A L P A M Y S H
Central Asian Identity
under Russian Rule
H. B. PAKSOY
Association for the Advancement of
Central Asian Research
Monograph Series
Hartford, Connecticut
CHAPTER FOUR: Attempts to Destroy and Save Alpamysh:
Phase II
The attack on the content and history of the dastan itself
-- "Phase II" -- constitutes a more sophisticated, often
subtle, undermining of the dastan not only as a literary
and historical monument but as the repository of historical
identity, tradition and the wisdom of the ancestors. Part
and parcel of this campaign is the attempt to obscure the
origins of the dastan, including complex pseudo-analytical
verbiage about "variants" and "versions," to divert
attention from the common origin of the dastan and the
people who share it.
THE SOVIET OFFENSIVE: STUDIES OF ALPAMYSH
The existence of at least 55 printings of Alpamysh --
although these actually represent only a small number of
distinct variants -- invites comparison. Indeed, there are
numerous commentaries on the dastan Alpamysh, including
some comparative discussions. Tura Mirzaev's bibliography1
cites 185 secondary sources on Alpamysh published between
1890 and 1967, excluding the papers of two major
Conferences, one on folklore, held in Moscow (1954) and the
second, on Alpamysh in Tashkent (1956). The majority of
these works cited by Mirzaev were published in Tashkent.
Because of the abundance of materials published annually in
Alma-Ata, Moscow and Leningrad, it is likely that a
comprehensive list would be much longer.
Virtually all confine themselves to general remarks about
the dastan rather than engaging in analysis. Many writers
often draw upon one or two early commentaries and merely
repeat those works' main assertions. Indeed, some works are
singled out for large scale publication and mass
distribution. Even the most widely circulated monographs
concerning the Alpamysh dastan do not treat in detail one
particular variant or edition in its entirety. Comparative
studies, such as those by Tura Mirzaev, V. M. Zhirmunskii,
M. Ghabdullin, N. Smirnova and T. Sydykov, usually group a
number of variants into categories and discuss the category
rather than individual variants. These scholars write about
the "Kazakh Alpamysh" or the "Uzbek Alpamysh," lumping
together all the variants of each of these categories,
themselves artificial, and determined by place of
collection rather than content (this point is elaborated
further below). They then make what are, for the most
part, obvious generalizations or point to superficial or
minor discrepancies among the variants such as different
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 3
words used in the same context or a missing line. Lacking
are details of collection and previous publication,
analysis of historical context, exploration of levels of
meaning. Even citations of printed versions are incomplete,
inaccurate or contradictory.
In his Russian language work of 1960 on the dastan
Alpamysh2, Zhirmunskii offers only fragmentary citations
of previous printings of Alpamysh, including Divay's 1901
printing. In a footnote, Zhirmunskii cites Divay's 1901
printing of Alpamysh, noting its original publication under
the heading "Ethnographic materials" in the Sbornik, in
which Divay frequently published his findings during the
1890s and 1900s. Zhirmunskii incorrectly identifies the
1901 edition of the Sbornik as Vol. IX. He also notes only
one Russian-language publication in which the 1922 edition
appeared.3 Only by piecing together fragments from
numerous Soviet sources is it possible to determine the
numbers of printings of this version by Divay4, the
languages of publication and the changes Divay himself made
for the 1922 reprintings.
A later (1969) English language work (alternately
translation and synopsis of the 1960 monograph), repeats
the claim that Divay's 1901 Alpamysh is a Karakalpak
variant, of which a second edition was printed in 1922.5
Various notes in this 1969 text are even more confusing
(sometimes misleading) than those of 1960. One note (p.
276) refers to the printing in the Sbornik without citing
the date of the specific number containing Alpamysh. A
later note (p. 292) cites only the reprint from the
Sbornik, published separately, and merely notes the
existence of a second edition in 1922 without any details.
Ghabdullin and Sydykov in their 1972 work, however, not
only do not cite the two printings cited by Zhirmunskii,
they also omit other printings of the dastan including a
1964 collection of the works of Divay in which Sydykov
participated.6
In the matter of Alpamysh's "genealogy," the lack of
precise tracing of individual variants (described in
Chapter One.7) leaves the door open to deliberate
obscuring. Neither the secondary sources (which themselves
lack discussions of origins) nor the manuscripts are
readily available to researchers, even those working inside
the USSR. It is standard procedure for Soviet libraries to
restrict access to portions of collections, especially to
books and periodicals published before 1932. Restrictions
apply (although not always the same ones) to both Soviets
and foreigners. Only a handful of the 55 identified
4 H. B. Paksoy
printings of Alpamysh are accessible at all, even to Soviet
researchers, as indicated by notes and bibliographies in
Soviet works. Indeed, no single comprehensive bibliography
of Alpamysh printings exists in any Soviet or other work on
that dastan of which this writer is aware. As for the
manuscripts themselves, the field records of those
individuals who collected Alpamysh directly from the ozans
are strictly confined to the restricted-access manuscript
archives of various branches of the Academies of Sciences.
In this climate of restriction and control, it is no wonder
that those versions and commentaries which are singled out
for wide circulation should enjoy exaggerated, indeed
contrived, prominence. Penkovskii's translations and
Zhirmunskii's commentaries are cases in point. These two
men have been perhaps the greatest beneficiaries of this
selective treatment. Penkovskii effected the translations
of Alpamysh that have been most widely disseminated,
including the printing cited during the "Trial of Alpamysh"
that was noted for the translator's "refinements" and
"improvements," and the 1958 "most complete" version. It
has been his translations that have been distributed
outside Central Asian republics and outside the USSR. As a
result, his work has formed the foundation for Russian-
language and Western analyses of Alpamysh.
V. M. Zhirmunskii, long regarded as the doyen among
Alpamysh scholars, has achieved and held that distinction
by use of a former colleague's work and through the wide
distribution of his own publications. The typology and
themes he has established for the study of the dastan are
widely used by both Soviet and Western scholars, and his
arguments carry great weight. For those reasons, it is
necessary to review his treatment of the Alpamysh dastan.
Careful examination of Zhirmunskii's works indicates that
he, along with Penkovskii, has been perhaps the major
contributor to the campaign to subvert the dastan. His
influence among Western specialists has meant widespread
misunderstandings of Alpamysh and the dastan genre.
At the root of Zhirmunskii's assertions is the presumption,
which he states explicitly in all discussions of the dastan
cited here, that one variant of Alpamysh is "authoritative"
and can serve as a "yardstick" by which to measure all
others -- that is Penkovskii's translation of the variant
by Fazil Yoldashoglu. In view of the documented changes
Penkovskii made in Fazil's versions, this foundation is
immediately suspect. Yet Zhirmunskii uses it to categorize
"versions" and "variants" and to tag "missing" parts. He
provides surveys of reciters, with varying degrees of
information, as a means to classify individual versions by
place of collection rather than dialect or content.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 5
On the distinction between "version" (versiia) and
"variant" (variant), Zhirmunskii himself does not tackle
this issue head on but, by virtue of his chapter titles,
the reader may infer that each "version" of a dastan has or
may have several "variants." Precisely what delimits a
"version" is left unstated, and usage in the text is
inconsistent.
Each chapter of Part One of Zhirmunskii's monograph is
named for a "version" of Alpamysh -- Kungrat, Oghuz,
Kipchak and Altai. The Kungrat "version" includes,
according to the chapter subtitle, Uzbek, Karakalpak,
Kazakh and Tajik "redactions." However, the Kipchak chapter
includes Bashkir, Kazan Tatar and Kazakh "variants." At no
time does Zhirmunskii explain the dual classification of
the Kazakh "variant." Zhirmunskii also refers to Uzbek,
Karakalpak, Kazakh and Tajik "variants" of Alpamysh, and to
an "Uzbek version" (p. 30), "Tajik version" (p. 33),
"Karakalpak version" (p. 26, 35, 42) with its "variants"
(p. 37) and a "Kazakh version" (pp. 26, 39). All this is
confusing, but the synopses themselves often provide
sufficient information for the reader to discern the
content of any particular redaction regardless of its
classification.
Tura Mirzaev, clearly influenced by the imposition of such
distinctions, addresses the issue directly. He raises six
points concerning the scope of "version" as opposed to
"variant" -- that of the former being decidedly wider than
that of the latter. His main point concerns the historical
differentiation of human groups. Mirzaev argues that the
differential development of a "people" (halk) leads it to
evolve a "version" of a dastan differentiated from that of
other peoples. Thus, as the title of his work implies,
there is a single "Uzbek version" and he wrote about its
"variants."8
Zhirmunskii argues that there are several "variants" of
Alpamysh including Kazakh and Karakalpak. He classifies the
Divay (1901) version as Karakalpak because it was taken
down from a Karakalpak bahshi. He, therefore, calls Divay's
own labelling of the version as "Kirghiz" "imprecise":
"In Karakalpakia at the present time there are
recorded five variants of Alpamysh of which three
have been published:
"1. In 1901 A. Divaev under the imprecise title
'Alpamis [sic] Batir, Kirghiz poem' published in
the original and in Russian translation a
manuscript 'recorded by a Karakalpak of the
6 H. B. Paksoy
Turtkulskii volost' of the Amu-Darya otdel, the
improvisor Dzhiyamurad Bekmuhamedov
[transliteration from Russian] by profession a
bahshi.'
"The manuscript contains only the first part of
the legend."
This quotation brings together two components of
Zhirmunskii's assertion -- the categorization of the Divay
redaction and the issue of "missing part." The Divay
version, for example, he says is missing the second part.9
Collection Efforts
As noted, the most widely available printed version of
Alpamysh was taken down from the reciter Fazil Yoldashoglu
in 1928 (Lev Penkovskii's Russian translation is the form
available rather than any printing of the original, which
is no longer available -- even in libraries). It was
collected under the directorship of Hadi Zarif after the
earlier transcription by Gazi Alim had been lost. The
edition recorded from Fazil Yoldashoglu in 1928 contains
about 14,000 lines. The manuscript is No. 18 in the
folklore archive of the Uzbek Academy of Sciences.10
It was this redaction which was eventually prepared for
publication by Hamid Alimjan in 1939. This was the first
publication of that version. Zhirmunskii notes that the
Fazil variant was published "with abridgements." It has
been translated into Russian with "refinements" at least
twice by Lev Penkovskii11, and has been reprinted
in
numerous editions, including the 1958 edition which has
been declared "most complete" by Soviet sources.
Zhirmunskii cites the Alimjan 1939 edition as "first" and a
1958 edition as "third," implying the existence of a second
edition, but furnishing no particulars.12 Mirzaev
indicates that a second edition was published in 1957. All
three were published in Tashkent.13
Zhirmunskii reports only briefly on redactions by four of
Fazil's contemporaries who lived in other areas of what
became the Uzbek SSR: Pulkan (abbreviated: P) (1874-1941)
of the Samarkand oblast; Berdi-bahshi (BB) (no dates given)
of the Tashkent oblast14, Jurabaev (Jur) (dates not given)
of the Samarkand oblast and Buri Sadykov (Sad) of the
Ferghana oblast.15 He notes only differences from Fazil's
variant. He does not state that his list is exhaustive,
however, and thereby implies that these variants are
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 7
extremely close to Fazil's except as noted. In the
composite below, no such assumption has been made and the
portions translated from Fazil's variant have been
attributed only to him.
Nine variants were apparently collected in the Kazakh SSR
or are printed in what Zhirmunskii identifies as Kazakh
dialect.16 The manuscripts are kept in the Folklore
Archive of the Academy of Sciences of the Kazakh SSR.17 Of
the nine recorded versions, three have been published:
1. Kissa-i Alfamish (Hereafter: Kazan 1899). However,
Zhirmunskii states that the form "Alfamish" was, "by a
fantasy of the editor" considered more literary, and
"proceeding from the placing, common in Turkic languages,
of the letter 'p' instead of 'f' in borrowed words."
According to Zhirmunskii this variant skips from the
description of the "miraculous" birth of the batir to what
he calls the "second part" describing the captivity and
return. He further states that the "introduction" (meaning
the genealogy and birth of Alpamysh) and the "second part"
were combined with the "first part" (Divay's 1901
redaction) and published as a "whole" variant in Sbornik
obraztsov Kazakhskoi narodnoi literatury (Kyzyl Orda,
1931). (Item 16 in Bibliography) It was reprinted later in
the book Batyrlar (Alma-Ata, 1939). (Item 19) This text, he
says, was widely disseminated. This is reaffirmed by
Academician A. S. Orlov in a 1945 publication.18
This was the same redaction which, as noted in Chapter Two,
Togan described as part of a larger effort on the part of
its publisher, Yusufbek Sheyhulislamoglu, to develop
literature in the Kazakh dialect and to combat Christian
missionary activity.19
2. "Velikan Alpamysh" (VA) ("The Giant Alpamysh") recorded
by Divay and published in the journal Turkistanskaia
Vedemost' in 1916 (Item 12 in Bibliography). Zhirmunskii
gives no information on its collection.
