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PAN Discussion Group Wednesday April 26th  2006
Subject: 
India: Social and economic change. Is it like China? If not, why not? What are India's links with the USA? Are we worried about their nuclear capability? Where are the best clubs in Mumbai?

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Location:  RSVP (NO HOST AS YET FOR THIS ONE - LET ME KNOW IF YOU CAN HELP OUT )

Time : 7pm to 10pm ish

This months discussion  will be enriched by first hand accounts of a roving reporter Mehul.

Thanks to everyone who sent suggestions for articles. 

The documents are also available at the PAN web site:<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />

https://www.angelfire.com/ult/pan/

General:
The articles are the basis for the discussion and reading them helps give us some common ground and focus for the discussion, especially where we would otherwise be ignorant of the issues. The discussions are not intended as debates or arguments, rather they should be a chance to explore ideas and issues in a constructive forum Feel free to bring along other stuff you've read on this, related subjects or on topics the group might be interested in for future meetings.

GROUND RULES:
* Temper the urge to speak with the discipline to listen and leave space for others
* Balance the desire to teach with a passion to learn
* Hear what is said and listen for what is meant
* Marry your certainties with others' possibilities
* Reserve judgment until you can claim the understanding we seek


Well I guess that's all for now.
Colin
Any problems let me know..
847-963-1254
tysoe2@yahoo.com

The Articles: 

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First for some general background checkout the facts from the guys who know, or should do, pity about those surprise nuclear tests in 98...

 

http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/in.html

 

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URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11571348/site/newsweek/

 

A piece from the recent Newsweek special on India

India Rising

Messy, raucous, democratic India is growing fast, and now may partner up with the world's richest democracy-America. By Fareed Zakaria

 

March 6, 2006 issue - Every year at the World Economic Forum in Davos, there's a star. Not a person but a country. One country impresses the gathering of global leaders because of a particularly smart Finance minister or a compelling tale of reform or even a glamorous gala. This year there was no contest. In the decade that I've been going to Davos, no country has captured the imagination of the conference and dominated the conversation as India in 2006.

It was not a matter of chance. As you got off the plane in Zurich, there were large billboards extolling INCREDIBLE INDIA. Davos itself was plastered with signs. WORLD'S FASTEST GROWING FREE MARKET DEMOCRACY! proclaimed the town's buses. When you got to your room, you found an iPod Shuffle loaded with Bollywood songs, and a pashmina shawl, gifts from the Indian delegation. When you entered the meeting rooms, you were likely to hear an Indian voice, one of the dozens of CEOs of world-class Indian companies. And then there were the government officials, India's "Dream Team," all intelligent and articulate, and all selling their country.

 

The Forum's main social event was an Indian extravaganza, with a bevy of Indian beauties dancing to pulsating Hindi tunes against an electric blue Taj Mahal. The guests joined in the festivities. The impeccably dressed chairman of the Forum, Klaus Schwab, donned a colorful Indian turban and shawl, nibbled on chicken tikka and talked up the country's prospects with Michael Dell. INDIA EVERYWHERE, said the ubiquitous logo. It was.

 

And everyone now is in India-most significantly, of course, George W. Bush, who will arrive there on March 1. Jacques Chirac was there two weeks ago. (So was Bill Clinton, who can't stop returning to the country.) Two weeks before that it was Saudi Arabia's newly crowned monarch, King Abdullah. The week after Bush leaves, Australian Prime Minister John Howard arrives. And that's all in six weeks. The world-and particularly the United States-is courting India as it never has before. Fascinated by the new growth story, perhaps wary of Asia's Chinese superpower, searching to hedge some bets, the world has woken up to India's potential. But does it really know this complex, diverse country? Just as important, does India know what it wants of the world?

The marketing slogans wouldn't work if there were no substance behind them. Over the past 15 years, India has been the second fastest-growing country in the world-after China-averaging above 6 percent growth per year. Growth accelerated to 7.5 percent last year and will probably hold at the same pace this year. Many observers believe that India could well expand at this higher rate for the next decade.

 

While China's rise is already here and palpable-it has grown at almost 10 percent since 1980-India's is still more a tale of the future, but a future that is coming into sharp focus. A much-cited 2003 study by Goldman Sachs projects that over the next 50 years, India will be the fastest-growing of the world's major economies (largely because its work force will not age as fast as the others). The report calculates that in 10 years India's economy will be larger than Italy's and in 15 years will have overtaken Britain's. By 2040 it will boast the world's third largest economy. By 2050 it will be five times the size of Japan's and its per capita income will have risen to 35 times its current level. Predictions like these are a treacherous business, though it's worth noting that India's current growth rate is actually higher than the study assumed.

 

Even the here and now is impressive. Indian companies are growing at an extraordinary pace, posting yearly gains of 15, 20 and 25 percent. The Tata group, the country's largest business house, is a far-flung conglomerate that makes everything from cars and steel to software and consulting systems. In this sense, it is a useful window on India's industrial and postindustrial economy. Its revenues grew last year from $17 billion to $24 billion and it is heading for extremely strong growth this year. At another end of the scale, the automobile-parts business is made up of hundreds of small companies. Five years ago the industry's total revenues were $4 billion. This year they will exceed $10 billion. In 2008, General Motors alone will import $1 billion of auto components from India.

 

That's outsourcing-as it is any time an American company buys goods or services from abroad. It's also called trade or globalization or capitalism. Those who want to stop it-and it's not clear how you could do that-should remember that the United States' prosperity has come from its very willingness to open itself up to the world. Over the last 60 years, manufacturing employment in the United States has plummeted as those industries went abroad-and yet average American incomes have risen to be the highest in the world. Over the last 20 years, as globalization has quickened, American companies have outsourced first goods, then services-and American incomes have risen faster than those of any other major industrial country. Banning auto-parts factories or call centers will not save General Motors. Globalization highlights some problems for America, but the solutions are all at home. As they have in the past, Americans must-and can-make goods and services that people will pay for freely, not because the government forces them to by shutting out the competition. That is the only stable path to economic security.

 

At this point, anyone who has actually been to India will probably be puzzled. "India?" he or she will say. "With its dilapidated airports, crumbling roads, vast slums and impoverished villages? We're talking about that India?" Yes, that, too, is India. The country might have several Silicon Valleys, but it also has three Nigerias within it, more than 300 million people living on less than a dollar a day. India is home to 40 percent of the world's poor and has the world's second largest HIV population. But that is the familiar India, the India of poverty and disease. The India of the future contains all this but also something new. You can feel the change even in the midst of the slums.

To new visitors, it won't look pretty. Many Western businessmen go to India expecting it to be the next China. But it never will be that. China's growth is a product of its efficient, all-powerful government. Beijing decides the country needs new airports, eight-lane highways, gleaming industrial parks-and they are built within months. It courts multinationals and provides them with permits and facilities within days. It looks good and, in many ways, it is that good, having produced the most successful case of economic development in human history.

India's growth is messy, chaotic and largely unplanned. It is not top-down but bottom-up. It is happening not because of the government, but largely despite it. India does not have Beijing and Shanghai's gleaming infrastructure, and it does not have a government that rolls out the red carpet for foreign investment-no government in democratic India would have those kinds of powers anyway. But it has vast and growing numbers of entrepreneurs who want to make money. And somehow they find a way to do it, overcoming the obstacles, bypassing the bureaucracy. "The government sleeps at night and the economy grows," says Gurcharan Das, former CEO of Procter Gamble in India.

