim to the hub.
Or
consider these two Buddhist quotations:
"He
who has understanding and great wisdom does not think of harming himself or
another, nor of harming both alike. He rather thinks of his own welfare, of
that of others, of that of both, and of the welfare of the whole world. In
that way one shows understanding and great wisdom." Anguttara Nikaya -
(Gradual Sayings)
"By
protecting oneself, one protects others; by protecting others, one protects
oneself." Samyukta Nikaya (Kindred Sayings)
But,
today, especially because of the American influence, the Indian elite and its
many supporters have conveniently forgotten India's roots in a once more
collective tradition.
Although
it was inevitable that notions of collective solidarity would become severely
eroded with the development of caste, class and other sectarian elites, the
notion of inter-connectedness survived to some degree. Today, however, the
only social value that some liberal sections in the elite are willing to
accept is the notion of abandoning sectoral discrimination - such as that
which arises from religion, or gender.
Yet
even as some appear to recognize that the society of tomorrow must not
discriminate in the old ways - the will to change is still weak - and there is
insufficient social pressure on those that use the weight of past privileges
to violate the precepts of equal access, and equal justice. Even as many may
accept that in principle Indian society must offer equal opportunity to every
child in India - there does not appear to be the political will to reshape
society in a way that actually delivers on such a promise.
Instead,
Indians (as in other English-speaking nations) are treated to a daily dose of
hype by much of India's English language and vernacular press. IT
"superpower", BPO "leader", "India Shining", and
all manner of other childlike superlatives are employed to describe the Indian
condition - as if to compensate for a reality that is far more drab,
discomforting and distressing.
India
may well "Shine" one day. But it is all too clear that such a day is
far down the horizon. It may arrive when the Indian nation is able to provide
each child with the same opportunity to a decent and fulfilling existence. It
may arrive when genuine hard work and worthwhile social contribution begets
fair and just rewards - that might be the day when someone might legitimately
claim that "India was Shining". Until then, such slogans will
reflect nothing more than political hype - cheap election stunts - that will
be perceived as insincere bluster by the millions of Indians who suffer all
manner of deprivations and indignities in their daily existence.
But
unfortunately, the mainstream Indian press is nothing but a reflection of the
sorry state of mainstream Indian culture - where making false promises is the
order of the day. Whether it is the politician pretending to be honest and
different, or the activist who promises to change the world, or the
businessperson promising better value - the lack of sincerity is distressingly
evident.
It
is little wonder that it has become a challenge to find new Indian artists
with a sense of beauty, or Indian pop singers with a genuine sense of melody.
There is hardly a young cine-world singer who can remain in tune while
attempting to sing something poignant and moving. Many things can be feigned -
political speech is especially vulnerable to deceit and deception - but
humbuggery in the fine arts is much harder to hide. The artist who lacks a
sense of fine line and color - or the musician who can't compose a touching
melody - or the singer who has a hard time holding a sensitive tune - these
are all unmistakable symptoms of an India in severe cultural decline or
denial.
Yet,
there are also small signs of hope - and these are to be found not in the most
expensive galleries of Delhi or Mumbai or in the Bollywood extravaganzas - but
in the humble craft Melas where one can get a little glimpse of honest
ingenuity. It is in the creations of the Jaipur jeweler or potter, or the
Madhubani artist from Bihar, or the Adivasi sculptor of iron and bell-metal
from Jharkhand or Chhattisgarh, or the Batik or block printer from Kerala or
Rajasthan, or the Kalamkari artist from Karnataka or Andhra, or the
embroidery-maker from Kutch - that art in India appears to come alive.
It
is such artists and artisans who hold the torch for Indian culture. From
Kashmir to Tamil Nadu - from Haryana to Assam- it is India's humble
craftspeople who still embody hints of a wonderful aesthetic spirit - it is
they who still retain their integrity. The Indian elites may no longer have
much to say, but India's village craftspeople still have something important
and worthwhile to say. Who will open their hearts and minds and listen?
****************************************************************************8
An
article on India's success and attitude to BioTech ........
New
York Times 2005 Aug 21,2005
Pankaj
Mishra, an Indian novelist and journalist.
LONDON
- In 2001, President Bush restricted federal financing for stem cell research.
The decision, which was shaped at least partly by the Republican Party's
evangelical Christian base, and which disappointed many American scientists
and businessmen, provoked joy in India. The weekly newsmagazine India Today,
read mostly by the country's ambitious middle class, spoke of a "new pot
of gold" for Indian science and businesses. "If Indians are
smart," the magazine said, American qualms about stem cell research
"can open an opportunity to march ahead."