3. Alpamys batyrdyng kissasy, "collected by an expedition
of the Academy of Sciences in 1958 from the akin Jelsu
Jakupov who lived in the South-Kazakh oblast. The text had
reportedly been written down by Jakupov himself in 1948
from an old akin named Akkojaev, who had learned it in the
late 19th century from a famous akin named Maykot.
According to Akkojaev, Maykot had taught the dastan to him
'from some kind of manuscript or book.'" This variant of
Akkojaev-Maykot was published by the Kazakh Academy of
Sciences in 1957 (Item 36) and translated into Russian.
8 H. B. Paksoy
Zhirmunskii gives the date of the Russian translation as
1953 -- five years before the expedition by which this
variant was collected. 20 (Item 35 in Bibliography.
Abbreviated AM for Akkojaev-Maykot.)
Zhirmunskii also notes a fourth redaction taken down,
although never published, by K. Nurgaliev, whom Zhirmunskii
describes as a "student." Nurgaliev recorded the text from
a manuscript given him by Iskak Jusupov, of the
North-Kazakhstan oblast. The text of Jusupov was recorded
in 1934 according to words of the reciter Rahat. Of this
version, only the episodes of the birth and selection the
tulpar remain from the first journey of Alpamysh. Barchin
is absent and Alpamysh marries the Kalmak princess.
Zhirmunskii includes it in his synopsis and it is therefore
mentioned in the composite below (JR for Jusupov-Rahat).
Three more printings are classified by Zhirmunskii as
"Karakalpak."21 He identifies five recorded "variants," of
which three were published -- 1901 Divay variant (Div.
1901), "a variant recorded in 1934 by K. Aimbetov from a
reciter Hojabergen Niyazov in the Chimkent region of the
Karakalpak ASSR [sic. Chimkent is in the Kazakh SSR, but
there is a Chimbai region in the Karakalpak ASSR, which is
within Uzbek SSR.] (Items 18, 25 in bibliography.
Abbreviated: N)22, and the third recorded by A. Karimov
from the reciter Kiiaszhrau [sic - Khosrow?] Khairatdinov
in Nukus" (Abbreviated: Kh) (Item 37).23
The two unpublished variants were recorded 1956-57 from the
reciters Kurbanbai Tajibaev (1873-1958) and Esemurat
Nurabullaev. Zhirmunskii lists these, but gives no
information on them.
After these considerations, one comes to the question of
Zhirmunskii's own expertise. The passage below illustrates
that the bulk of the material on which Zhirmunskii built
his career and reputation was in fact written by Hadi Zarif
in their 1947 collaborative effort on the Uzbek heroic
epic.
Hadi Zarif on the Alpamysh Dastan
The 1947 work by Zhirmunskii and the Uzbek Orientalist Hadi
Zarif, Uzbekskii narodnyi geroicheskii epos, (Tashkent,
1947), is, as noted, probably the first book-length work
dedicated to a study of dastans in Central Asia. The
Introduction explains the war-time conditions out of which
the study grew, provides an indication of contemporary
attitudes to the Central Asian dastan and indicates the
division of labor of the collaborating scholars. It pays
homage to the man who inspired the study, Hamid Alimjan:
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 9
"This book was conceived and written in the
difficult and the glorious days of the Great
Patriotic war, when the peoples of our Union
carried on a heroic battle against the fascist
invaders, defending the freedom and honor of our
homeland, striving for a better future for all of
mankind. In these days our national epic poetry
[nasha narodnaia epicheskaia poeziia (The use of
the singular here perhaps raises the question,
'which narod?')], those great forms of the heroic
past which are so rich, became especially near
and dear to us.
"The peoples [narody] of the Soviet Union are
justly proud of their most rich treasure house of
the heroic epic, oral and written. The Russian
legends and the Lay of the Host of Igor, the
Ukrainian 'dumy,' the Georgian poem of Shota
Rustaveli 'The Champion in the Tiger Skin,' the
Armenian epic David of Sasun, the Nart epic of
the peoples of the North Caucasus, the Kirghiz
Manas, the Kazakh batir songs famous at present
far beyond the borders of their homeland,
repeatedly published in the original and in fine
translation, have become the general cultural
property of all the brotherly peoples of our
Union.
"In this new form of its own being, the heroic
form of the national [natsional'n(yi)] past,
having been retained in folk [narodnoi; also
means 'national']24 monuments in the form of epic
idealization, received unprecedented social
significance as a means of patriotic education,
worthy of our heroic epoch.
"The study of the epic creative work of the
peoples of our Union is one of the foremost and
most relevant [aktual'n(yi)] problems of Soviet
historical science. The Soviet Union is the
single country in the world possessing
inexhaustible sources of living and current,
actual national [narodnyi] epic works... That is
why all kinds of special research in the field of
the national epic, built on new, formerly unknown
material, inevitably brings into our circle more
general problems of the principles of the
comparative study of epic literature.....
"...new material... underlines the wider
10 H. B. Paksoy
perspective of historical generalization -- the
picture of the many centuries of development of
the epic work of the Uzbek people in a range of
details thus far necessarily preliminary and
hypothetical. Such research necessarily goes
beyond the narrow national culture: Alpamysh,
historical and romantic dastans, the cycle of
Koroglu, all in various ways bring the Uzbek epic
close to the creative works of other peoples of
our country, with whom the Uzbek people were
closely tied for centuries of their history....
"The book is the result of the joint work of two
specialists. One, in the course of many years,
collected and studied the folklore of his own
people. The other came to the Uzbek epic from
the general problems of comparative study of epic
works. According to this [expertise] the tasks of
each in this common work were delineated. The
authors acknowledge the great help from their
comrades... In particular the authors want to
note the continual friendly cooperation of
correspondent-members of the Academy of Sciences
of the USSR A. Iu. Iakubovskii and E. E. Bertels,
of whom the latter participated in the editorial
examination of the book....
"The book on the Uzbek epic was first suggested
to us by the Union of Soviet Writers of
Uzbekistan on the initiative of its leader, the
Uzbek poet Hamid Alimjan. One who knew and
valued his own native folklore, a poet in his own
creative work, one who experienced its fruitful
influence, Hamid Alimjan wanted to spread the
epic works of his own people [narod] widely and
comprehensibly to all the fraternal nations of
our Union. In our friendly cooperation and in
our work, which he initiated, he saw one of the
numerous phenomena of that great Stalinist
friendship of peoples of our Union, which
developed in the years of peaceful construction
of Soviet socialist culture and was steeled in
the heroic battle against the fascist invaders
and carried us to victory over the evil enemies
of progressive mankind.
"To the memory of Hamid Alimjan, poet and
patriot, we dedicate this book.
"--The Authors."
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 11
This Introduction reflects the post-war political emphasis
on the friendship of peoples of the USSR discussed above in
Chapter Two. Particularly interesting is the statement that
the heroic epics of the peoples of the USSR have become the
"general cultural property of all..." The implications of
such an assertion may be profound, especially in view of
the right of owners of dastans to alter them. The mention
of Bertels editorial assistance recalls the intimate link
between the Oriental Institutes and the publishing of
Central Asian literature. It foreshadows Bertels' later
role as head of the sections of the Soviet East and
Oriental Literature in the Oriental Institute hierarchy.
Those thanked in this Introduction are Russians -- the
"elder brother" even provides a guiding hand in the field
of indigenous literature and its interpretation.
The Introduction also indicates that Hadi Zarif was the
principle author and wrote those portions of the book on
Central Asian dastans and their reciters. Zhirmunskii
evidently authored the portions which made comparisons with
non-Central Asian literature.
The designation of Zhirmunskii in this Introduction as a
student of epics is not entirely accurate. According to a
recent book on Zhirmunskii's career25, Zhirmunskii was a
specialist on comparative literature. His earlier works
focus on European literature and include a comparison of
Byron and Pushkin and several studies of German literature
of the early 19th century.
Turning to the book itself, Hadi Zarif's first chapter
presents an in-depth discussion of ozans generally, then a
brief discussion of some reciters of Alpamysh. In a
subsequent chapter, he compares variations of the different
versions of Alpamysh, lists some of the published versions
of the dastan and briefly discusses the Bashkurt and Altai
versions.26
As for the matter of Zhirmunskii's subsequent borrowing,
examination of this 1947 work reveals Zarif's description
of the Fazil variant of Alpamysh is nearly identical to the
synopsis in Zhirmunskii's 1960 work. The latter differs
only rarely and then in minor rewording or by the addition,
between sentences or paragraphs, of some descriptive
material or quotations from the text. In the later English
language work with Chadwick some important sections by
Zhirmunskii are merely translations of the 1960
monograph.27
Because the Fazil variant, as translated and amended by
Penkovskii has been elevated officially (as reflected by
Zhirmunskii) to the pinnacle of Alpamysh "variants," it is
12 H. B. Paksoy
essential to explore the differences between it and the
many others. Perhaps the most accurate way to approach such
a comparison is by means of constructing a single
"composite" Alpamysh and examining the range of variations.
COMPOSITE SYNOPSIS OF ALPAMYSH
The following composite of Alpamysh is based on twelve
redactions taken down from at least fourteen different
reciters cited by Zhirmunskii (and those noted above). Some
redactions were taken down from two ozans or represent one
or two reciters' reworkings of variants they learned from
an older reciter. Twelve are known - Fazil Yoldashoglu,
Muhamedkul Jamratoglu Pulkan, Berdi Bahshi, Bekmurad
Jurabaev, Buri Sadykov, Jiyamurat Muhammedbek, Akkojaev,
Maykot, Rahat, Niyazov, Khairatdinov. Two other printings
are Kissa-i Alfamis (Kazan 1899), collected by Yusuf bin
Hoca Sheyhulislam oglu (Yusufbek 1899) and "Velikan
Alpamysh" published in 1916, collected by Divay. The
synopses provide useful, if sometimes incomplete,
information on more than a dozen Alpamysh variants which
are not readily accessible (or are completely inaccessible)
inside or outside the USSR. Also incorporated are the
original printings Divay 1901, Yusufbek 1899. As noted, the
1960 synopses of what Zhirmunskii calls the "Uzbek
variants" differ little from those of Zarif.28 End notes
give pages of both volumes where relevant.
One uniform spelling has been followed. Variations, when
they occur, are noted in parentheses based on the Library
of Congress standard transliteration from Zhirmunskii's (or
Zarif and Zhirmunskii) Russian text. An exception is made
only for the letters "j" and "h" which exist in the
original Turkic language and English, but not in Russian.
Parentheses () within quotations were translated from the
original Russian text. Brackets [] indicate the Russian or
Turkic original or explanatory remarks by the present
writer. In order to preserve the original flavor of the
text, translations are often more literal rather than
literary.
There are several major events of this composite synopsis.
It begins, as do most individual variants with the birth of
the alp to barren parents, his betrothal to Barchin "in the
cradle," the conflict between their fathers and the
departure of Barchin's father for the land of the Kalmaks.
Alpamysh subsequently goes after them to reclaim his bride.
He undergoes various trials and wins her hand. He returns
to the Kalmak territory and becomes a prisoner for seven
years until he is rescued by a Kalmak princess. He defeats
the Kalmaks and (in several versions) returns home to
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 13
rescue his wife and family from a usurper.
Not all variants include all these episodes. Some omit
either the first journey or the second. Names may vary
slightly as do the religious themes, the degree of fighting
and the detail of description.
Several variants of the dastan begin with a description of
Alpamysh's family and the prayers of either his parents or
of his father and Baysari, who in some variants is
Baybora's brother, for children. Fazil's (F) variant, which
has the greatest number of episodes, begins as follows:
"In a remote times in the 16-generation tribe of
the Kungrat in the region of Baysun lived
Dabanbii. Dabanbii had a son Alpinbii. Alpinbii
had two sons -- Baybora and Baysari. The older,
Baybora was the 'shah' of the Kungrat; the
younger, Baysari was the 'bii' [Bey] and stood at
the head of ten thousand yurts of Baysun
families.
"The brothers were knowledgeable and rich, but
they had no children. In order to make their
petition, they set off on a pilgrimage to the
tomb of Shahimardan [the legendary grave of the
Caliph Ali Shahimardan...in the Ferghana
oblast']. They travelled forty days and nights
and at the expiration of this time they heard a
voice, addressing their wish:
'Baybora, God sent you a son and a daughter, not
one by one, but immediately at once he sent them.
Baysari, to you God sent a child, not two, but a
daughter he sent. Return home now and when the
children are born, gather the people and give a
toy [feast]. To the toy in the clothes of a
kalendar [wandering dervish] I myself will come
and give each child a name.'"