 

There are some who argue that India's path has distinct advantages. MIT's Yasheng Huang points out that India's companies use their capital far more efficiently than China's; they benchmark to global standards and are better managed than Chinese firms. Despite being much poorer than China, India has produced dozens of world-class companies like Infosys, Ranbaxy and Reliance. Huang attributes this difference to the fact that India has a real and deep private sector (unlike China's many state-owned and state-funded companies), a clean, well-regulated financial system and the sturdy rule of law. Another example: every year Japan awards the coveted Deming Prizes for managerial innovation, and over the last four years, they have been awarded more often to Indian companies than to firms from any other country, including Japan.

 

This bottom-up activity is evident not simply among entrepreneurs. The Indian consumer is also rearing for action. Most Asian success stories have been ones in which the government forces its people to save, producing growth through capital accumulation and market-friendly policies. In India, the individual is king. Young Indian professionals don't wait to buy a house at the end of their lives with their savings. They take out mortgages. The credit-card industry is growing at 35 percent a year. Personal consumption makes up a staggering 67 percent of GDP in India, much higher than China (42 percent) or any other Asian country. Only the United States is higher at 70 percent.

 

Statistics don't quite capture what is happening. Indians, at least in urban areas, are bursting with enthusiasm. Indian businessmen are giddy about their prospects. Indian designers and artists speak of extending their influence across the globe. Bollywood movie stars want to grow their audience abroad from their "base" of half a billion fans. It is as if hundreds of millions of people have suddenly discovered the keys to unlock their potential. A famous Indian once put it eloquently, "A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance."

 

Those words, which Indians of a certain generation know by heart, were spoken by the country's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, just after midnight, on Aug. 15, 1947, when independent India was born. What Nehru was referring to, of course, was the birth of India as an independent state. What is happening today is the birth of India as an independent society-boisterous, colorful, open, vibrant and, above all, ready for change. India is diverging from its past, but also from most other countries in Asia. It is not a quiet, controlled, quasi-authoritarian country that is slowly opening up according to plans. It is a noisy democracy that has finally empowered its people economically. In this respect India, one of the poorest countries in the world, looks strikingly similar to the world's wealthiest country, the United States of America. In both places, society has triumphed over the state.

 

The Indian state has been a roaring success on one front. India's democracy is a wonder to behold. One of the world's poorest countries, it has sustained democratic government for almost 60 years. And this is surely one of the country's greatest strengths when compared with many other developing countries. If you ask the question "What will India look like politically in 25 years?" we know the answer: like it does today-a democracy, probably with a coalition government. Democracy makes for populism, pandering and delays. But it also makes for long-term stability. (In case President Bush is looking for some answers for Iraq, he should recall that the British were able to stay in India for 200 years and built lasting institutions of government throughout the country, and that India got very lucky with its first generation of leaders. Men like Nehru may not have understood economics, but they deeply understood political freedom.)

 

If the Indian state has succeeded in one crucial dimension, it has failed in several others. In the 1950s and 1960s, India tried to modernize by creating a "mixed" economic model, between capitalism and communism. This meant a shackled and overregulated private sector, and a massively inefficient and corrupt public sector. The results were poor, and in the 1970s, as India became more socialist, they became disastrous. In 1960 India had a higher per capita GDP than China; today it is less than half of China's. That year it had the same per capita GDP as South Korea; today South Korea's is 13 times larger. The United Nations Human Development Index gauges countries by income, health, literacy and other such measures. India ranks 124 out of 177, behind Syria, Sri Lanka, Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. Female literacy in India is a shockingly low 54 percent. Despite mountains of rhetoric about helping the poor, by any reasonable comparison, India's government has done too little for them.

 

Is this a problem with democracy? Not entirely. Bad policies fail whether pursued by dictators or democrats. But there are elements of democracy that have hurt, certainly in a country with rampant poverty, feudalism and illiteracy. Democracy in India too often means not the will of the majority but the will of organized minorities-landowners, powerful castes, farmers, government unions and local thugs. (Nearly a fifth of the members of the Indian Parliament have been accused of crimes, including embezzlement, rape and murder.) These groups are usually richer than most of their countrymen, and they plunder the state's coffers to stay that way. It is ironic, for example, that India's Communist Party does not campaign for growth to lift the very poor but rather works to maintain the relatively privileged conditions of unionized workers. As these power plays go on, the great majority's interests-those 800 million who earn less than $2 a day-often fall through the cracks.

 

But democracy has its own way of rebalancing. The wave of Hindu nationalism that raged through the country in the 1990s is on the wane, for now, and a thoroughly secular government is in power. Headed by Manmohan Singh, the former Finance minister who opened up India's economy in the summer of 1991, it is also committed to economic reform. In an act of great wisdom and restraint, Sonia Gandhi, who led the ruling coalition to victory in the polls, chose to appoint Singh as prime minister rather than take the job herself. As a result, quite unexpectedly, India's chaotic and often-corrupt democratic system has yielded as its head of government a man of immense intelligence, unimpeachable integrity and deep experience. Singh, an Oxford Ph.D., has already run the country's central bank, planning ministry and Finance Ministry. His breadth, depth and decency are unmatched by any Indian prime minister since Nehru.

 

But Singh has disappointed many of his fans. They had hoped for another set of large-scale reforms, but the government has been cautious and is implementing programs that look suspiciously like another round of subsidies (programs that have had such little success in the past). These are the constraints of democracy. Singh heads a fragile coalition government without a strong mandate for economic change. He is not himself a powerful politician, depending on Mrs. Gandhi for his clout. But his quiet determination to keep moving forward-on economics, politics and foreign policy-has been underestimated. His Economic ministers are all reformers. They work within the political limits, but they work. For example, infrastructure in India is slowly getting better and will be funded through public-private partnerships. India's two major airports will be privatized and improve dramatically. Every week you read of a set of regulations that have been eased or permissions that have been eliminated. These "stealth reforms," too small to draw vigorous opposition from the unreconstructed left, add up. And India's pro-reform constituency keeps growing. The middle class is already 300 million strong. Urban India is not all of India, but it is a large and influential chunk of it.

 

Democracy is India's destiny. A country this diverse and complex-17 major languages, 22,000 dialects and all the world's major religions-cannot really be governed any other way. The task is to use democracy to India's advantage. In some cases this is happening. The Indian government has recently begun investing in rural education and health, and is focusing on ways to make agriculture more productive. Good economics can sometimes make for good politics, at least that is the Indian hope. Another change is that, since 1993, democracy has been broadened to give villages greater voice in their affairs. Most important, village councils must reserve 33 percent of their seats for women. As a result there are 1 million elected women in villages across the country. They will now have a platform from which to demand better education and health care. It's bottom-up development, with society pushing the state.

 

Will the state respond? Built during the British Raj, massively expanded in India's socialist era, it is filled with bureaucrats who are in love with their petty powers and privileges. They are joined by politicians who enjoy the power of patronage. And then there are some journalists and intellectuals who still hold on to some romantic idea of Third World socialism. There are many in India's ruling class who remain deeply uncomfortable with the modern, open, commercial society that they see growing around them.

 

But the state fills a vital role. Look at India's great success-its private companies. They flourish because of a well-regulated stock market and financial system that has transparency, adjudication and enforcement-all government functions. Or consider the booming telecommunications industry, which was created by intelligent government deregulation and re-regulation. Or the Indian institutes of technology-among the world's best-all government-run. But that's just a start. The private sector cannot solve India's AIDS crisis or its rural education shortfalls or its environmental problems. If India's governance does not improve, the country will never fully achieve its potential.