Just
four years later, this seems to have occurred. According to Ernst &
Young's Global Biotechnology Report in 2004, Indian biotechnology companies
are expected to grow tenfold in the next five years, creating more than a
million jobs. With more than 10,000 highly trained and cheaply available
scientists, the country is one of the leading biotechnology powers along with
Korea, Singapore, China, Japan, Sweden, Britain and Israel.
A
top Indian corporation, the Reliance Group, owns Reliance Life Sciences, which
is trying to devise new treatments for diabetes and Parkinson's and
Alzheimer's diseases, and create human skin, blood and replacement organs
genetically matched to their intended recipients. Some scientists have even
more ambitious ideas. Encouraged by the cloning of a sheep by British
scientists in 1996, they plan to do the same with endangered species of Indian
lions and cheetahs.
American
scientists and businessmen note enviously that religious and moral
considerations do not seem to inhibit Indian biotechnologists. But this
indifference to ethical issues would have certainly appalled Gandhi, father of
the Indian nation. Gandhi accused Western medicine, along with much of modern
science and technology, of inflicting violence upon human nature. His
vegetarianism and belief in nonviolence were derived from Indian traditions,
mainly Hinduism, which is also the faith, though loosely defined, of most
Indian scientists and businessmen.
Indeed,
most evangelical Christians, who believe that the embryo is a person, may find
more support in ancient Hindu texts than in the Bible. Many Hindus see the
soul - the true Self (or atman) - as the spiritual and imperishable component
of human personality. After death destroys the body, the soul soon finds a new
temporal home. Thus, for Hindus as much as for Catholics, life begins at
conception.
The
ancient system of Indian medicine known as Ayurveda assumes that fetuses are
alive and conscious when it prescribes a particular mental and spiritual
regimen to pregnant women. This same assumption is implicit in "The
Mahabharata," the Hindu epic about a fratricidal war apparently fought in
the first millennium B.C. In one of its famous stories, the warrior Arjuna
describes to his pregnant wife a seven-stage military strategy. His
yet-to-born son Abhimanyu is listening, too. But as Arjuna describes the
seventh and last stage, his wife falls asleep, presumably out of boredom.
Years later, while fighting his father's cousins, the hundred Kaurava
brothers, Abhimanyu uses well the military training he has learned in his
mother's womb, until the seventh stage, where he falters and is killed.
But
the religions and traditions we know as Hinduism are less monolithic and more
diverse than Islam and Christianity; they can yield contradictory arguments.
Early in "The Mahabharata," there is a story about how the hundred
Kaurava brothers came into being. Their mother had produced a mass of flesh
after two years of pregnancy. But then a sage divided the flesh into 100
parts, which were treated with herbs and ghee, and kept in pots for two years
- from which the Kaurava brothers emerged.
Indian
proponents of stem-cell research often offer this story as an early instance
of human cloning through stem cells extracted from human embryos. They do not
mention that "The Mahabharata" presents the birth of the hundred
Kaurava brothers as an ominous event.
Other
Asian scientists have also pressed myth and tradition into the service of
modern science and nationalism. In South Korea, where a third of the
population is Buddhist, a scientist who cloned human embryonic stem cell lines
claimed that he was "recycling" life just as reincarnation does.
But
spiritual tradition cannot solve all the ethical issues raised by science's
progress through the third world. Ultrasound scans help many women in India to
abort female fetuses; a girl child is still considered a burden among Indians.
The trade in human organs, especially kidneys, remains a big business, despite
growing scrutiny by the police. It is not hard to imagine that, as stem cell
research grows in India, and remains unregulated, a small industry devoted to
the creation of human embryos would soon develop.
In
any case, biotechnology may offer only pseudo-answers to many of India's
urgent problems. For one thing, if and when lions and cheetahs emerge from
biotechnology labs, the steadily deforested Indian countryside may not have a
place for them. Stem cell research is also expensive, and seems glaringly so
in a country which does not provide basic health care for most of its people.
The advanced treatments promised by biotechnology are likely to benefit the
rich, at least for the first few years.
In
the meantime, the poor may be asked to offer themselves as guinea pigs. In an
article on biotechnology last year, India Today asserted: "India has
another gold mine - the world's largest population of 'naïve' sick patients,
on whom no medicine has ever been tried. India's distinct communities and
large families are ideal subjects for genetic and clinical research."