In the Akkojaev-Maykot (AM) and Kazan 1899 variants,
Baybora and Baysari [Saribay in these variants] are heads
of different tribes. Those praying for offspring are
Alpamysh's future parents:
"Baybora comes from the country Jidali-Baysun
from the tribe of the Kungrat, Sarybai is from
the tribe Shekti. Kultay is the relative (third
cousin) of Baybora and Ultan is the illegitimate
son of Kultay from a slave woman, 'that gathered
kizyak [dried dung].' He is taken into the home
14 H. B. Paksoy
of the childless Baybora. Ultan grows up huge
and uncouth... He does not listen to his foster
father and ridiculed his childlessness."
(In Kazan 1899 variant, Alpamysh, when still young, cuts
off Ultan's ears and pierces through his foot in
retaliation for this ridicule.)
Baybora and his wife, whose name is Analyk, make a
pilgrimage to a lake near the holy mountain Karatau, and
pray for offspring to "Shashty Aziza." (AM and Kazan 1899)
Zhirmunskii translates his name as "hairy saint" and states
that this is the name for Baba Tuklas, "a respected Kazakh
saint." The saint promises the couple a son and daughter --
Alpamysh (here Alpamys) and Kaldyrgach (here Karlygash).
In Akkojaev-Maykot and Kazan 1899, "The pregnant Analyk
expresses the desire to eat meat of a leopard (kablan) --
this ancient representation of 'sympathetic magic,' is
widespread in the epics of the Central Asian people (the
same thing is told of the mother of Manas.)"29
At the same time Barchin [here Gulbarshyn] is born to the
childless Sarybai and betrothed immediately to Alpamysh.
In order to give the flavor of this earliest printing, a
portion is translated below.30
1899 Alpamysh
"In the times past, when the religion was Islam
At a place called Jidali Baysun, in the land of the Kungrat
There was a Prince called Baybori, who was wealthy but was
crying longingly for progeny.
Baybori had an elder (relative) named Kultay. Sinibay came
from the same well-spring as Kultay. Sinibay's woman bore a
boy named Tortay, who was raised by Kultay.
One day, while he was walking among his herds, Baybori
looked around thinking: If I had a son, he would have
enjoyed all this; riding the horses, driving the herds.
When I die, who will inherit all my wealth? Longing for
offspring, walking in the fields, weeping daily, Baybori
said:
'Heart filled with anxiety, bosom stricken with grief.
Absence of offspring is a perpetual worry in the land.
With my eyes open, I am about to leave this world.'
Baybori implored God:
'You did not take my soul, I continue to endure.
One child's absence will cause my possessions to be left to
my older brother.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 15
Worry embraced my heart; Almighty God created me, may he
also be my refuge.
The absence of a child created hardships for me.
Pronouncements are made by the elders who have many sons.
I supplicate to you, Almighty, You are my Creator.
My bones grow weak, friends are distant.
Seeing eyes turn blind, falling in love with a baby, my
streaming tears are ridiculed by the distant mountain.
A man without child is without credit.'
Baybori said these touching words from his bones.
'Creator, Ruler, if you were not going to grant me
offspring, why did you (bother) to bring me to life?'
Baybori was weeping thus, asking for a child from God
daily.
The bones of those who heard Baybori's pleading ached.
Tears drenched Baybori's face.
His words echoing, he wished to be dead.
At that time, on that laggard black day, a boy was born to
Kultay.
Baybori spoke out his thoughts, he was tormented.
Grief chased away his being.
Meeting the baby, downtrodden, he placed him in his abode.
He named him Ultan.
Thereafter, Baybori regarded Ultan as his own.
Bodies dried-up, noses like hills.
Incisors dull, throat seemed that of Juhut
Where he sat, deep as six wingspans.
Ears like shields, noses like foul flour
Eyes like deep dungeons, traces of steps like ditches.
"Mouth, fireplace; mouth, knife-like. Nostrils like holes
in the ground; grounds trembled. While such idiots existed,
Baybori's tongue was tied. Even if you are enraged, do not
speak of it. Baybori saying 'If Almighty was not going to
grant me offspring, He would not have created this one,' 'I
would rather die than keep hearing about this newborn.' He
took crutches, wore clothes [appropriate for visiting] and
set out to pay homage to a Saint named Babay Tukti, who was
known for ages. He repeated his wish for progeny during
hisvisit. The Saint gave his blessing for a son and
a daughter, admonishing to name the boy Alpamysh, the girl
Kadirgach. 'When the boy reaches the age of ten, he will
beimpervious to arrows, water will not drown him, swords
wil not cut him. He will be a Khan.' Then Baybori went
bak to his home, joyful. His woman became heavy with
chld. Nine months ten days later a boy was born. He was
named Alpamysh. Next, Karligach [sic] was born.
"At a place named Shekti, there was a Bay named Saribay,
who had a lone daughter named Glbarchin. They (Baybori and
Baysari) became kudas.
16 H. B. Paksoy
Alpamysh reached the age of ten, Saribay, who did not have
another child, said:
'My progeny was thus left stunted (in numbers). If, for
some reason, his (Alpamysh) fortunes change (leave this
life) my daughter would be left to Ultan in an instant.'
He (Saribay) therefore decided to leave for the land of
Khitay and carried out his thoughts.
"Then, Alpamysh became the eagle of the Kungrats at the age
of ten. Alpamysh, saying: 'Are you the one who is
denouncing my father?' cut Ultan's ear and flayed his
soles. Alpamysh, while playing, killed those whose necks
were pliant. One day Alpamysh was playing with the son of
an old woman, the boy died. The old woman said: 'Here
there, instead of destroying those children who cannot
withstand you, if you were any good, you would go to Khitay
and take your intended beautiful Gulbarchin from your
father-in-law Saribay.' This was news that had not touched
his (Alpamysh) ears. When Alpamysh heard this, he massed
troops, disregarding day or night, without dismounting,
covering distances with equal lengths, swallowing his own
blood instead of water, breaking many men, in forty days
secured and brought his woman back.
"However, while Alpamysh was after his woman, Taysha
carried off Alpamysh's herds. When Alpamysh returned,
Baybori Bay said:
'Of my blood, Alpamysh; disappear from my sight
You have done nothing useful for me, by becoming a man.
Taysha took away my herd, swiftly carried away my
belongings.
"Do not stand before me, go away," he (Taysha) said [to me]
with enmity.
Chase after the herd taken by Taysha.
Avenge this act of his.
If you cannot, be a slave and remain the last.'
Then, Alpamysh said this:
'I will pursue the herd taken by Taysha.
If Shahimardan gives me his help, I will chase your herd
back. Do not cast a sorrowful glance, for I cannot act
on your word.
I placed the saddle-blanket on the horse's back, I lived
the life of a Bey on Karatau.
After I leave, my dear father, you will suffer hardships
from the servants.
I placed the saddle-blanket on the horse's back. After I
leave, my dear father, you will feel guilty.
You have weak servants, my father, waiting behind you. They
are your enemies.'"
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 17
Descriptions of Alpamysh's origins and parents are sparse
in the variants of Niyazov (N), Khairatdinov (Kh) and
Divay, 1901. Baybora and Baysari are not brothers but equal
beys. Zhirmunskii writes (See note 28):
"The genealogy of Alpamysh is absent. Baybora and Baysari
live in the land of Jidali-Baysun..., which is located near
Bukhara (Kh) and belongs to the Kungrat tribe. 'Bald Ultan'
(Ultan-taz) -- is a shepherd, a slave, who stands at the
head of 90 families of slaves (N). The name of Alpamysh'
bride is Barchin or Gulbarchin. The children are born of
childless parents by the intercession of forty cihilten who
later intervene on the alp's behalf. (Div. 1901)."
The Jusupov/Rahat variant (JR) begins with the birth of the
alp from barren parents and the selecting of the batir
horse. Divay's "Velikan Alpamys" (VA) has none of these
events. Both variants (JR and VA) omit Barchin and,
therefore, themes connected with her -- the "marriage
journey" (to rescue her) and the return of the husband
theme. These two variants consist of the captivity of the
alp and his salvation by the Kalmak princess, whom he
marries.
In the variant of Pulkan (P), Baychobar and a black camel
(who turns up only at the end of the dastan) were born on
the same day as Alpamysh, an auspicious sign. Alpamysh was
nursed on that camel's mother's milk, making the batir and
the young camel "milk-brothers."
In Fazil's variant, the births of the children were
celebrated with a feast to which came, a wandering dervish
who had been called by the new fathers earlier in a dream.
The dervish named the son of Baybora, Hakim, his daughter -
Kaldyrgach (Swallow), and the daughter of Baysari -
Barchin. He foretold the glory of Hakim as a batir and
conducted his betrothal to Barchin. He touched the boy on
the shoulder "and Hakim retained the mark on his shoulder
of the 'five fingers.'" It is this touch (in the Fazil
version it is the hand of Ali) that makes Hakim (Alpamysh)
invincible -- "in fire he is not burned, a sword cannot
wound him and arrows cannot penetrate."
In variants Akkojaev-Maykot and Kazan 1899 also, Alpamysh's
invulnerability is due to the saint's intervention. To the
litany of his invulnerability is added, "he will not be
hurt by bullets [sic], they will slash, no sword will cut
him, he will be the enemy of the Kalmaks." Later that saint
will become the protector of Alpamysh. In Divay 1901, seven
kalendar arrive to name the children. They call Baybora's
son Alpamysh and say they shall be his pirs. The batir's
18 H. B. Paksoy
invulnerability, however, is not attributed to their
influence.
Fazil's variant describes the education of the children,
which is lacking in other variants: "When the children
reach the age of three, their fathers send them to school
[mekteb] to learn to read and write. When they reach the
age of seven and have already become literate, their
parents bring them home again; Hakim studies 'kingship and
military affairs' and Barchin - 'tending the sheep.'"
Some variants include reports that "The batir youth
crippled his own playmates during their play." (AM, Kazan
1899)31
Fazil describes Hakim's first batir feat, performed at age
seven. He draws the old bow of his grandfather Alpinbii,
made from 14-batman copper: "the arrow flies like lightning
and topples the summit of Mount Askar. For this feat,
Hakim... receives the sobriquet Alpamysh: 'In the world
there were... 90 batirs, their leader was the batir Rustem,
let there now also be a batir ('alp') Alpamysh.'" The batir
bow would reappear in later episodes of nearly all
variants.
Among the variants, there are three reasons for Baysari's
departure from Baysun. According to Fazil's variant, in
which Baybora and Baysari are brothers, the two quarrel
over the payment of the zakat:
"Having learned from Alpamysh that Muslims
according to the Koran are obligated to pay the
'zakat,' Baybora demanded that his younger
brother pay the tax [sic] to him. Baysari refused
to fulfill this demand, saying it was unheard of
among the Kungrat people and insulted his brother
with words and inflicted on him a cruel
mutilation [sic]. After this he decides with his
ten thousand tribes [sic-tents] and all the
cattle to emigrate and go to the country of the
Kalmaks, a six month journey from Baysun, through
the mountains of the Altai and to place himself
under the patronage of the Kalmak shah Taysha
[here Taichakhan]."
It is interesting that this dispute is articulated in terms
of a discrepancy between religious obligation and Kungrat
tradition. Furthermore, this variant makes it plain that
Baysari's departure splits the Kungrat and reduces the
collective wealth by removing Baysari's ten thousand tribes
(perhaps a symbolic figure) and their herds from the
confederation.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 19
In variants of Divay 1901, Niyazov and Khairatdinov, the
argument between the two fathers (who are not related)
stems from the oglak tartis competition. Baysari feels that
Baybora wins unjustly.
Another motivation for Baysari's emigration is the fact
that Alpamysh is the only son of Baybora; in case of
Alpamysh's death, Baysari fears, Barchin must fall to his
foster brother, the slave Ultan. (AM, Kazan 1899)
The depiction of the Kungrats' arrival hints at the
historic conflict between the nomads and the settled
populations. Fazil notes (similar to Divay 1901): "Having
arrived in the country of the Kalmaks, the Kungrats stopped
in the steppe Chilbir-chol near lake Ayna-kol. Not having
known property ownership in their homeland [sic], they
trampled the sewn land of their host, using it as pasture
for their cattle. The Kalmaks complained to their khan and
[he], upon learning of the conditions of the matter,
accepted Baysari and his kinsmen under his own patronage
and gave them the Chilbir steppe as their yaylak and the
lake Ayna-kol to water their cattle."
In the variant of Berdi bahshi (BB), this land is given by
Taysha as kalym for Barchin. Taysha is not, according to
Berdi bahshi represented in the horse race for Barchin's
hand.
In Fazil's variant:
"The Kalmak shah had 90 batir-giants who lived
together in the caves in the remote forest (in
the region Tokaistan - the country of the Tugai).