 

This is perhaps the central paradox of India today. Its society is open, eager, confident and ready to take on the world. But its state-its ruling class-is far more hesitant, cautious and suspicious of the changed realities around it. Nowhere is this tension more obvious than in the realm of foreign policy, in the increasingly large and important task of determining how India should fit into the New World.

 

Most Americans would probably be surprised to learn that India is, by all accounts, the most pro-American country in the world. The Pew Global Attitudes Survey, released in June 2005, asked people in 16 countries whether they had a favorable impression of the United States. A stunning 71 percent of Indians said yes. Only Americans had a more favorable view of America (83 percent). The numbers are somewhat lower in other surveys, but the basic finding remains true: Indians are extremely comfortable with, and well disposed toward, America.

This may be because for decades India's government tried to force-feed anti-Americanism down people's throats. (Politicians in the 1970s spoke so often of the "hidden hand" when explaining India's miseries-by which they meant the CIA or American interference generally-that cartoonists took to drawing an actual hand that descended every now and then to cause havoc.) More likely it is because Indians understand America. It is a noisy, open society with a chaotic democratic system-like theirs. Many urban Indians speak America's language, are familiar with the country and often actually know someone who lives there, possibly even a relative.

 

The Indian-American community has been a bridge between the two cultures. The term often used to describe Indians leaving their country is "brain drain." But it's been more like brain gain, for both sides. Indians abroad have played a crucial role in opening up the mother country. They returned to India with money, investment ideas, global standards and, most important, a sense that one could achieve anything. An Indian parliamentarian once famously asked the then prime minister, Indira Gandhi, "Why is it that Indians seem to succeed everywhere except in their own country?" The stories of Indians scaling the highest peaks in America have produced pride and emulation in India. Americans, for their part, have embraced India in some measure because they have had a positive experience with Indians in America.

 

Americans also find India understandable. They are puzzled and disturbed by impenetrable decision-making elites like the Chinese Politburo or the Iranian Council of Guardians. A quarrelsome democracy that keeps moving backward, forward and sideways-that they know. Take the current negotiations on nuclear issues. Americans watch what is going on in New Delhi, with people inside the government who are opposed to a nuclear deal leaking negative stories to the media, political opponents using the issue to score points, true ideological opponents being utterly implacable-and this all seems very familiar. Similar things happen every day in Washington.

 

Most countries have relationships that are almost exclusively between governments. Think of the links between the United States and Saudi Arabia, which exist among a few dozen high officials and have never really gone beyond that. But sometimes bonds develop not merely between states but between societies. Twice before the United States had developed a relationship with a country that was strategic but also much more-with Britain and later with Israel. In both cases, the resulting ties were broad and deep, going well beyond government officials and diplomatic negotiations. The two countries knew each other, understood each other and as a result became natural and almost permanent partners. America has the opportunity to forge such a relationship with India.

This is not a matter of strategic "balancing" against China. The world is not that simple. The United States should not create a self-fulfilling prophecy of a conflict with China. The American relationship with China is complex, with many elements of cooperation. China, after all, is one of America's chief creditors, and Americans in turn buy Chinese goods, fueling its growth. Nor will India want to play along as a counterweight to China, since its own relations with its powerful neighbor are crucial. Beijing will overtake America as India's largest trading partner within a couple of years. Both India and America will want to retain their independence in dealing with the Middle Kingdom. That said, the rise of China is the fundamental strategic shift that is altering Asia's-and the world's-landscape. And the United States and India will be glad to have each other's company in that circumstance.

 

This doesn't mean that the United States and India will agree on every policy issue. Remember that even during their close wartime alliance, Roosevelt and Churchill disagreed about several issues, most notably India's independence. America broke with Britain over Suez. It condemned Israel for its invasion of Lebanon. Washington and New Delhi have different interests and thus will inevitably have policy disputes. But it is precisely because of the deep bonds between these countries that such disagreements would not alter the fundamental reality of friendship, empathy and association.

 

Such a relationship between the United States and India is almost inevitable. Whether the nuclear agreement goes through or not, whether the governments sign new treaties, the two societies are getting increasingly intertwined. A common language, a familiar world view and a growing fascination with each other is bringing together businessmen, nongovernmental activists, journalists and writers.

 

I say almost inevitable because there are pulls against it on both sides. In America, there is always the danger that politicians will turn to populism and protectionism as a cheap way to get votes. So far the pandering has been limited and temporary, but as elections approach and politicians grandstand, it's always convenient to find foreigners upon whom to blame your ills. Additionally, Washington is still learning the art of treating other countries with the respect and deference they expect-and India can be prickly and proud.

 

But the real stumbling block to a deep Indo-U.S. relationship will come not from Washington but New Delhi. While Singh and some others at the top of the Indian government see the world clearly, and see the immense opportunities it opens up for India, many others are blinded by their prejudices. For many Indian elites, it has been comfortable and comforting to look at the world from the prism of a poor, Third World country, whose foreign policy was neutral, detached (and, one might add, unsuccessful). They understand how to operate in that world, whom to bargain with, whom to beg from and whom to be belligerent with. But a world in which India is a great power, in which it moves confidently across the global stage, and in which it is a friend and partner of the most powerful country in history-that is an altogether new and unsettling proposition. "Why is the United States being nice to us?" several such doubters have asked me repeatedly. Even now, in 2003, they were searching for the hidden hand. China's Mandarin class has been able to rethink its country's new role as a world power with skill and effectiveness. So far, India's Brahmins have not shown themselves the equals of their neighbor.

 

The danger for India is that this moment might not last forever. The world turns and India will have its ups and downs. But today it is India's moment. It can grasp it and forge a new path for itself. Along that road lies a genuine and deep relationship between the planet's largest democracy and its wealthiest democracy. Until now, this has merely been a slogan. It could actually become a reality, and who knows what such a world might look like?

 

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But the rise is not without problems...

 

Worried About India's and China's Booms? So Are They By Thomas L. Friedman

The New York Times March 24, 2006

 

The more I cover foreign affairs, the more I wish I had studied education in college, because the more I travel, the more I find that the most heated debates

in many countries are around education. And here's what's really funny -- every country thinks it's behind.

 

Tony Blair has been fighting with his own party over permitting more innovative charter schools. Singapore is obsessed with improving its already world-leading

math scores before others catch up. And America agonizes that its K-12 public schools badly need improvement in math and science. I was just in Mumbai attending the annual meeting of India's high-tech association, Nasscom, where many speakers worried aloud that Indian education wasn't nurturing enough

''innovators.''

 

Both India and China, which have mastered rote learning and have everyone else terrified about their growing armies of engineers, are wondering if too much

math and science -- unleavened by art, literature, music and humanities -- aren't making Indira and Zhou dull kids and not good innovators. Very few global

products have been spawned by India or China.

 

''We have no one going into the liberal arts and everyone going into engineering and M.B.A.'s,'' said Jerry Rao, chief executive of MphasiS, one of the top Indian outsourcing companies. ''We're becoming a nation of aspiring programmers and salespeople. If we don't have enough people with the humanities, we will

lose the [next generation of] V. S. Naipauls and Amartya Sens,'' he added, referring to the Indian author and the Indian economist, both Nobel laureates.

''That is sad and dangerous.''

 

Innovation is often a synthesis of art and science, and the best innovators often combine the two. The Apple co-founder Steve Jobs, in his compelling

Stanford commencement address last year, recalled how he dropped out of college but stuck around campus and took a calligraphy course, where he learned about the artistry of great typography. ''None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life,'' he recalled. ''But 10 years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me. And we designed it all into the Mac. It was the first computer with beautiful typography.''