Scientism
has few detractors in India; and the elites find it easy to propose
technological rather than political and moral solutions to the problems of
poverty, inequality and environmental damage. Obsessed with imitating Western
consumer lifestyles, most middle-class Indians are unlikely to have much time
for Gandhi's belief that "civilization consists not in the multiplication
of wants but in the deliberate and voluntary reduction of wants." They
subscribe to a worldly form of Hinduism - one that now proves to be infinitely
adjustable to the modern era, endorsing nuclear bombs and biotechnology as
well as India's claim to be taken seriously as an emerging economic and
scientific superpower.
*******************************************************************************
apiece
on the deal that Bush made with India on its 'nuculer' program.....
Bush
Officials Defend India Nuclear Deal Aim Is Not to Reverse Policies, Allies
Told By Dafna Linzer Wednesday, July 20, 2005;
Bush
administration officials yesterday lobbied Congress and tried to assure allies
that a new deal to supply India with civilian nuclear technology and
conventional military equipment was not meant to betray decades of
nuclear-control policies or upset the regional balance of power.
Indian
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, addressing Congress, said his country, which
developed its nuclear program in secret in the 1970s, was a responsible
nuclear state that would closely guard any future acquisitions of sensitive
U.S. technology. He appealed for U.S. investment that could spur India's
economic growth and bring in $150 billion in the next decade for nuclear power
plants and to modernize the country's transportation system.
Indian
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is greeted as he enters the House before
speaking to a joint meeting of Congress about the nuclear deal. The details of
the nuclear deal had been tightly held until they were announced late Monday
during Singh's visit to the White House. Under the agreement, India would
place its civilian nuclear facilities, but not its nuclear weapons
program,under international monitoring and would continue a ban on nuclear
testing. The United States would give India access to U.S. nuclear technology
and conventional weapons systems.
Yesterday,
Pentagon officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said they expected
India to start purchasing as much as $5 billion worth of conventional military
equipment as a result of the deal, if it is approved by Congress. The current
U.S. Nonproliferation Act prevents India and other countries that have not
signed the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty from acquiring a wide range of
U.S. military technology that includes components that could be used for
nuclear programs.
Administration
officials have sought to publicly play down how the arrangement fits into a
broad White House strategy to help position India -- a democracy that has the
capacity to expand its nuclear arsenal -- as a regional counterweight to
China.
But
Pentagon officials said they considered many of the potential sales, including
anti-submarine patrol aircraft that could spot Chinese submarines in the
Indian Ocean and Aegis radar for Indian destroyers operating in the strategic
Straits of Malaka, as useful for monitoring the Chinese military.
The
Pentagon yesterday released an assessment of China's military strength. Basing
the findings on U.S. intelligence, the report claims that Beijing is
increasing its nuclear arsenal and specifically noted that Chinese missiles
are capable of striking India, Russia and "virtually all of the United
States."
Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice yesterday called Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's
president, and Mohamed ElBaradei, the director of the International Atomic
Energy Agency, officials said. Her advisers spoke with members of Congress,
including Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), chairman of the Foreign Relations
Committee. And the State Department organized briefings for allies surprised
by the deal, which reverses years of nonproliferation policies and skirts the
major tenets of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which is credited by many with
limiting the spread of nuclear weapons.
Foreign
diplomats from some of Washington's closest allies predicted a tough climb for
the administration, which will need to persuade many of them to alter rules in
the Nuclear Suppliers Group that limit exports of sensitive nuclear
technologies to countries that have not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The NSG is a 44-country consortium that was established immediately after
India conducted its first nuclear detonation in 1974 as a way of specifically
keeping nuclear materials out of the country.
"This
sends the signal that bilateral relations and other strategic interests will
trump nonproliferation," said Robert Einhorn, who served as assistant
secretary of state for nonproliferation when India conducted a series of
nuclear tests in 1998. "And that will reduce the perceived penalties
associated with going nuclear."
Members
of Congress welcomed Singh yesterday but were reluctant to sign off on the
agreement, which would require congressional approval. Lugar, who has
pioneered nonproliferation legislation, said Congress needed to hear from the
White House how the deal would affect U.S. nuclear policies
elsewhere."We're going to have a lot of conversations," he said.
House members of the energy conference committee approved a measure offered by
Rep. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) to prevent the export of nuclear technology to
India. "This is a way for the House to send a signal on this particular
treaty," Rep. Joe Barton (R-Tex.), chairman of the conference committee,
said in a statement.
That's
all folks!
Colin