'Every one of them carried armor weighing 90
batman, every one ate each day 90 sheep, every
one received from the shah every month 90 gold
tumans;' 'every one has 40 girl-servants.'
Among these batirs the strongest were 7 brothers,
the sons of the evil and crafty old woman
['mastan-kampir'] Surkhaiil... the youngest son
was Karajan."
Barchin evokes the love of these batirs (F).
Surkhaiil-mastan wants Barchin to marry her youngest son
Karajan, but does not succeed: "The smartly dressed Karajan
rides his horse in vain around the velvety yurt of the
beauty."
Surkhaiil's second son, Kukamon (Kokemen) tries to seize
Barchin by force, but "the batir maiden wrestles with him,
20 H. B. Paksoy
squeezes the air out of him and throws him to the ground."
Finally the eldest son Kokaldash, in order to avoid discord
among the brothers, suggests to Baysari that he give his
daughter either to one of them or to all collectively as a
"common wife." Baysari and Barchin refuse their
solicitation, but the Kalmak batirs threaten to seize
Barchin forcibly if she does not select one of them.
"Barchin requests an interval of six months and sends a
messenger to the Kungrat, to her own promised suitor."
According to Divay 1901, Niyazov and Khairatdinov, both the
old Kalmak shah Taysha-khan and his head batir Karajan pay
court to Barchin at the same time. The two fight but there
are no other batirs nor the old woman character. An evil
old woman does appear, however, in Alpamysh's second
journey to the Kalmak domains. This latter episode is found
in Niyazov and Khairatdinov, but not in Divay 1901.
Kokemen-kaska appears as the faithful slave (N) or the
vezir (Div 1901) of the Kalmak shah.
In these three variants, Barchin promises to marry the
winner of a 40-day baiga (horse race). The other contests
are absent. The wrestling is initiated later by the shah as
an additional test of the victor.
Two events precede Alpamysh's departure for the land of the
Kalmaks -- the acquisition of his Chobar and knowledge of
Barchin and her plight.
Alpamysh receives his horse from the herder Kultay. In all
variants Chobar is homely: "His mane rises above his ears,
he walks evenly, on all four feet, in step (gait), on his
tail he carries a whole armful of saksaul, and his forelock
and mane you do not see, on them sticks a whole patch of
tumbleweed thorn." (Div 1901)32
Alpamysh initially learns about his bride from an old women
who had been offended by him (N, Kh; in AM and Kazan 1899,
she is the mother of a child whom Alpamysh crippled or
killed in play). Alpamysh elicits the truth from the old
woman "by squeezing her palm in which, by his request, she
brings hot wheat kernels for him to taste." This incident
is absent in Divay 1901, in which it is unclear how
Alpamysh knows about Barchin.
In Fazil's variant, as in Akkojaev-Maykot and Kazan 1899
the acquisition of the horse is linked to the journey to
save Barchin:
"Learning about Barchin's situation, Alpamysh,
prompted by his sister Kaldyrgach and in spite of
the advice of his father, decides to go to the
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 21
country of the Kalmaks. He goes for a horse to
the old man Kultay - the herder, slave and
servant of Baybora. Warned by his master, Kultay
tries to refuse Alpamysh and even falls upon him
with words and blows, but the angered young batir
overcomes the old herder, forces Kultay to give
him the ukruk [lasso?] to catch a horse. Three
times into Alpamysh's lasso falls the same homely
Chobar colt. Alpamysh sees in this an indication
of 'fate' ['takdir'], although he doubts his own
choice. But Baychobar, as it turns out, is a
real tulpar -- a winged batir horse; on him
Alpamysh, having taken his grandfather's batir
bow, heads out on the long road to the country of
the Kalmaks." (F)
In the Akkojaev-Maykot variant, Alpamysh learns about
Barchin's troubles from a letter, which she had written him
on a roadside rock (a motif, not found in other versions,
which Zhirmunskii states is very ancient).
The description of Alpamysh's journey is nearly the same in
all variants which involve the rescue of Barchin. Fazil,
however, embellishes the journey by including a magic
dream:
"On the way Alpamysh finds lodging for the night
in a tomb at the grave of a saint. Here the batir
in a magic dream sees Barchin who is coming to
him with a goblet of wine and greets him with a
song. Alpamysh refuses her love until he defeats
his enemies, the oppressor-Kalmaks."
On his arrival, Fazil's Alpamysh finds shelter with the
shepherd Kaikubat-Kal, who in this variant tends the sheep
of Baysari. Alpamysh inquires of him about his uncle and
Barchin.
According to Akkojaev-Maykot and Kazan 1899, the Kalmak
khan is Karaman and he is a contestant for Barchin's hand.
On his arrival in the land of the Kalmaks, Alpamysh defeats
a huge Kalmak force and the shah himself (who is killed)
and reasserts his own right to his bride. The
Akkojaev-Maykot variant has no specific "suitor contest."
Karajan and the other Kalmak batirs are absent.
In most variants, however, Karajan and Alpamysh meet as
Alpamysh nears the land of the Kalmaks. In Niyazov's
account of the meeting of Karajan and Alpamysh, the two
speak in riddles. Alpamysh answers Karajan's questions
saying that when he (Alpamysh) "was eight years old, his
22 H. B. Paksoy
old camel went away, and after him went the she-camel, and
after them went a [camel's] calf with copper [ornamented?]
reins, and searched for them everywhere."
In Fazil's variant Alpamysh refers allegorically to himself
as a falcon [lain] who is pursuing a wild duck [suksur],
which had flown from the lake Kok-kamysh; [he also calls
himself] a he-camel [nar] searching for his she-camel
[maya]. Karajan answers in the same allegorical form: "The
duck which flew away from you is now settled at the lake
Ayna-kl, 90 birds of prey [gajir] surround her." And
further: "Your she-camel is grazing on the steppe
Chilbir-Kol, the covering on her head has 1500 gold coins
[tilla]. I saw 90 batirs threaten her."
In variants of Pulkan, Berdi bahsi, Divay 1901,
Akkojaev-Maykot and Niyazov, Karajan accepts Islam and
befriends his rival only after the two batirs engage in
physical combat in which Alpamysh defeats Karajan. This
conflict is absent in Fazil's variant: "On the heights of
Murad-Tepe, the Kalmak batir Karajan waits for Alpamysh. He
had seen Alpamysh in a dream, felt his excellence and
decided to conclude with him a friendly union and become a
Muslim."
All variants that include Karajan and Barchin recount how
Karajan befriends Alpamysh, takes him to his yurt and
entertains him. He acts as messenger to Barchin, but she
does not believe Karajan's sincerity. His rejection of her
feigned seduction proves his friendship for Alpamysh. In
Divay 1901, Barchin makes a request of Karajan -- that he
have her parents freed from a dungeon, in which they had
been confined by Taysha Khan.
It is at this point in Fazil's variant that Barchin informs
Karajan that she will give her hand to whichever suitor
emerges victorious in four contests. To win, a suitor's
"horse must surpass all the other horses in the baiga, he
must draw the batir bow without breaking it, shoot (with a
rifle [sic!]) a tenga (a small silver coin) at a distance
of 1000 paces, and defeat his opponents in a wrestling
match [kurash]. 'The people will not be offended; whoever
wins will marry me.'"
In the variants of Pulkan and Berdi bahsi, there are three
contests -- the 4-day baiga, wrestling, and shooting the
bow. Only the first two are described in detail. In Berdi
bahsi's variant, the attempt to draw the bow is not made by
the suitors but by the bride herself, who breaks all 90
batirs' bows except that belonging to Alpamysh. Jurabaev
retains only the first two contests.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 23
Fazil tells little of the second and third contests
(drawing the bow and shooting the coin with the rifle). The
descriptions of the baiga and the wrestling occupy a
central place. Karajan, however, emerges as Alpamysh's
true friend and "matchmaker," as in Divay 1901. Karajan
rides Baychobar in the baiga, but in Fazil's variant, his
main rival is his own brother Kokaldash. The Kalmak batirs
overpower Karajan, tie him up and drive nails into
Baychobar's hooves. Here the traitorous son is absent as is
the batir slumber. Karajan gets no supernatural help in
freeing himself. Baychobar wins, despite the nails in his
hooves, by "spreading his wings."
In the variants of both Niyazov and Divay 1901, the
description of the race is also important and the groom of
Taysha-khan, (or of Kokaldash in Fazil's variant) notices
Baychobar's wings, confirming that this is a real tulpar
against whom it is impossible to compete. The groom in all
three variants is blinded for this observation by his angry
master.
In the baiga of Niyazov, Khairatdinov and Divay 1901, the
main competitor of Karajan is his son Dust-Muhammed
(Dosmambet - Kh, Kallimjan - N) and it is he who informs
the Kalmaks that his father is sleeping his seven-day batir
sleep (Div 1901, Kh). During the slumber, the Kalmaks bind
Karajan and Baychobar. In Divay 1901, Karajan gets
supernatural help in escaping. Finally, Karajan overtakes
all his rivals, except his son, whom he kills in order to
win the race.
In these variants, the wrestling is not part of a
predetermined set of contests but is started by the Kalmak
shah on the advice of his advisor, in order not to give up
Barchin to the "newcomer" batir, who has "only one horse to
his name." (N)
The description of the wrestling of Alpamysh with the
khan's wrestlers Kaytpas and Kokjal in the variant of the
reciter Niyazov is compared by Zhirmunskii to the wrestling
scene in the "Uzbek" composite version. This scene ends
with general bloodletting, which in the other variants (Kh,
Div 1901) is provoked by the treacherous shooting of
Alpamysh by Kokemen (with a rifle in Kh or arrow in Div
1901).
In Divay 1901, the khan has Kokemen killed for his
treachery. Alpamysh and Barchin return to their homeland,
Baysari remains in the land of the Kalmaks. The Divay 1901
variant of the dastan ends here.
24 H. B. Paksoy
In Fazil's rendering of the final wrestling match, Karajan
defeats and kills all the opponents of Alpamysh, even
several of his own brothers. The only one who remains at
the end is Karajan's eldest brother -- Kokaldash, the
oldest and strongest of the Kalmak batirs. Fazil injects
hyperbolic humor into his description of the batir-giants:
"One of them ate 90 camels in a day, another
girded on a sash of 50 arm-lengths, one wore
boots sewn from 90 large ox skins, and a fourth
had a cap made of 60 cubits of alaci (striped
cotton cloth). 'Koshkulak is a healthy youth, his
mustache grew on all sides and among the hairs
mice propagated, cats ran after them and, chasing
them, caught them only six months later.'"
In the end, it is Alpamysh who wrestles with Kokaldash:
"Alpamysh himself wrestles, but for a long time can not
overcome him, until Barchin with her own jibes, arouses the
manliness and malice of her betrothed, threatens to come
herself out into this single combat." Thus provoked,
Alpamysh throws Kokaldash up into the sky "like a doll" and
kills him.
"After this," Fazil tells us:
"the whole people recognized Alpamysh as the
victor. After celebrating the marriage to
Barchin, he with Karajan and the majority of the
Kungrat return to their homeland. On the way,
Alpamysh and Karajan defeat an attack by a Kalmak
force which is sent after them by the Kalmak shah
on the instigation of the evil old woman
Surkhaiil. In the country of the Kalmaks remain
only the family of Baysari who would still not be
reconciled with his elder brother."
In Pulkan's variant, Barchin forces Alpamysh to solve a
riddle before accepting him as her husband. This
Zhirmunskii identifies as an "ancient" motif of the
competition between the suitor and the bride, the batir
maiden. The same could probably be said of Berdi bahsi's
recounting of Barchin's breaking all batirs' bows except
that of Alpamysh.
In variants Kazan 1899 and Akkojaev-Maykot, the second
journey of Alpamysh to the land of the Kalmaks is provoked
by the theft of Baybora's cattle, in the absence of
Alpamysh, by the Kalmak shah (here Taishyk: in variant AM
he is in no way identified with the shah Karaman, who was
killed during the first journey [AM] by Alpamysh). The
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 25
angry Baybora sends his son after the herd, threatening him
with a paternal curse if he disobeys. Alpamysh sets out
alone. Variants JR and VA begin with this event.
The Niyazov and Khairatdinov variants include the episodes
of Alpamysh's return to the land of the Kalmaks, but in
their variants he is motivated by the violence which
Baysari suffers at the hand of Taysha-khan. He sets out
alone to help his father-in-law, but forgets to pray to God
and the holy cihilten. On the way, an old man appears to
him in a dream and foretells his punishment -- seven years'
captivity in the land of the Kalmaks.