 

Fifty years ago the Sanskrit scholar was respected in India, Mr. Rao noted, but today it is all about becoming an engineer, a programmer, an M.B.A. or a doctor. ''More people will get Ph.D.'s [in the study of] Sanskrit in America this year than in India,'' Mr. Rao asserted, ''and Sanskrit is the root of our culture!''

 

Why all this ed-anxiety today? Because computers, fiber-optic cable and the Internet have leveled the economic playing field, creating a global platform

that more workers anywhere can now plug into and play on. Capital will now flow faster than ever to tap the most productive talent wherever it is located, so

every country is scrambling to upgrade its human talent base. When everyone has access to the same technology platform, human talent, as the consultants

John Hagel III and John Seely Brown wrote, is the ''only sustainable edge.''

 

Hence the concern I found in India that it must move quickly from business process outsourcing (B.P.O.) -- running back rooms, answering phones or writing code for U.S. companies -- into knowledge process outsourcing (K.P.O.): coming up with more original designs and products.

 

''We need to encourage more incubation of ideas to make innovation a national initiative,'' said Azim Premji, the chairman of Wipro, one of India's premier

technology companies. ''Are we as Indians creative? Going by our rich cultural heritage, we have no doubt some of the greatest art and literature. We need to

bring the same spirit into our economic and business arena.''

 

But to make that leap, Indian entrepreneurs say, will require a big change in the rigid, never-challenge-the-teacher Indian education system. ''If we do not allow our students to ask why, but just keep on telling them how, then we are only going to get the transactional type of outsourcing, not the high-end things that require complex interactions and judgment to understand another person's needs,'' said Nirmala Sankaran, C.E.O. of HeyMath, an Indian-based education company. ''We have a creative problem in this country.''

 

My guess is that we're at the start of a global convergence in education: China and India will try to inspire more creativity in their students. America will get more rigorous in math and science. And this convergence will be a great spur to global growth and innovation. It's a win-win. But some will win more than others -- and it will be those who get this balance right the fastest, in the most schools.

 

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An edited article from the online journal Intech 5 April 2006 on why India may benefit from China's success,

 

China's help-wanted ripple effect

At the Well Brain factory in one of China's special economic zones, the changes are clear. Over the last year, Well Brain, a midsize producer of small electric appliances like hair rollers, coffee makers, and hot plates, has raised salaries, improved benefits, and even dispatched a team of recruiters to find workers in the countryside.

 

When sporadic labor shortages first appeared in late 2004, government leaders dismissed them as short-lived anomalies. However, they now say the problem is likely to be a more persistent one. Experts said the shortages are arising primarily because China's economy is sizzling hot, tax cuts have helped keep people working on farms, and factories are continuing to expand even as the number of young Chinese starts to level off.

 

Prosperity is also moving inland, and workers who might earlier have migrated elsewhere are staying closer to home.

 

Though estimates are hard to come by, data from officials suggest major export industries are looking for at least one million additional workers, and the real number could be much higher.

Because of these shortages, wage levels throughout China's manufacturing ranks are rising, threatening at some point to weaken China's competitiveness on world markets.

 

"I look at China a lot differently than I did three years ago," said Bruce Rockowitz, president of Li & Fung in Hong Kong, citing the rising costs of doing business in China. "China is no longer the lowest-cost producer. There's an evolution going on. People are now going to Vietnam, India, and Bangladesh."

 

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How much does India suffer from the lasting effects of those nasty Brits and their colonization....

 

http://india_resource.tripod.com/colonial-impact-culture.html

 

Politics and Culture in Modern Society March 2004

 

Colonization, "Westernization" and Social Culture in the Post-Colonial Societies

 

One of the most profound (but relatively less-understood) consequences of colonization has been how the political and economic rape of the colonies has also led to what sometimes seems to be an unbridgeable cultural gap between the nations that were the beneficiaries of colonization and those that were the victims of the colonial assault.

 

The era of colonial pillage and plunder led to the relative stagnation and often precipitous decline of traditional cultural pursuits in the colonies (mainly due to the loss of patronage resulting from political defeat and economic contraction). At the same time, there was an unparalleled and almost dazzling flowering of culture in Europe - in terms of urban planning, in the realm of science and technology, and most remarkably, in the genre of harmonically constructed polyphonic music.

 

Whereas in Europe, the steady inflow of capital led to an unprecedented growth in trade and industrialization which culminated in a certain degree of political democratization - the reverse occurred in the colonies. Local economies were emasculated, and political and social progress was reversed, or highly circumscribed by the colonial authorities.

 

While Europe entered an era that ushered in unique and revolutionary developments in culture - the colonized nations of Asia, Africa and Central America not only missed out on these monumental developments, their political and economic subjugation led to cultural theft and annihilation, and even more so, to a deeply penetrating psychological genocide.

 

Not only were certain aspects of the material culture in the colonies lost or destroyed, colonial societies also lost the power of cultural discrimination. Losing almost all sense of cultural continuity, they were also unable to recover (in any adequate measure) the ability to strive for cultural progress on their own terms.

 

On the one hand, there was a widespread sociological aversion to appreciating and preserving what had precariously survived from the past - on the other hand, there was an irrational and defensive embrace of religious dogmas and practices that had long since lost any significance or practical utility (or in fact, may have always been an obstacle to progress).

 

Robbed of any measure of self-confidence, the colonized (and even post-colonial) intelligentsia either looked upon its heritage with skepticism or disdain, or conversely, sought refuge in fundamentalism, obscurantism, or idealistic myth-making. When a native tradition had the stamp of approval from a 'respected' Western 'authority', it attracted excited and flattering attention. But rarely, and only in relatively isolated cases, was it possible for the colonized cultural intelligentsia to rise above the cultural stereotypes, and critically explore and examine its cultural legacy for any intrinsic (or sustainable) merit.

 

This is not to say that the struggle for freedom did not awaken the spirit of cultural regeneration in the colonies. Leaders of the National Liberation Movements invariably invested some effort in seeking the cultural rejuvenation of their societies - but there were too many practical impediments that prevented them from achieving anything more than partial success.

 

Because the domain of culture is extremely broad, and encompasses many facets of civilized social life - the task of post-colonial cultural regeneration was much larger than what even what the most well-meaning advocates of de-colonization could have anticipated. And whereas some aspects of culture are immediately apparent to all (or most people in society), there are other more subtle and complex aspects of social culture that are not as readily understood or appreciated by the majority - especially at times (and in situations) when there have been sharp and forcible breaks in cultural continuity.

 

When people think or speak of culture - they often do so in very simple and general terms - they think most immediately of popular customs - such as traditions and rituals pertaining to birth and death, to puberty and marriage. They think of social celebrations and festivals, forms of greeting and communication, hospitality rites, cuisine, games, sports and entertainment. But by and large, colonial regimes did not interfere excessively in such aspects of human existence. Thus it is often the case, that most victims of colonization are relatively ignorant and oblivious of what they may have irrevocably lost (or incorrectly internalized) as a result of colonization.

 

In particular, they are rarely able to comprehend how the hundred or two hundred years of colonization were not only very destructive in terms of culture, but that they were also precious decades of lost opportunity - when the colonized nations could have been active recipients of the cultural developments that transformed Europe, and perhaps, made additional contributions of their own. Whereas the European colonizers were able to expropriate (and utilize on their own terms) the centuries of progress made in colonized Asia or Africa - only a small elite in the colonies became aware of the new cultural vistas that had opened up in Europe. And very rarely were these colonized elites able to absorb and communicate the most useful and inspiring elements of the new European culture.