Fazil recounts how, after the departure of Alpamysh:
"Taysha-khan, on the advice of the vindictive
Surkhaiil, takes from Baysari all his property
and makes him a shepherd. News of this reaches
the Kungrat and Alpamysh again sets out for
Kalmak lands at the head of forty jigit [noble
young men with batir-like qualities]. Among them
is the husband of Kaldyrgach, Bek-Temir, a bek of
the Kungrat lineage Tartuvli (Alpamysh, was a bek
of the Kanjigali lineage)."
In this variant, Surkhaiil lays a trap: she leads the
batirs to a meeting on the mountain Murad-tepe with forty
beauties who seduce the alps and make them drunk. While the
jigit are in their slumber "from drunkenness and love," the
forces of the Kalmak shah kill them all except Alpamysh and
burn their bodies in a fire. Alpamysh, sleeping a batir
slumber, is invulnerable. But the indomitable Surkhaiil,
tells the Kalmaks to dig a deep pit (zindan), tie the
sleeping batir to the tail of his horse and drag him into
the pit. When Alpamysh awakes, he "bitterly weeps over his
fate." (F)
The news of the death of the other batirs reaches the
Kungrat and Alpamysh, too, is presumed dead. Ultan-taz (taz
- 'baldheaded mangy'), here Baybora's son from a
"slave-captive of the 'Kizilbash'," seizes power among the
Kungrat. He makes Baybora and his baybiche (the senior
wife, Alpamysh's mother), his servants. Kaldyrgach he sends
to the steppe, to lake Babir-kol, to herd camels. He
banishes Karajan to the mountains of the Altai, forbidding
him to come to Baysun. Barchin, who gave birth to a son
Iadgar, shortly after Alpamysh's departure, he does not
harm: "'Wherever she gets away to, she must remain mine all
the same.' (F) (By custom the widow of the elder brother
passes to the younger,)" explains Zhirmunskii.
26 H. B. Paksoy
According to Kazan 1899, Akkojaev-Maykot, Jusupov-Rahat and
VA, the Kalmak shah had a frightening dream foreshadowing
the destruction of his rule: he is threatened by a rabid
he-camel (bugra). The old woman character is an ugly
sorceress (mystan-kempir), who says she will save the shah
from his fate but demands in compensation the hand of the
khan's daughter Karakoz-Aim (lit: 'blackeyed beauty') for
her own wretched and ill son. The frightened shah agrees.
Then follows, as in other variants, the seduction of
Alpamysh engineered by the sly old woman, in which besides
the 40 girls, the shah's daughter herself participates.
The latter, falling in love with the batir, secretly tries
to warn him, but to no avail.
Again, the alp's enemies can neither burn him nor wound him
with weapons. The formula of invulnerability is repeated.
The old woman has Alpamysh thrown into a deep pit. (Also in
N, Kh)
A wild goose, that had been wounded by a hunter, takes
refuge in Alpamysh's dungeon and the batir cures him. The
goose then bears a message (in BB the goose is absent and
the messenger is an angel) to the Kungrat. The goose evades
the hunter and succeeds in flying to the Kungrat camp,
landing at the lake Babir-kol where Kaldyrgach finds the
letter. At her request, Karajan travels to the country of
the Kalmaks to save Alpamysh.
In Khairatdinov's variant, the hunter Shakaman, heedless of
the advice of his old mother, shoots at the
goose-messenger, but the arrow does not find its mark and
returns to hit the hunter himself. In Niyazov's as in
Fazil's variant, Shakaman is the name of the place.
Karajan tries to rescue Alpamysh at Kaldyrgach's request,
but fails: in the variant by Niyazov, Karajan hears
Alpamysh ask: "Has not my friend Karajan come to me, (he)
who became my friend from fear before my sword?" In the
variant of Khairatdinov, Alpamysh does not at first
recognize his friend, and inquires about his loved ones,
but forgets to asks about Karajan. Offended, Karajan wants
to go back, but in the end says farewell to Alpamysh and
lowers a branch to him. Half way up, Alpamysh decides that
his savior will boast of his feat, cuts the branch and
again falls into the pit.
Karajan's [here Karabay] attempt to rescue Alpamysh is
found also in variant VA. Here Alpamysh refuses help
because he fears that accepting it would be "dishonorable."
In Fazil's variant, Alpamysh refuses aid at the last minute
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 27
because he does not wish to be obligated to Karajan for his
salvation: "half way up, he tears the silk wrap [arkan]
which was thrown to him and remains in the dungeon.
Returning to his homeland, Karajan tells Kaldyrgach about
his misfortune and tells her to keep silent about his
having found Alpamysh. 'Let them think he's dead.'"
Also a trace of what Zhirmunskii calls an "original" trait
is another episode absent from Fazil's variant but included
by Jurabaev -- the return of Karajan, after his failed
attempt to rescue Alpamysh from the zindan, to become the
vezir of the usurper Ultan. Alpamysh kills Karajan with an
arrow shot from his batir bow in a final scene.
Alpamysh is saved from captivity finally by the Kalmak
shah's daughter who falls in love with him.
In Fazil's variant, the princess' favorite kid falls into
the pit and is retrieved by the shepherd Kaikubat-kal. This
shepherd was in love with his royal mistress. Alpamysh
promises to obtain for him the princess when he gets out of
the zindan and defeats her father. As kalym, Alpamysh
demands from the shepherd one sheep each day. Once he
consumes Kaikubat's whole flock, he tries to teach the
shepherd to steal, but without success.
Then Alpamysh makes a 'changavuy' (lip harmonica) from the
bones of the sheep he had eaten and sends Kaikubat to sell
it at the bazaar. The daughter of the Kalmak shah, hearing
Kaikubat play, sends her own servant girls to invite him to
the palace. They force Kaikubat to take the princess to see
the imprisoned batir and she immediately falls in love with
him. She orders the digging of an underground passage from
her own palace to the zindan and begins every day to call
on her beloved. Surkhaiil accidentally learns about this
and succeeds in informing Taysha-khan, who, on her advice,
orders that the zindan be filled up immediately with dirt.
In order to be saved from certain death, Alpamysh asks the
princess to bring his horse. She takes dried 'isryk' --
steppe grass -- to Baychobar. [in BB she takes Alpamysh's
clothing which Zhirmunskii calls a "more primordial
motif."33] Baychobar then recalls his master and breaks
out to freedom.
Baychobar lets his tail down into the pit. The tail
miraculously lengthens to 40 'kulach' (Kulach: arm-lengths)
and thus he pulls out his master who then defeats the
Kalmak forces, kills the shah and the evil Surkhaiil. He
puts on the throne the shepherd Kaikubat to whom he gives
the promised princess. Kaikubat frees Baysari (his own
former master) and with honors returns to him his
28 H. B. Paksoy
confiscated property. In order that the Kalmaks would
listen to their Shah-shepherd, Alpamysh, according to an
agreement with him, gives the appearance that he himself is
submitting to Kaikubat. After this Alpamysh bids farewell
and returns to his homeland.
The variations on this series of events are few. According
to VA and Akkojaev-Maykot, in which Barchin is absent,
Alpamysh places Kaikubat [here Keikuat] on the throne and
gives him the first of the 40 maid-servants of the
princess. Alpamysh himself marries the Kalmak princess
Karakoz. This characteristic of these versions
distinguishes them from others in which the hero gives the
princess to the shepherd.
The marriage of Alpamysh to Karakoz ends the variant VA. In
variant Jusupov-Rahat Alpamysh becomes lonely for his own
homeland and decides to return home. This is told in a
short conclusion. Again there is no Barchin and, therefore,
no theme of the "returning husband." In variant
Akkojaev-Maykot the batir forsakes his second wife within a
month after an ominous dream urging him to hurry to his
home. Karakoz saddles his horse and, crying, follows after
him. Three times Alpamysh returns to his beloved. At the
end, in the general celebration, Karakoz "is not forgotten"
-- Alpamysh visits her twice a year.
In the variants of Niyazov and Khairatdinov the shepherd is
named Ashim-kal and the Kalmak princess, Arzaim. Alpamysh
promises to make Ashim-kal the shah and for that reason
Ashim feeds Alpamysh the shah's flock. Then, disguised as a
dervish, the shepherd goes begging and finally steals in
order to feed the batir.
The princess is in love with Alpamysh and, as elsewhere,
gets his horse and weapon from her father by a ruse.
Alpamysh is saved by the aid of a silk 'arkan' (in variant
Kh it is tied to Baychobar's tail). Vengeance is meted out
to the Kalmaks and the shepherd Ashim-kal becomes shah and
marries the princess.
The return home, in those variants in which it is depicted
in detail, is always remarkably similar: "Returning from
his seven-year imprisonment, Alpamysh crosses through the
Alatau and for the first time from the mountain Askar he
again sees his native steppe, the summer camp of the
Kungrat tribe." (F)
Caravan leaders, whom Alpamysh meets on the way, tell him
[Alpamysh] about the changes that took place in Baysun
after the news came of the alp's supposed death. They told
him of the new master, Ultan-bek. In anger, Alpamysh kills
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 29
them.
According to Zhirmunskii's "Kazakh composite," Alpamysh
returns to his homeland in the dress of a divane [i.e.
mendicant dervish]. The first person he meets is his
relative Tortay, now a servant to five slave-herders who
had been made beks. Alpamysh kills the bek-slaves (probably
a variant of the killing of the caravan merchants).
Baychobar upon entering his native pasture, "neighs, chews
his bit. Hearing his neighing, an old grey mare, his
mother, comes running from a horse herd that was grazing in
the reedy brushwood, and with joyful neighs she circles
around her foal."
Then, Alpamysh encounters a young slave-herder who, with
tears in his eyes, tells the stranger about the fate of
Alpamysh and his family. Further on he sees his sister
Kaldyrgach, "barefoot and in rags, tending a herd of camels
on the shore of the lake. An old black camel, who had been
laying down in the pasture for 7 years, now suddenly raises
himself up and runs straight to his old master. He circles
Alpamysh seven times. Kaldyrgach goes after the camel and
thinks she recognizes her brother. Alpamysh passes by
without identifying himself. (These episodes with
Kaldyrgach and the camel are not found in N or Kh.) In
Zhirmunskii's Kazakh composite, it is Baybora whom Alpamysh
sees driving his herds and calling, " Arai, canim, arai!"
Finally, Alpamysh sees flocks of sheep which formerly
belonged to Baybora. There he meets the old Kultay, who
still weeps over Alpamysh as "a beloved child." In the
variant Khairatdinov, Kultay together with Iadgar (Jediger
here) slaughter a sheep in order to feed the unknown guest.
In the Kazakh composite, two goats, once Alpamysh's
favorite kids, recognize him.
Alpamysh identifies himself, but Kultay does not believe
him until Alpamysh shows him the familiar mark on his
shoulder -- the sign of the 'five fingers' of Shahimardan.
Discovering the impending wedding of Barchin with the
usurper Ultan, Alpamysh changes clothes with Kultay in
order to remain unrecognized at the wedding feast: "I want
to see with my own eyes who are my friends and who my
enemies." Kultay kills a white she-goat, and "The batir
cut out from the white goat skin for a beard for himself
and from the hide cut out a nose with scissors [sic]" and
became unrecognizable."
30 H. B. Paksoy
In the Kazan 1899 variant, Alpamysh sends Kultay to warn
Iadgar whom Ultan keeps in chains and wants to use instead
of the goat carcass to play oglak tartis at the wedding!
Fazil, Khairatdinov and Niyazov all mention this same
incident on the way to the wedding: "On the way Alpamysh
encounters some simple women who were hurrying to the
wedding feast and took him for the grey bearded old man
Kultay. He eats their food and unnoticed places in [their]
container 'dry kizyak of a cow, manure pellets of a sheep
and goats.' The women, upon opening the dishes, curse the
old joker." (F)
The description of the wedding feast in variants of Fazil
and Sadykov begins with oglak tartis in which Alpamysh,
disguised as Kultay, wins. Unrecognized, the batir sees the
injuries and offenses caused by Ultan to his relatives and
friends. His old mother on the side of an irrigation ditch
cleans the entrails of sheep slaughtered for the wedding
banquet. Baybora carries wineskins with water. The seven
year old Iadgar endures beatings by Ultan and his servants.
"Barchin all the while refuses to acknowledge the oppressor
Ultan as her suitor, and with her own steadfastness upholds
the taciturn resistance of Alpamysh's family."
The scene with the cook (F, N, Kh) presents what
Zhirmunskii labels one of the very ancient elements. The
disguised Alpamysh congratulates Ultan, who then sends him
off to the kitchen for food. The cook treats the poor man
crudely and gives him leftovers. The angered Alpamysh
throws the cook into the cauldron.
The competition of shooting the bow appears in all versions
that include the "return of Alpamysh" theme. The alp breaks
the ordinary bow (he breaks seven in N, 80 in Kh). He asks
that the old bronze 14-batman bow of Alpamysh be brought to
him. Barchin orders that the bow be brought. It had long
remained at the lake Arpali, now overgrown with steppe
grass. The minions of Ultan did not have the strength to
lift it and it is brought by the batir boy Iadgar (Kh says
with the help of the cihilten). Alpamysh, drawing it
without difficulty, shoots off the top of a distant plane
tree.
In the evening, the disguised Alpamysh participates in
singing improvised olan (wedding verses). He sings with
Ultan's mother. "The overbearing old woman is a comic
figure: she can not pronounce the sound 'r' and this
deficiency of her speech is especially funny in the wedding
song with the traditional love refrain: 'yar-yar!' she sang
'yay-yay!'" Then Alpamysh "exchanges lyrical, heartfelt
lines with the sad bride Barchin. From this he is convinced
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 31
of her fidelity and alludes to his own arrival."
In the Kazakh composite, Alpamysh meets his old mother, now
blind, carrying a bundle of wood on her back. "She
recognizes 'her only one,' her 'withered, unlucky breast'
again became filled with milk, '[her] deafened and long
blocked ears' again were opened, and 'wax poured out of
them.'" Only after the singing, the archery contest takes
place and Ultan offers Kaldyrgach as the prize to the
winner.
Many of the wedding guests had already begun to guess that
under the mask of Kultay was concealed the returned master
Alpamysh. Now the real Kultay proclaims to all the people
the return of the ruler. The batir together with his
friends destroy Ultan and his followers and put Ultan to
death by torture. At this time, Baysari returns from the
land of the Kalmaks with his family.
"The poem ends with the unification of the dispersed tribes
of the Kungrat under the leadership of...Alpamysh." (F)
The Anatolian Variant: "The Tale of Bamsi Beyrek"
"Bamsi Beyrek," despite its title and some other
differences including its localization in Asia Minor, is
clearly a version of the Alpamysh dastan.34 The variants
of Alpamysh and "Bamsi Beyrek" are quite similar both in
the action of each and in motifs. Both exhibit the desire
of two equal princes for offspring, the betrothing of their
children "in the cradle," joyful festivities greeting the
newborn, falling into captivity, the fight for freedom, the
false suitor to the alp's betrothed -- at appropriate
places incognito, bloody armed combat to secure the final
victory and finally regaining liberty, celebrated with
traditional feasts. Concerning the similar motifs, both
contain references to pre-Islamic as well as Islamic
practices.
V. V. Bartold published, with a Russian translation, four
episodes from The Book of Dede Korkut, including the "Tale
of Bamsi Beyrek," in the 1890s.35 Bartold in his first
translation noted that "The Oghuz version of the tale of
Alpamysh is presented in the 'Story of Bamsi-Beyrek, Son of
Kam-Bori,' appearing in the cycle of the Book of Dede
Korkut..." Bartold calls the "Bamsi Beyrek" story "Bamsi
Beyrek, Son of Kam Bori," although Beyrek's father's name
is Bay Bori-Bek (similar to the name of Alpamysh's father).
There is no Gam Khan in the story, although in the first
sentence of Bartold's translation, he notes that Gam Khan
(a possible variation of Kam Bori) is the father of
32 H. B. Paksoy
Bayindir, the Oghuz "khan of khans." Bartold called these
"epics" (Russian: bylina). He published a translation of
the full work in 1922.36
Two manuscript versions of Dede Korkut survived from the
16th century -- a Dresden manuscript made known to modern
scholarship in 1815 and a manuscript discovered in the
Vatican in 1950. The only English translation of Dede
Korkut was made by Professor G. L. Lewis on the basis of
these two manuscripts. Lewis points out that:
"...[T]he substratum of the stories [of Dede
Korkut] is the struggles of the Oghuz in Central
Asia in the eighth to eleventh centuries against
their Turkish cousins the Pecheneks and the
Kipchaks... It is significant that the 'infidels'
are given Turkish-sounding names: Kara Tuken,
Boghajuk, and so on....
"This substratum has been overlaid with more
recent memories of campaigns in the Ak-koyunlu
period against the Georgians, the Abkhaz..., and
the Greeks of Trebizond. The Ak-koyunlu Sultans
claimed descent from Bayindir Khan and it is
likely, on the face of it, that the Book of Dede
Korkut was composed under their patronage. The
snag about this is that in the Ak-koyunlu
genealogy Bayindir's father is named as Gok
('Sky') Khan, son of the eponymous Oghuz Khan,
whereas in our book he is named as Kam Ghan, a
name otherwise unknown. In default of any better
explanation, I therefore incline to the belief
that the book was composed before the Ak-koyunlu
rulers had decided who their ancestors were. It
was in 1403 that they ceased to be tribal chiefs
and became Sultans, so we may assume that their
official genealogy was formulated round about
that date."37
In Lewis' translation, "The Tale of Bamsi Beyrek" is about
12,000 words long. Except for Fazil's 1928 manuscript
(14,000 lines), all published versions and many other
variants of Alpamysh are shorter than "Beyrek." Divay's
1901 variant, for example, is nearer to 9,000 words. The
differences are partly due to a number of humorous, but
philosophical, passages that "Bamsi Beyrek" contains. These
are of the type associated with another Turkic personality,
Nasreddin Hoca who probably predated the compilation of The
Book of Dede Korkut. The insertion of this humorous
material is not a common occurrence in dastans. By
definition and tradition, dastans are primarily created for
very solemn purposes, and as a literary genre reflect the
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 33
"self identity" of their composers.
"Bamsi Beyrek" is approximately one third verse, especially
those portions in which the individual characters are
making emphatic statements. The Divay variant is, after a
prose introduction of about 500 words, almost wholly in
verse. Neither format is particularly unusual, however.
Almost everything Radloff reported from South Siberia is in
verse as are the fruits of the classical Chaghatay (Turki)
period in Central Asia. On the other hand, around the
Caspian Sea -- the western edge of this cultural domain --
many tales are related in prose.
The basic plot of "Bamsi Beyrek" is as follows:
Bay Bore is desirous of a son and prays for one in front of
the teeming Oghuz. His friend and fellow prince Bay Bijan,
hearing Bay Bore's wish, prays for a daughter so that she
may be betrothed to his friend's son in the cradle. A son,
nicknamed "Bamsa" is born to Bay Bore. Banu (or Lady)
Chichek is born to Bay Bijan. The offspring are betrothed
in the cradle. The boy grows up, performs "alply" deeds,
for which Dede Korkut gives him the name Bamsi Beyrek.
Bamsi wishes to marry Lady Chichek and Dede Korkut is
commissioned to negotiate with her brother Crazy Karchar,
on the issue of kalym.
Crazy Karchar demands stallions, camels, rams, dogs without
ears or tails and huge fleas -- 1000 each. He is given the
stallions, camels, rams, dogs without ears or tails.
Karchar demands the huge fleas. The teeming Oghuz are
puzzled and dismayed as to how to find and present the
fleas. Finally, Dede Korkut undertakes to solve the
problem. The ensuing humorous exchange, constitutes one of
the primary differences between Divay's Alpamysh and "Bamsi
Beyrek:"
"He (Dede Korkut) took Crazy Karchar to a
flea-infested sheep-fold, tore the clothes off
him and pushed him in. Then he said, 'Take what
you want and leave the rest,' and barred the door
firmly. The fleas were starving and they swarmed
all over Crazy Karchar, who shouted and roared,
'Help Dede! For the love of God, open the door
and let me out!' 'Karchar my son,' said Dede
Korkut, 'why the uproar? There are the goods you
ordered; I've brought them for you. What's wrong?
Why have you gone all stupid? Stop the chatter,
take the fat ones and leave the thin ones.' 'Dear
Dede,' said Crazy Karchar, 'these are not the
kind you can sort into ones you like and ones you
34 H. B. Paksoy
don't. For God's sake open the door and let me
out!' 'Afterwards you'll quarrel with us again,'
said Dede Korkut, 'just you see.' Crazy Karchar
reared up to his full height and stamped and
bellowed, 'Help, dear Dede! Just you let me out
of this door!' Dede opened the door and Crazy
Karchar came out, stark naked and swarming with
fleas. Dede saw that he was at the end of his
tether and scared stiff; his body could not be
seen for fleas, and his face and eyes were
invisible. He fell at Dede Korkut's feet and
said, 'Save me, for the love of God!' 'Go, my
son,' said Dede Korkut, 'throw yourself in the
river.' It was a cold day, but as if his life
depended on it Crazy Karchar trotted to the river
and plunged up to his neck in the icy water. The
fleas, as fleas will, streamed into the water and
left him. 'Dear Dede,' he said, 'may God not be
pleased with them, neither the thin ones nor the
fat ones.' He put his clothes on, went home, and
saw to the preparation of a lavish
wedding-feast."38
After the wedding, Bamsi Beyrek and 39 companions are
abducted by the infidel. The entire Oghuz ulus mourns the
loss.
For sixteen years nothing is heard from Beyrek and his 39
companions. Finally a group of merchants happen to stop at
the domain of the infidel holding Beyrek and his companions
captive. From the merchants, Beyrek learns that Yaltajuk,
son of Yalanji is preparing to marry his betrothed on false
pretenses. After securing the help of the infidel king's
daughter, Beyrek makes his escape and returns to his
homeland.
Close to the kishlak (winter quarters), Beyrek meets people
in succession who are mourning his death and cursing
Yaltajuk. In order better to identify his friends and
enemies among the Oghuz, Beyrek decides to assume the
identity of a minstrel. In his disguise as a poor wanderer,
Beyrek joins the festivities, participates in contests,
particularly arrow shooting. Finally he makes his way to
the ladies' tent where his betrothed is surrounded by the
women of the Oghuz. In this gathering, Beyrek exchanges
verses with Lady Chichek, who has no idea who this minstrel
is, on specific events only Beyrek and Lady Chicheck would
know.
Finally it is understood that this crazy minstrel is the
lost Beyrek. After forgiving Yaltajuk for his crime, Beyrek
sets out with the rest of the Oghuz following him, to the
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 35
land of the infidel where his 39 companions are still in
captivity. The ensuing furious battle frees the men of the
Oghuz, and marries the "infidel" princess who helped him
escape, as in several Alpamysh variants. Lady Chichek is
not mentioned in the final outcome.39 What follows is
a
standard forty days and forty nights of festivities during
which all eligible young men and girls get married, blessed
by Dede Korkut himself, who also named this tale.
Comparisons of the "Variants" and "Versions"
This section will make a cross-comparison and analysis of
all those versions of Alpamysh from which the composite
synopsis was compiled and of "Bamsi Beyrek." Then, the
discussion will offer some conclusions concerning the
Alpamysh dastan in its various forms.
Zhirmunskii has grouped the various redactions of Alpamysh
into what he calls "national versions": Uzbek, Kazakh and
Karakalpak. The classifications are based on the place of
collection or, sometimes, on the perceived dialect of the
text. This classification system will be one topic of the
following discussion.
The issue of the primacy of Fazil Yoldashoglu's version,
not only among "Uzbek variants" but over other "versions"
will also be explored here. In view of the wide variety
which the many variants of the dastan encompass, it is
difficult to see by what criteria one version can clearly
be established as the "standard" against which to judge
others. This consideration will end with a discussion of
the possible reasons for this elevation of the Fazil
variant.
Comparison by Structure and Content
The wide variation among the Alpamysh versions described in
the above synopsis is striking. Some include only the birth
of Alpamysh, his early feats, betrothal to and separation
from Barchin, selection of his Chobar, the first journey to
the land of the Kalmaks and winning his bride. Pulkan's
"Uzbek" and Divay's 1901 variants encompass only this group
of events. Among the "Kazakh variants," these events are
given little attention, including variants of
Akkojaev-Maykot and to an even lesser degree in
Jusupov-Rahat and Kissa-i Alfamysh (Kazan 1899), or are
absent altogether as in Velikan Alpamysh.
It is not only the Pulkan ("Uzbek") and Divay 1901
("Karakalpak") variants that omit the "Odyssey theme." Both
36 H. B. Paksoy
Velikan Alpamysh and Jusupov (both "Kazakh") variants are
without Barchin, and thus lack the "return of the husband"
as well as Alpamysh's son Iadgar. Beyrek does have a
betrothed, but extant manuscripts do not indicate their
marriage, and Beyrek has no son.
Versions which have the second journey include Alpamysh's
return to the land of the Kalmaks, his imprisonment,
subsequent escape and, usually, return home. In all
"Kazakh" variants, Alpamysh makes his second journey to the
Kalmaks' territory to retrieve Baybora's stolen cattle. In
those two of the five "Karakalpak variants" which include
this journey (those of reciters Niyazov and Khairatdinov)
as well as in the "Uzbek variants," Alpamysh returns to
defend his father-in-law, Baysari (or Saribay) from the
Kalmaks.