 

In part, this was because the colonial elites were too removed from the colonized masses, or didn't care enough. But this was also because the cruelty of the colonial occupations led many radical nationalists in the colonial world to associate all European culture with the culture of conquest and hegemony, and it became very difficult to separate the positive and more universally appealing aspects of the new European culture from the racist and chauvinistic philosophical developments that dominated the European intellectual space.

(To this day, there are some scholars who have branded Beethoven's music as "imperialistic", notwithstanding how Beethoven was in fact drawn towards very radical democratic ideals in his lifetime, and probably had no inkling of what damage colonial rule was bringing to the colonized world. By and large, the most monumental cultural changes in Europe took place in those nations that were not engaged in direct colonial rule - such as in Austria and Russia - or in Germany and Italy before their emergence as imperial powers. The best European composers were either sharp or sensitive social critics, or moved by ideals of humanism and social justice, and even when they weren't explicitly socially conscious, they had the talent to eloquently express profoundly moving human experiences; few could have been intimately aware of the injustices of colonization.)

Thus, in part by accident, and in part by design, the colonized nations became very removed from the most advanced of the new humanizing trends that were beginning to shape the best of the new European civilization. But quite unfortunately, by the time many of the colonies were liberated, European culture was already in decline - even decaying; so it was Western "pop" culture that drifted to Asian and African shores. But the more enlightened and invigorating classical culture was unable to make much of an impact.

 

Although prior to liberation, there was indeed a period of cultural renaissance that accompanied the struggles for freedom in the colonies, these evanescent trends could not survive the inexorable march of pop culture that the forces of Western commerce had a vested interest in pushing.

 

Soon colonized societies had not only forgotten what they had, they had also forgotten how to sustain or renew (or elaborate upon) their fragile heritage. Above all, they had forgotten to dream, to fantasize and to engage in constructive and creatively critical social discourse. Most of all, colonized societies lost the ability to envision a better future that was consistent with their own geography and history. More often than not, even the most advanced social activists in colonized societies fell prey to a semi-mechanistic interpretation of imported ideas of social change that were indeed inspiring and useful, but yet, may have fallen short in key respects.

 

Cultural and social progress seldom comes about without some measure of struggle - but struggle alone does not guarantee success. For that, theoretical understanding, historical knowledge, critical self-awareness and material practicality (one that takes into account the physical constraints of geography, resource availability, time and environment) all become important.

 

Unfortunately, many serious proponents of social change in India (as elsewhere) have been unable to fully comprehend the lasting sociological consequences of colonization, or effectively mine the rich (non-European) pre-colonial heritage for ideas or inspiration. For instance, in the realm of the fine arts, and in the realm of epistemology, Indian civilization has had much to offer. And the Indian people have not been entirely averse to studying nature so that they might mould it for their own benefit. The long history of managing scarce water resources provides numerous examples of Indian creativity and problem-solving. Putting others before self is also not an entirely alien tradition in India.

Yet today, it seems much harder to find such qualities amongst those that hold the keys to power.

 

This is at least partially because colonial rule taught the Indian elite to become divorced from nature and from India's highly evolved aesthetic traditions, - to neglect its traditional training in epistemology. Although elites often tend to be duplicitous in their dealings with the masses - the colonial era state bureaucracy treated the masses with a contempt and disingenuousness that was perhaps unseen in pre-colonial India. (For instance, when people bemoan the corruption that has seeped into all elements of Indian public life, it is sometimes forgotten that corruption of the Indian bureaucracy was an important element in ensuring colonial domination. Personal corruption is what allowed tens of thousands of Indians to betray their brethren day in and day out, even as the nation as a whole was being systematically looted).

Colonial rule discouraged the development of personal integrity - to the point that if any exceptional Indian (such as Bhagat Singh) dared display it to any admirable degree - he had to be hanged - as a warning to other Indians who wished to be as patriotic, or miraculously retained an element of gallantry, or exhibited some bit of romantic idealism.

 

Colonial rule destroyed not only the character and spirit of the Indian people, it also took away their ability to engage in holistic analysis. It turned Indians into peons and pages - people who were capable of serving the destiny of others - not those who could shape and mould their own destinies. Indians retained the ability to be intelligent about details and particularities, but lost the ability to be intelligent about the big things in life - the important things in life.

 

Whereas once, the wisest Indians had spent years and years contemplating about what brings about human happiness, the colonized Indian couldn't even conceive of happiness - let alone plan the happiness of an entire society.

And to some degree or another, we are still paying the price of that odious legacy. Even as sections of our elite have learnt some of the lessons of modern science and technology, and appear somewhat successful in marshalling re-emerging Indian scientific and engineering talents (in the domain of their business activities) - they have yet to correlate the progress of science and technology to what really matters - which is the all-round progress of human civilization. Nor have they been able to fully co-relate cultural and material development with geographic and climactic advantages and constraints.

If we look at the case of India, or any other ancient civilization - certain conclusions are inescapable: barring periods when an external (usually dominant) power (such as an invading conqueror) forced its culture on the society it captured and defeated - civilizations have been typically compelled to develop in harmony with their peculiar geographic environment. Geographic conditions and climate have shaped the economic lives of societies, which in turn has influenced their cultural output. Civilized societies have learned to take advantage of natural resources available in abundance, and do without things that were generally inessential to healthy and comfortable living.

 

Although the expansion of trade and the development of technology can and does allow societies to transcend the limitation of local geographic conditions, there can be important impediments and constraints that come with ones geography that cannot be entirely wished away. Moreover, it is important to recognize that cultural developments that are very meaningful in one society may be of lesser significance in other societies due to certain climactic differences. And while some cultural innovations can be adopted with very little variance or adaptation, others may require a much more thoughtful and creative application in a very different setting.

 

Take for instance, the attitude towards clothes. In warm tropical or semitropical climates, clothes were not essential to survival. Thus clothes were light and involved rudimentary stitching and tailoring. Being bare breasted or being semi-nude wasn't considered a matter of shame or deprivation - but something that was in keeping with the natural environment. Throughout the tropical world, whether in the jungles of the Amazon, or the grasslands of Africa, or the rice paddies of India and South East Asia - light or little clothing was the norm - even when society had the knowledge and know-how to drape itself.

 

But to invaders from the North - for whom elaborate clothing was no luxury, but a matter of survival and dire necessity - Indian (or African) semi-nakedness came as a shock - on the one hand it appeared to them as a mark of abject poverty and social backwardness - and on the other hand, it challenged deeply internalized moral values where exposure of the naked body was seen as prurient and titillating. Today, throughout the planet, it is the dress-code of the Northerner (with its dark suits, ties and dark leather shoes) that has become the "respectable" norm. That this fully-draped attire is at odds with the Indian (or Indonesian or African climate) and entails an unnecessary level of office air-conditioning is tacitly ignored.

 

Having to adopt the Northern dress-code is perhaps a relatively small sacrifice. But it is emblematic of a larger problem - that even as post-colonial societies have missed out on some of the most advanced cultural trends that shaped Western civilization, they have nevertheless accepted Western leadership in defining and shaping less critical cultural mores, even when those mores conflict with their natural environment.

 

Today, it is the unquestioning and mechanistic imitation/adoption of the Western lifestyle that is contributing to new and more serious distortions.

For instance, one of the most important inventions that has propelled urban growth in Europe (and the West) has been the invention of electrically-powered water-intensive indoor plumbing and sewage management. For Europe, where open-air bathing and washing was virtually out of question for much of the year, this was a very significant invention, and led to dramatic gains in urban health and living standards.