The ending of the second journey also may vary. Usually,
Alpamysh returns home as Barchin is about to marry the
usurper Ultan-taz, variously cousin, half-brother and/or
slave shepherd. This is the famed "Odyssey theme" about
which Zhirmunskii has written so much. Obviously, in those
variants that omit Barchin, this theme, too, is absent.
Jusupov-Rahat (JR) ends with a lonely Alpamysh returning
home, apparently forsaking his Kalmak bride.
Akkojaev-Maykot sends Alpamysh home to Barchin, but ends
his narration before the batir arrives. Velikan Alpamysh,
like "Beyrek," ends with the marriage of Alpamysh and his
Kalmak (or "infidel") princess. Only Kissa-i Alfamish,
among the "Kazakh" variants, includes the return home, the
meeting with Kultay, Kaldyrgach, the wedding scene and
revenge on the usurper. Jurabaev ("Uzbek") includes the
killing of Karajan (now Ultan's vezir) in his finale, and
Berdi Bahsi and he both omit oglak tartis.
In the "Bamsi Beyrek" story, the initial separation is a
result of the departure (kidnapping) of the batir rather
than the bride and ends with the return of Beyrek to the
wedding of his lady to a usurper, whom he forgives. The
second journey is made in order to rescue the companions
taken prisoner with Beyrek in the first part. Thus similar
events are found but in reverse order to the other Alpamysh
versions.
Certainly, the Odyssey-like theme can be identified at
once. As Lewis states:
"Much ink has been spilled over the puzzle of how
the Homeric tale found its way into the Book of
Dede Korkut... [One can] imagine that Homer
borrowed some themes which he found circulating
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 37
orally round western Asia Minor and which, still
circulating after two millennia, were borrowed
once more, this time by the unknown Turkish
author of The Book of Dede Korkut in the east of
the country."40
The origins of this motif in Anatolia might explain, at
least in part, the absence of this theme from those
variants of Alpamysh circulating on the steppe, which is
far from Asia Minor, and the frequency with which we find
it in the "Uzbek" variants.
In addition to these structural differences, variants also
exhibit significant divergences in presence or absence of
major actors and motifs. The absence of Barchin in some
variants has been noted. In the variants in which she is
included, the degree to which she exhibits the traits of
the "batir maid" varies. In Fazil's variant, she is more
"batir-like" than Alpamysh, wrestling her suitors and
pulling the nails out of Baychobar's hooves with her teeth.
Lady Chichek, too, behaves like a "batir maid" in testing
Beyrek's skills in riding and wrestling against her own.
Divay's Barchin is independent and spirited, but performs
no such feats to rival Alpamysh. Concerning the behavior of
Barchin in the variant of Akkojaev-Maykot, Zhirmunskii's
synopsis is strangely silent. In the end, however, Alpamysh
forsakes his second (Kalmak princess) wife for Barchin.
Abul Gazi wrote in Secere-i Terakime about Barchin, the
second of seven "Batir Maidens" who was the daughter of
Karmysh-Bay and the wife of Mamysh-Bek (sometimes
identified as Alpamysh). Barchin's tomb was believed by
the population of the Syr-Darya region (in the mid-17th
century) to be located near that river. It was called
"Barchinin Kok Kashane." Abul Gazi described it as having
"a magnificent dome, decorated with tiles."41
Karajan does not appear in any "Kazakh variant" nor is
there a corresponding personage in "Beyrek." In all
variants except that of Fazil, he is converted to Islam
after his combat with Alpamysh. In variants in which
Karajan has a son (the "Karakalpak variants") the son's
name varies and Karajan kills him in the baiga. But in the
"Uzbek variants," there is no son and thus his treachery
towards his father and the competition between him and
Karajan is absent from the baiga.
Karajan does not sleep his batir slumber in Fazil's "Uzbek"
variant nor in the "Karakalpak" variant by Niyazov, but is
overpowered by the other batirs who tie him and Baychobar.
Both Divay 1901 and Khairatdinov ("Karakalpak") include the
38 H. B. Paksoy
batir slumber.
Zhirmunskii notes the coincidence of names between the
Alpamysh variants and "Bamsi Beyrek." The fathers of the
batirs are Baybora/Baybori and Baybura-bek. He remarks on
the origins of the names of the alps: "The name Alpamysh
(Alpamys) according to information of Abul Gazi
(Mamysh-bek) and the Altai tale (Alyp-Manash) is explained
as alp-Mamysh, that is as the batir Mamysh; Bamsi, agreeing
with the interpretation of Hadi Zarif42 may be a phonetic
distortion of the same name -- from alp + Mams(i)."43
The heroine in "Bamsi Beyrek" is Banu Chichek, not Barchin,
the name of Banu Chichek's father is Baybijan-bek. These
have no parallel in other versions. Also the suitor-usurper
in the Oghuz version is called Yaltajuk, a name which does
not appear in other versions. Furthermore, in the tale of
"Bamsi Beyrek" this usurper is not a slave or the brother
of the alp, but "friend-betrayer." He carries the false
story of the alp's death to get the hand of the betrothed.
(This motif Zhirmunskii identifies with the Altai
Alyp-Manash.)
Apparently there is also an Armenian variant of "Bamsi
Beyrek," recorded in Kayseri.44 According to Rossi,
the
tale was widespread in the region of Bayburd and many
Armenian families living in the village Almyshka (of that
region) before the First World War claimed descent from
Beyrek and an Armenian princess.45
Further comparisons of the variants of Alpamysh are
hindered not only by the lack of genealogy as mentioned
above, but also because the unavailability of many
printings (not to mention original field records and
manuscripts) requires reliance on the composite synopses of
Zhirmunskii. Although they contain considerable and useful
detail in most instances, as synopses they reflect
Zhirmunskii's choices concerning which portions to include
or exclude. Furthermore, these synopses are not totally
reliable in the details they do include.
The few available printed variants make it possible to
trace some of these erroneous omissions or attributions.
The following example compares Zhirmunskii's composite
"Karakalpak" synopsis to Divay 1901.
Zhirmunskii states that in the Karakalpak variants, the
children of Baybora and Baysari are born due to the
intervention of the cihilten. However, Divay's 1901 variant
actually states that the two men agree to pray to saints.
Only in naming the children do seven kalendars appear.
When they disappear, they are referred to as the 40
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 39
cihilten.
In the wrestling scene, Zhirmunskii states that the
bloodletting is begun by vezir Kokemen's shooting Alpamysh
with a rifle. In Divay's variant, there are no rifles.
Kkemen shoots Alpamysh with a bow and arrow.
In comparing "Bamsi Beyrek" with Alpamysh, Zhirmunskii uses
whichever version of Alpamysh best illustrates his point
even if that leads to unclear, ambiguous or even misleading
conclusions. For example, he notes that "Bamsi Beyrek"
exhibits ancient elements as does the Kungrat Alpamysh. His
following paragraphs comparing motifs of "Bamsi Beyrek" and
Alpamysh refer sometimes to one variant, sometimes to
another. After a series of examples drawn from Fazil's
variant, he adds the "friend-usurper" role of Yaltajuk in
"Bamsi Beyrek," which has no counterpart in Fazil's
variant. It is, however, the role Karajan plays in
Jurabaev's variant.46 At no time does Zhirmunskii mention
that he has switched referents.
Zhirmunskii also spends considerable time on the "romantic"
and marriage motifs, which are certainly secondary (if not
tertiary) to the main purpose of the dastan. This is
perhaps self-serving because it allows him to pursue his
analogy with the Odyssey and, more serious, to undermine
the primary purpose of the dastan -- to recall the
liberation struggle.
These considerations lead to larger issue of Zhirmunskii's
classification system. First, as noted above, each variant
is categorized by its place of collection, rather than by
content. The flaws with this method are obvious from the
above discussion -- "variants" within the same "version"
may be quite different from one another. They may, in fact,
have more in common with "variants" that are classified as
being within another "version" category. For example,
Pulkan's "Uzbek" variant is much closer in scope to Divay's
1901 (which Divay himself called "Kirghiz," meaning
present-day Kazakh, but which Zhirmunskii classifies as
"Karakalpak") than either one is to other "variants" of its
"own" category. Classification may be convenient and
useful, but not when the categories are artificial, when
they obscure relevant trends or run contrary to actual
similarities which suggest more useful groupings. It is
also surprising that material Zhirmunskii himself presents
undermines his classification scheme by revealing such
differences among variants.
A second question posed at the outset of this section is
what makes the Fazil version, among the dozens recorded,
40 H. B. Paksoy
many of which were recorded before it, the "classic."
Zhirmunskii notes at the outset that Fazil's variant is
distinguished by "remarkable completeness and artistic
cultivation," suggesting that it is more than the length
which makes this variant so noteworthy.47 However, the
remainder of his lengthy chapter using this "variant" as a
basis of comparison reveals some inconsistencies in
Zhirmunskii's own treatment of the Fazil "variant."
Zhirmunskii begins his 1960 monographic treatment of
Alpamysh with the declaration that "The classic variant of
the Uzbek Alpamysh was recorded from Fazil Iuldashev [sic]
(1873-1953)..."48 In contrast, he begins the comparison of
the variants by suggesting that there is little to
distinguish other "Uzbek variants" from Fazil's: "The
variants of the Uzbek Alpamysh do not concern the basic
lines of subject: they are limited only to separate, more
particular, motifs."
In his detailed treatment of individual features of the
"variants" he not only emphasizes this theme of relatively
minor differences, but in fact points out incidents in the
narrative, motifs and elaborations that exist in other
reciters' "variants" and do not exist in Fazil's. Since the
reader has already been assured that Fazil's is the
"classic" version, the absence of some significant events
and details is puzzling. This is especially so in view of
the great length of this variant -- 14,000 lines in
manuscript49 and what Zhirmunskii and Hadi Zarif call the
"richness of detail" of the Fazil variant.
Zhirmunskii's own comments on other reciters' variants cast
a shadow on the "classic" status of Fazil's. By
Zhirmunskii's own statements, other "variants" contain
elements that are more "ancient" (combat between Karajan
and Alpamysh before the conclusion of their friendship),
"original" (Karajan's becoming the vezir of the usurper
Ultan), and "primordial" (Tavka-Aim bringing Baychobar
Alpamysh's clothing, rather than steppe grass). Possibly
there is another reason for the "classic" status of this
one variant.
Fazil's "variant" depicts Karajan's conversion to Islam
because of a persuasive dream, unlike other variants which
include combat. In that combat, Alpamysh is victorious,
convincing Karajan not only of his rival's "excellence" but
also of the strength of his faith. Perhaps this seemingly
greater weight on the religious element qualifies Fazil's
version as "classic." According to Hadi Zarif, however,
Fazil consistently refused to recite variants of Alpamysh
which included religious elements and particularly rejected
intervention by saints or the cihilten. Fazil argued that
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 41
the need for such intervention detracted from the "alply"
qualities of the batir:
"What kind of hero is it that feels himself
helpless before every difficulty and in order to
overcome them needs direct divine intervention?
With the help of saints, even a weak person can
overcome any obstacle. Such help from above only
weakens interest in the hero."50
Indeed, comparing Fazil's variant with that of some other
ozans, notably Berdi bahsi, whose variant employed several
such divine interventions, bears this out. Fazil rejects
the idea of saints' aid to the bound Karajan during the
race (reportedly saying that if Karajan is a real batir,
why should he need the saints' aid to free himself?)51
Fazil, like some other ozans, includes the letter-bearing
goose, who carries the news of Alpamysh's captivity to
Kaldyrgach, where Berdi Bahsi places an angel. Thus Fazil's
"variant" is not consistently religious, but neither does
it denigrate nor exclude religion.
Furthermore, because of certain aspects of Fazil's
narrative, the characters seem to act with almost
undetectable motivations or with none at all. The inspiring
dream seems unconvincing as sufficient motivation for
Karajan's religious conversion, much less for his
friendship and willingness to endure all hardships to win
for Alpamysh his betrothed. This is especially so in view
of Karajan's own earlier entry into the contest to win
Barchin for himself.
Alpamysh's own behavior -- in Fazil's variant as reported
by Zhirmunskii -- is hardly deserving of the creation of a
dastan or the bestowing of the title batir. (This was noted
by the dastan's 1952 critics, as described in Chapter Two.)