 

Although even in Europe, this involved serious environmental costs (that have yet to be adequately dealt with), it did not lead to the kind of environmental and social stresses seen in India (or in other water and energy-stressed societies). At home (and in the lands they were able to colonize in the Americas or in Australia and Africa) Europeans (or European settlers) did not have to worry about the efficacy of their water and energy intensive urban societies. Possessing lands with plentiful rivers and water from melting snows, and having access to the energy resources of many other small nations, (and having controlled population growth with very restrictive immigration policies where necessary) Europeans have not had to question the sustainability of their present urban solutions.

 

But in many parts of Africa, the Middle East and India - this Western-developed water (and energy) intensive system of personal hygiene (and agriculture) is putting intense (and unbearable) pressure on local resources in the dry sub-tropics, and to date, has been possible to implement only with grave inequities. In many formerly-colonized nations, a significant proportion of the population enjoys neither the benefits of modern plumbing nor the traditional benefits of nature (as it may have in the past) - when there was much greater access to natural water bodies (which have either been overused, or severely polluted) - or are simply not to be found in the large urban agglomerations that have developed around the old colonial towns.

 

A related problem is how the elites (and other upwardly mobile sections of society) have also been in a rush to imitate Western housing and transport solutions that are highly energy intensive and are environmentally unsound in the densely-packed hot-climate cities of the Indian and African interior. Although the car offers individuals unparalleled convenience and scheduling liberty - at present, an automobile-based transport system seems sustainable only in a highly unequal world.

 

The West (where car-ownership is a norm) must constantly plunder and expropriate the oil-wealth of other countries - and countries that are unable to join in the plunder (or in fact, have been victims of plunder) can provide the automobile only to a small fraction of their populations - and that too at great cost to air-quality.

 

(Car-based transport also requires wide cemented roads that turn into heat traps - not a problem in cold countries - but a serious added burden in the already sizzling cities of the Indian plains. Large roads also mean that homes must be built relatively further apart, whereas traditionally, homes in the towns of Northern India (such as can be seen in Rajasthan) were built relatively closer so as to limit exposure to the hot summer sun.)

 

Western cities with their broad avenues certainly look very attractive, and they work admirably for the Northern climate, but they can be extremely discomforting at the height of the Indian summer. The net result is that barring the few who can afford the air-conditioned car - most Indians must live with a solution that isn't ideal for Indian conditions.

 

It is the same with modern housing. Whereas traditional builders in Iran and in the Indian (or Arab) plains utilized special techniques to keep homes cool in the hot summers (such as cooling towers in Iran, or double walls and shaded inner courtyards in India and elsewhere), modern town planners and architects have discarded many sensible cultural traditions only to make urban living require more energy-intensive artificial cooling.

 

Although there has been no dearth of alternatives to the Western urban model in India, these models have either not been given a fair chance, or else, they have yet to prove their viability in large urban settings, nor do they seem to offer the same degree of convenience that Western solutions have provided. In addition, Indian town planners have been generally poorly trained, and at best, have only imitated and improvised. Rarely have they been able to innovate or harmonize their schemes with the peculiarities of the Indian environment.

By and large, it must be acknowledged that Indian municipal architects, construction engineers and planners have yet to make any substantial or original contributions to modern living that can be economically reproduced on a massive scale even as they offer qualitative improvements in living conditions that fit with Indian climactic patterns.

 

Urban Indians (especially those with means) want all the comforts that the West has to offer, but they don't wish to consider the cost that it may entail, or the constraints that might apply in the Indian situation. So even as India has been liberated from the most extreme injustices of colonial plunder, power is now in the hands of an Indian elite that has unwittingly entered into a complicated trap - where if it is to live well - and "enjoy" modern comforts using Western solutions - it can only do so in a way that ignores the needs of the Indian masses (and essentially disenfranchises them).

 

In this sense, unthinking elite-driven "Westernization" even after the political termination of direct colonial rule in an unequal society, has the potential of turning into a divisive and perhaps destructive process - pitting the elites against the broad masses not only in India, but in much of the developing world.

It is little wonder that this process of "Westernization" (in terms of lifestyles) is generally accessible only to the English-speaking elite which is becoming strongly averse to any equalizing currents in society. And for that reason, it is also becoming incapable of leading any real cultural regeneration of modern society.

 

Even as this assertive elite eagerly seeks to imitate Western consumerism, it has little interest in learning from the best of Western philosophy and high culture (such as embodied in the music of Mozart's late symphonies, Beethoven's Eroica, the piano (and/or orchestral) scores of Chopin, Liszt, Schumann or Brahms, the ballet music of Tchaikovsky or Khachaturian, or sections from the operatic scores of Berlioz, Verdi, or Wagner).

 

As is typical in many other nations, the Indian elite appears to be less and less attracted to high culture - (whether Indian, or foreign), but more and more drawn towards all things vulgar and profane. And rather than seek alternatives that could make things fairer for all Indians, middle-class admirers of the Indian elite prefer to simply look the other way.

 

Whether in theory or in practice, the Indian elite has exclusively embraced the business of business - it can crunch numbers, it can market and trade, it can hire, train and supervise scientists and engineers - so that they may dutifully serve the needs of foreign investors.

 

But in its race for profits, the Indian elite is relatively unworried as to whether any particular new technology will ever be effectively used in India, or will ever be generally available to the Indian masses. It is unperturbed by the co-existence of all manner of contradictions: the shiny new glass and chrome office adjacent to a pathetic slum - the new Mercedes Benz next to the stray cow or mangy dog - the gala wedding banquet overlooking a heap of garbage (or uncollected construction rubble) piled high against the next wall - - the imported cologne and perfume shop adjacent to open drains overflowing with untreated sewage - the privatized electric company that has automated billing but inanely bureaucratic record-keeping and manual bill-collection.

In its rush to appear chic and modern, the Indian elite has yet to consider that environments can often matter more than individuals. That fresh air, clean water, reliable water-supply and electricity can all matter more than that fourteenth or fifteenth new car model.

 

The Indian elite has shown very limited interest in determining if there could be solutions that might ameliorate the perennial problems of water and electricity shortages - especially since developing alternative methods of managing water and generating electricity might require a special focus, and perhaps, some interim sacrifices that some may be unwilling to make.

In contrast, it should be noted that radical egalitarian currents were far more influential in Europe of the colonial era. Europe's greatest philosophers and music composers of the 19th century were driven by a strong sense of egalitarian fairness and justice that had a powerful impact on the social milieu of Europe. Although such currents had little effect in diluting or controlling the European momentum towards imperial expansionism, Europe's advanced cultural intellectuals did however succeed in propelling significant internal social reforms.

In practical terms, this meant that to a much greater degree, new inventions were also put to the service of the masses. If the rich had their private cars, the masses were provided with an extensive system of underground (and over-ground) trains and buses to get around. In addition to food and clothing, home heating and indoor plumbing also came to be seen as basic necessities - and when societies failed to provide them, socialist revolutions (or pressure from socialist parties) ensured that heated homes with running water eventually became available to every working family.

 

But in the former colonies - liberation has not gone far enough. The urban elites of the former colonies have the same desire for good living as their European counterparts, but without the ability to plunder other lands, or the ability to export and settle their excess populations in other lands, they are in no position to comfortably share the gains of modern technology with their masses.

 

Having become exceedingly cynical (or pessimistic) that their masses could ever enjoy the comforts of modern living - the intellectual elites have generally turned their backs on philosophies of progressive social change. And even amongst those that appear to give lip service to one or another type of radical position, there are many who do so in a way that is subversive to the point of making the radical currents they claim to avow - irrelevant, impotent or just plain unpopular. (This is not to say that there are no real votaries of social change in India or elsewhere. But at present, they are yet to make any lasting impression on the urban scientific and cultural intelligentsia).

 

Even the few environmental groups who have found cost-effective and relatively environment-friendly alternatives to pressing urban problems face difficulties in getting sufficient attention. While some of their alternatives appear practical only in villages and in smaller towns, there are things that could be implemented on a much wider scale. City governments could make water-harvesting structures and solar units for water heating, purifying and lighting mandatory in all new building; the centre could provide more research funding and practical support for wind and other energy alternatives; state governments could encourage bio-fuel plantations and emphasize mass transit.

For instance, in Africa - (where there is much more land per capita than in India), it is likely that if bio-fuels were developed to their full potential, they could provide enough energy to power all the buses required for urban transportation. Wind and solar power have considerable potential in sparsely populated arid regions of sub-Saharan Africa. An enlightened Indian government could try and interest African countries in suitable joint ventures that could be of mutual benefit.

 

But one of the greatest tragedies of colonization (that has only been exacerbated in the last few years) is the almost complete breakdown of social solidarity - both within nations, and between nations.

Colonization succeeded through the cultivation of local elites who could make a complete break with almost all prior social obligations. Such elites were trained to be loyal to colonial goals - but disloyal to their fellow citizens. They were encouraged to focus on just their own narrow self-interest, and that too in a very sectarian and individualistic manner.

 

This is not to say that sectarian currents were absent in pre-colonial societies. Caste and religion have the potential of developing along strongly sectarian lines, and it cannot be denied that many older societies (India included) have been plagued by the ills of social segmentation and stratification. But it is also notable how such divisions were cynically exploited by the colonial authorities, and were exacerbated by colonial rule.

It is especially important to note how in the past, some of India's most enlightened currents have stressed the interconnectedness of human existence and emphasized the relationship between individual happiness and collective social consciousness:

 

Take for instance this shloka from the Atharva Veda:

All have equal rights to food and water. The yoke of life is placed equally on the shoulders of all. All should live together in harmony, supporting one another like the spokes of the wheel in a chariot that connect its rim to the hub.

 

Or consider these two Buddhist quotations:

"He who has understanding and great wisdom does not think of harming himself or another, nor of harming both alike. He rather thinks of his own welfare, of that of others, of that of both, and of the welfare of the whole world. In that way one shows understanding and great wisdom." Anguttara Nikaya - (Gradual Sayings)

"By protecting oneself, one protects others; by protecting others, one protects oneself." Samyukta Nikaya (Kindred Sayings)

But, today, especially because of the American influence, the Indian elite and its many supporters have conveniently forgotten India's roots in a once more collective tradition.

 

Although it was inevitable that notions of collective solidarity would become severely eroded with the development of caste, class and other sectarian elites, the notion of inter-connectedness survived to some degree. Today, however, the only social value that some liberal sections in the elite are willing to accept is the notion of abandoning sectoral discrimination - such as that which arises from religion, or gender.

Yet even as some appear to recognize that the society of tomorrow must not discriminate in the old ways - the will to change is still weak - and there is insufficient social pressure on those that use the weight of past privileges to violate the precepts of equal access, and equal justice. Even as many may accept that in principle Indian society must offer equal opportunity to every child in India - there does not appear to be the political will to reshape society in a way that actually delivers on such a promise.

 

Instead, Indians (as in other English-speaking nations) are treated to a daily dose of hype by much of India's English language and vernacular press. IT "superpower", BPO "leader", "India Shining", and all manner of other childlike superlatives are employed to describe the Indian condition - as if to compensate for a reality that is far more drab, discomforting and distressing.

India may well "Shine" one day. But it is all too clear that such a day is far down the horizon. It may arrive when the Indian nation is able to provide each child with the same opportunity to a decent and fulfilling existence. It may arrive when genuine hard work and worthwhile social contribution begets fair and just rewards - that might be the day when someone might legitimately claim that "India was Shining". Until then, such slogans will reflect nothing more than political hype - cheap election stunts - that will be perceived as insincere bluster by the millions of Indians who suffer all manner of deprivations and indignities in their daily existence.

 

But unfortunately, the mainstream Indian press is nothing but a reflection of the sorry state of mainstream Indian culture - where making false promises is the order of the day. Whether it is the politician pretending to be honest and different, or the activist who promises to change the world, or the businessperson promising better value - the lack of sincerity is distressingly evident.

 

It is little wonder that it has become a challenge to find new Indian artists with a sense of beauty, or Indian pop singers with a genuine sense of melody. There is hardly a young cine-world singer who can remain in tune while attempting to sing something poignant and moving. Many things can be feigned - political speech is especially vulnerable to deceit and deception - but humbuggery in the fine arts is much harder to hide. The artist who lacks a sense of fine line and color - or the musician who can't compose a touching melody - or the singer who has a hard time holding a sensitive tune - these are all unmistakable symptoms of an India in severe cultural decline or denial.

Yet, there are also small signs of hope - and these are to be found not in the most expensive galleries of Delhi or Mumbai or in the Bollywood extravaganzas - but in the humble craft Melas where one can get a little glimpse of honest ingenuity. It is in the creations of the Jaipur jeweler or potter, or the Madhubani artist from Bihar, or the Adivasi sculptor of iron and bell-metal from Jharkhand or Chhattisgarh, or the Batik or block printer from Kerala or Rajasthan, or the Kalamkari artist from Karnataka or Andhra, or the embroidery-maker from Kutch - that art in India appears to come alive.

It is such artists and artisans who hold the torch for Indian culture. From Kashmir to Tamil Nadu - from Haryana to Assam- it is India's humble craftspeople who still embody hints of a wonderful aesthetic spirit - it is they who still retain their integrity. The Indian elites may no longer have much to say, but India's village craftspeople still have something important and worthwhile to say. Who will open their hearts and minds and listen?

 

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An article on India's success and attitude to BioTech ........

 

New York Times 2005 Aug 21,2005

Pankaj Mishra, an Indian novelist and journalist.

 

LONDON - In 2001, President Bush restricted federal financing for stem cell research. The decision, which was shaped at least partly by the Republican Party's evangelical Christian base, and which disappointed many American scientists and businessmen, provoked joy in India. The weekly newsmagazine India Today, read mostly by the country's ambitious middle class, spoke of a "new pot of gold" for Indian science and businesses. "If Indians are smart," the magazine said, American qualms about stem cell research "can open an opportunity to march ahead."

 

Just four years later, this seems to have occurred. According to Ernst & Young's Global Biotechnology Report in 2004, Indian biotechnology companies are expected to grow tenfold in the next five years, creating more than a million jobs. With more than 10,000 highly trained and cheaply available scientists, the country is one of the leading biotechnology powers along with Korea, Singapore, China, Japan, Sweden, Britain and Israel.

 

A top Indian corporation, the Reliance Group, owns Reliance Life Sciences, which is trying to devise new treatments for diabetes and Parkinson's and Alzheimer's diseases, and create human skin, blood and replacement organs genetically matched to their intended recipients. Some scientists have even more ambitious ideas. Encouraged by the cloning of a sheep by British scientists in 1996, they plan to do the same with endangered species of Indian lions and cheetahs.

American scientists and businessmen note enviously that religious and moral considerations do not seem to inhibit Indian biotechnologists. But this indifference to ethical issues would have certainly appalled Gandhi, father of the Indian nation. Gandhi accused Western medicine, along with much of modern science and technology, of inflicting violence upon human nature. His vegetarianism and belief in nonviolence were derived from Indian traditions, mainly Hinduism, which is also the faith, though loosely defined, of most Indian scientists and businessmen.

 

Indeed, most evangelical Christians, who believe that the embryo is a person, may find more support in ancient Hindu texts than in the Bible. Many Hindus see the soul - the true Self (or atman) - as the spiritual and imperishable component of human personality. After death destroys the body, the soul soon finds a new temporal home. Thus, for Hindus as much as for Catholics, life begins at conception.

The ancient system of Indian medicine known as Ayurveda assumes that fetuses are alive and conscious when it prescribes a particular mental and spiritual regimen to pregnant women. This same assumption is implicit in "The Mahabharata," the Hindu epic about a fratricidal war apparently fought in the first millennium B.C. In one of its famous stories, the warrior Arjuna describes to his pregnant wife a seven-stage military strategy. His yet-to-born son Abhimanyu is listening, too. But as Arjuna describes the seventh and last stage, his wife falls asleep, presumably out of boredom. Years later, while fighting his father's cousins, the hundred Kaurava brothers, Abhimanyu uses well the military training he has learned in his mother's womb, until the seventh stage, where he falters and is killed.

 

But the religions and traditions we know as Hinduism are less monolithic and more diverse than Islam and Christianity; they can yield contradictory arguments. Early in "The Mahabharata," there is a story about how the hundred Kaurava brothers came into being. Their mother had produced a mass of flesh after two years of pregnancy. But then a sage divided the flesh into 100 parts, which were treated with herbs and ghee, and kept in pots for two years - from which the Kaurava brothers emerged.

 

Indian proponents of stem-cell research often offer this story as an early instance of human cloning through stem cells extracted from human embryos. They do not mention that "The Mahabharata" presents the birth of the hundred Kaurava brothers as an ominous event.

Other Asian scientists have also pressed myth and tradition into the service of modern science and nationalism. In South Korea, where a third of the population is Buddhist, a scientist who cloned human embryonic stem cell lines claimed that he was "recycling" life just as reincarnation does.

 

But spiritual tradition cannot solve all the ethical issues raised by science's progress through the third world. Ultrasound scans help many women in India to abort female fetuses; a girl child is still considered a burden among Indians. The trade in human organs, especially kidneys, remains a big business, despite growing scrutiny by the police. It is not hard to imagine that, as stem cell research grows in India, and remains unregulated, a small industry devoted to the creation of human embryos would soon develop.

 

In any case, biotechnology may offer only pseudo-answers to many of India's urgent problems. For one thing, if and when lions and cheetahs emerge from biotechnology labs, the steadily deforested Indian countryside may not have a place for them. Stem cell research is also expensive, and seems glaringly so in a country which does not provide basic health care for most of its people. The advanced treatments promised by biotechnology are likely to benefit the rich, at least for the first few years.

In the meantime, the poor may be asked to offer themselves as guinea pigs. In an article on biotechnology last year, India Today asserted: "India has another gold mine - the world's largest population of 'naïve' sick patients, on whom no medicine has ever been tried. India's distinct communities and large families are ideal subjects for genetic and clinical research."

Scientism has few detractors in India; and the elites find it easy to propose technological rather than political and moral solutions to the problems of poverty, inequality and environmental damage. Obsessed with imitating Western consumer lifestyles, most middle-class Indians are unlikely to have much time for Gandhi's belief that "civilization consists not in the multiplication of wants but in the deliberate and voluntary reduction of wants." They subscribe to a worldly form of Hinduism - one that now proves to be infinitely adjustable to the modern era, endorsing nuclear bombs and biotechnology as well as India's claim to be taken seriously as an emerging economic and scientific superpower.

 

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 apiece on the deal that Bush made with India on its 'nuculer' program.....

 

Bush Officials Defend India Nuclear Deal Aim Is Not to Reverse Policies, Allies Told By Dafna Linzer Wednesday, July 20, 2005;

 

Bush administration officials yesterday lobbied Congress and tried to assure allies that a new deal to supply India with civilian nuclear technology and conventional military equipment was not meant to betray decades of nuclear-control policies or upset the regional balance of power.

 

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, addressing Congress, said his country, which developed its nuclear program in secret in the 1970s, was a responsible nuclear state that would closely guard any future acquisitions of sensitive U.S. technology. He appealed for U.S. investment that could spur India's economic growth and bring in $150 billion in the next decade for nuclear power plants and to modernize the country's transportation system.

 

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is greeted as he enters the House before speaking to a joint meeting of Congress about the nuclear deal. The details of the nuclear deal had been tightly held until they were announced late Monday during Singh's visit to the White House. Under the agreement, India would place its civilian nuclear facilities, but not its nuclear weapons program,under international monitoring and would continue a ban on nuclear testing. The United States would give India access to U.S. nuclear technology and conventional weapons systems.

 

Yesterday, Pentagon officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said they expected India to start purchasing as much as $5 billion worth of conventional military equipment as a result of the deal, if it is approved by Congress. The current U.S. Nonproliferation Act prevents India and other countries that have not signed the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty from acquiring a wide range of U.S. military technology that includes components that could be used for nuclear programs.

 

Administration officials have sought to publicly play down how the arrangement fits into a broad White House strategy to help position India -- a democracy that has the capacity to expand its nuclear arsenal -- as a regional counterweight to China.

 

But Pentagon officials said they considered many of the potential sales, including anti-submarine patrol aircraft that could spot Chinese submarines in the Indian Ocean and Aegis radar for Indian destroyers operating in the strategic Straits of Malaka, as useful for monitoring the Chinese military.

The Pentagon yesterday released an assessment of China's military strength. Basing the findings on U.S. intelligence, the report claims that Beijing is increasing its nuclear arsenal and specifically noted that Chinese missiles are capable of striking India, Russia and "virtually all of the United States."

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice yesterday called Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's president, and Mohamed ElBaradei, the director of the International Atomic Energy Agency, officials said. Her advisers spoke with members of Congress, including Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. And the State Department organized briefings for allies surprised by the deal, which reverses years of nonproliferation policies and skirts the major tenets of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which is credited by many with limiting the spread of nuclear weapons.

 

Foreign diplomats from some of Washington's closest allies predicted a tough climb for the administration, which will need to persuade many of them to alter rules in the Nuclear Suppliers Group that limit exports of sensitive nuclear technologies to countries that have not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The NSG is a 44-country consortium that was established immediately after India conducted its first nuclear detonation in 1974 as a way of specifically keeping nuclear materials out of the country.

 

"This sends the signal that bilateral relations and other strategic interests will trump nonproliferation," said Robert Einhorn, who served as assistant secretary of state for nonproliferation when India conducted a series of nuclear tests in 1998. "And that will reduce the perceived penalties associated with going nuclear."

 

Members of Congress welcomed Singh yesterday but were reluctant to sign off on the agreement, which would require congressional approval. Lugar, who has pioneered nonproliferation legislation, said Congress needed to hear from the White House how the deal would affect U.S. nuclear policies elsewhere."We're going to have a lot of conversations," he said. House members of the energy conference committee approved a measure offered by Rep. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) to prevent the export of nuclear technology to India. "This is a way for the House to send a signal on this particular treaty," Rep. Joe Barton (R-Tex.), chairman of the conference committee, said in a statement.

 

That's all folks!

 

Colin  

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