In Fazil's "variant" Alpamysh goes after Barchin only with
the urging of his sister. He does not defeat Karajan, nor
does he participate in any of the contests for Barchin's
hand until Karajan has eliminated all the competition. Then
the batir steps in at the end to finish off the exhausted
Kokaldash, and this he does only after Barchin threatens to
enter the fray herself. When imprisoned, he weeps on waking
in the zindan. He teaches Kaikubat to steal in order to
feed him.52
Among these examples of "unalply" behavior, at least one
incident, the batir's weeping, is known to be
uncharacteristic of Fazil's recitations. According to Hadi
Zarif, Fazil not only rejected religious motifs, he
especially disliked the variant of Alpamysh recited by
42 H. B. Paksoy
Pulkan precisely because in it the batir weeps.53 It is
surprising therefore to find this incident in a variant
attributed to Fazil. In this regard, two facts must be kept
in mind: first, Zhirmunskii used Penkovskii's translations
rather than any original manuscript;54 and second, it has
been documented that Penkovskii deliberately altered
Fazil's version since his [Penkovskii] earliest
translation. Thus, it is quite probable that Penkovskii's
changes are responsible for these elements in content that
are contrary to Fazil's own views. One wonders what other
such "refinements" there may have been.
Hadi Zarif, too, calls the Fazil variant a "classic" but
not without qualification. Here we encounter one of several
significant passages by Zarif that are never repeated in
later works by Zhirmunskii. In the 1947 work, Zarif couches
the declaration of Fazil's version's "classic" status in
highly cautious language that restricts and specifies the
"classic" qualities: "In richness of detail, fullness of
epic content and high level of artistic mastery -- this is
the classic text of Alpamysh." But Zarif follows this
qualified statement by an even more ambiguous one:
"However, the epic breadth, the artistry of the
'trimmings' [otdelki] by itself does not fulfill
the criterion of antiquity of epic tradition: on
the contrary, in a series of cases, wide and full
development of epic subject, the abundance of
episodes and working over of details conveys a
maturity [zrelost'] of this tradition, of the
long road from short epic songs to the epic of
great scale. Obviously the redaction of Fazil
Yoldashev in many cases carries signs of such
stylistic breadth."
In the final analysis, one characteristic of Fazil's
variant does indeed set it apart from all others -- the
fact that it and it alone has been so often translated (by
Penkovskii) into Russian (1943, 1944, 1949 [twice]), and so
widely reprinted (one 1949 translation was reprinted 1958,
1973, 1982) and distributed in large numbers. This list of
translations and reprintings is probably not exhaustive. It
was the Fazil variant that was declared the definitive
version (1958) in the wake of the "trial of Alpamysh" and
the extensive reorganizations of the Oriental Institutes of
the mid-1950s. This variant with the weak and indecisive
batir is thus the most widely circulated. Such is the model
officially sanctioned for Central Asian youth to follow and
for all nationalities to see.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 43
ALPAMYSH AND THE DASTAN GENRE IN PERSPECTIVE
A dastan is a living and changing monument, recalled to
duty by its owners as needs demand. For that reason, it is
more correct and more useful to see each "version" of
Alpamysh as a "freeze-frame" in an on-going, dynamic
process rather than as ossified and ancient "folklore"
containing this or lacking that "part." Each recitation or
printing can be viewed as a "frame" of the "original film."
It is for us to see the larger, moving picture of which
each variant is one still photo.
In order to try to put together the larger picture, it is
necessary to take into account the "still photos," that is,
the variants themselves, what we know about their
collection, and the larger pattern suggested by students of
the dastan genre such as Hadi Zarif and Zeki Velidi Togan.
The incomplete information about the general collection
process and the lack of a complete genealogy for any one
variant remain a handicap. Any variant, version or
genealogy -- conveniently discovered or rediscovered in the
future -- should be viewed with all due caution. Keeping
these conditions in mind, we can proceed with the available
information.
Only three variants of Alpamysh are known to have been
collected and published before the 1917 revolution. The
earliest printed variants are those of Yusufbek (1899
Kazan) and Divay (1901 Tashkent). The only other distinct
variant collected and published before the revolution, to
my knowledge, is Divay's Velikan Alpamys (1916). The
information concerning the collection circumstances of the
1901 Divay Alpamysh is the most detailed, as noted above.
Inan's theory of fragmentation from "mother dastans" would
seem to be in agreement with Hamid Alimjan's remark about
the dastan being shared by the Turks in Central Asia and
with Hadi Zarif's statement that Alpamysh dates from the
time before the division of the Turkic tribes. In that
case, the present-day "variants" may be fragments of one
ancient dastan. Many may be in the process (described in
Chapter One) of "spinning off" from liberation dastans
(which remain intact) to lyrical songs and finally, to
masals.
The content of many extant variants reflect various stages
of the "spinning off" process. Most published variants
include the so-called "part two," often in very elaborated
form which sometimes utterly dwarfs or eliminates "part
one."
44 H. B. Paksoy
The original liberation theme is embodied in the "first
part." The 1901 Divay variant concerns the struggles of an
alp, Alpamysh, primarily for the good of his kin and tribe.
This becomes obvious if we consider that Baysari took with
him a large number of families and thereby split the tribe.
Thus Alpamysh's mission takes on the aspect of a
unification, certainty of offspring, and also a liberation
struggle, of which his marriage to Barchin is merely a
symbol. Indeed, Alpamysh himself states (line 664-5) "When
you [Baychobar] win [the race for Barchin's hand], the
future of the Kungrats will be secure." Certainly this
declaration takes the whole journey out of the realm of the
merely personal and makes it an attempt to ensure the
unified future of the tribe.
By comparison, other variants which emphasize "part two"
place greater weight on personal revenge or on romantic
themes. Yusufbek's 1899 printing, like Fazil's and many
other post-revolutionary variants, highlight this "second
part" during which Alpamysh is saved from captivity by a
princess who loves him and whom, in some variants, he
marries. In many of these variants, the batir returns from
imprisonment and exacts revenge on those who mistreated his
family during his long absence. Although most of these
variants may be said to uphold values of family loyalty,
their emphasis on personal as opposed to collective, tribal
sufferings and needs can be seen as part of the devolution
of liberation dastans into romantic ones.
The 1899 printing, although its date of publication is the
earlier, appears to be much further along the "spin-off"
process than the 1901 Divay. Both seem to have been
collected at approximately the same time, in the mid-1890s,
but appear to be "frames" of different scenes in the
"motion picture." Divay's 1901 variant is more immediately
occupied with liberation and the Yusufbek 1899 ("Kazakh")
shares more with 1939 Fazil ("Uzbek") than with 1901 Divay.
From this point of view, Hadi Zarif's reference to the
"maturity" of the Fazil version of Alpamysh may be seen
from another perspective (if not as veiled criticism of a
decadent narrational style). He seems to be describing the
"spin-off" process described in Chapter One. Fazil's
variant had already moved quite far from its original form
as a liberation song toward a lyrical dastan stage.
New Meanings of "Saving" dastans:
Those who first recorded the variants of Alpamysh were
perhaps also trying to preserve the dastan as the
liberation song it was originally intended to be. The
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 45
earliest level in the process of saving dastans concerns
collecting available fragments and fixing them onto paper
in order to disseminate them widely. Efforts to reach and
to reassemble the original liberation song from available
variants represents the next higher level of "saving." The
highest level is the effort to place the dastan in
historical context, to match how the dastan related to the
lives of the original composers and how it affects the
owners at the time of the study. (These levels are not to
be confused with the "waves" of rescuers discussed in
Chapter One. The two do not coincide, i.e. the "waves" do
not represent a progress from one level to another in this
process.)
Divay, Yusufbek, Gazi Alim, Alimjan, Hadi Zarif, Tura Mirza
were among the men engaged in saving dastans at the first
level -- collection, transcription and large-scale
dissemination. A number of these individuals made use of
existing manuscripts as a basis for their published
versions. Divay, for example, received his 1901 Alpamysh in
the form of a bahshi's manuscript. Other evidence of the
use of manuscripts before the revolution comes from
statements by bahshis whose variants were collected in the
Soviet era. Some bahshis stated that they had learned
Alpamysh from manuscripts or from older ozans who were
themselves making use of manuscripts.
Publication of manuscripts was a part of the first level of
saving and disseminating dastans. The multiple printings of
both the 1899 and 1901 variants appear to have been made
with the same goal in mind. Since both the 1899 and 1901
printings (and their reprintings) had long been in
circulation, these may have been available to other
reciters like Fazil.
Togan noted that Yusufbek, who operated solely within the
first level, mixed Islamic elements into the dastans he
collected. Presumably this was true also of his 1899
variant of Alpamysh. He added these religious motifs, which
were not part of the original liberation dastan, apparently
to combat the vigorous efforts of Russian Orthodox
missionaries based in Kazan. Other "saviors," including
Divay and Fazil, rejected such use of these religious
elements. Their own statements suggest their faith lay in
the power of the dastan's original message.
Gazi Alim and Togan personify the second level of saving
dastans. In his 1923 introduction, Gazi Alim states that he
had seen both the 1899 Yusufbek and the 1901 Divay variants
of the Alpamysh dastan. Both, writes Gazi Alim, are
incomplete and omit many incidents. He further criticizes
46 H. B. Paksoy
the reciter of the 1899 variant as an "untalented"
individual who "ruined the structure" of the dastan. Gazi
Alim had intended to publish a "complete" variant,
accompanied by explanatory notes. He writes that he did not
have the time to accomplish that task.55
Gazi Alim's effort constitutes the collecting of fragments
to form a single, complete dastan. It is strikingly
reminiscent of Togan's observation, cited in Chapter One:
"In the end, when a nation faces a monumental event, an
enlightened poet collects these fragmentary dastans to
create the great national dastan." It is probable that
Togan and Gazi Alim spoke of this matter. Gazi Alim's
action seems to express Togan's thought. (They were in
Tashkent at the same time).
Because of their efforts and vision, Togan and Gazi Alim,
as well as Alimjan and Hadi Zarif, must be seen also as
proponents and practitioners of the third, highest level --
placing the dastans in their historical context and
articulating the meaning of the dastans for both their
creators and present-day owners. Like Togan and Gazi Alim,
Alimjan and Hadi Zarif emphasized the significance of
dastans as part of their people's history. Alimjan (in his
1939 Introduction quoted in Chapter One) notes that the
Alpamysh dastan is shared among various Turkic peoples and
that it has been part of their history for a millennium.
Therefore it is no surprise that "lack of knowledge of
Alpamysh was considered a shame."
The Power of Alpamysh and Its Implications
That so many "saviors" chose the Alpamysh dastan as the
object of their efforts on all three levels suggests the
power of that dastan's message and its continuing
relevance.
That power is further implied, and confirmed in Zhirmunskii
and Zarifov, by the use of the Alpamysh dastan as a
propaganda tool during World War II. At that time, a number
of Alpamysh variants (at least ten) appeared in print. In
view of severe war-time shortages, the allocation of
precious resources to publish "folklore" -- in original
dialects and Russian translation, in Moscow and Central
Asian cities -- is indeed a reflection of its power to
mobilize its owners. Even then, it was not the 1901 Divay
variant that was the focus of attention and re-printing.
Instead, Fazil's variant and others which contained the
"return of the husband" theme (no doubt striking a
sensitive war-time chord) were published and translated.56
The 1901 Divay variant appears not to have been republished
after Divay's death.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 47
The dastan's denigration during Soviet post-war
reconstruction suggests that such stirring, martial
"liberation songs" -- even in the lyrical form, such as
Fazil's -- were no longer required. Indeed, they might now
be dangerous -- with the removal of the German threat, the
"alien" might be understood to be the Russian "elder
brother."
Finally, the current emphasis on "variants" may reflect the
regional pride of their editors and the manipulation of
such feelings by official circles. Despite the relatively
late collection of the Uzbek versions of Alpamysh, both the
longest manuscript and the earliest monographic work on
dastans were produced in the Uzbek SSR by native Central
Asians. Feelings of local pride exude from Gazi Alim's
statement that he wanted to collect Alpamysh from "Uzbek"
bahshis, after his criticism of the Yusufbek and Divay
versions. At the same time, the Kazakh authors have been
tracing their studies of Alpamysh to Divay's efforts.
Divay's collections took place before the printing of the
1899 variant and therefore represent earlier scholarly
efforts than those of the Uzbek Academy. Mirzaev, Gabdullin
and Sydykov also engage in this type of effort of
establishing "their" variants of Alpamysh -- Uzbek and
Kazakh, respectively -- as the earliest.
Officially proclaiming this "Uzbek variant" of Fazil as the
"classic" may be part of another policy by the official
circles, attempting to incite not so friendly competition
among the Central Asian populations. The differentiation of
versions contravenes the original message and intent of the
dastan. Such differentiation implies separateness of
peoples, as Mirzaev argues, and each "nation" may be
incited to strive for the supremacy -- or primacy -- of
"its own" version. On the other hand, Central Asians are
beginning to display signs indicating that they are
becoming aware of this perspective.
The appearance, in the 1970s and 1980s, of various works
such as Singan Kilic by Tolongon Kasimbekov (Frunze,
Kirghiz SSR, 1971); "Baku 1501" by Azize Jaferzade
(Azerbaijan, Nos. 7 and 8, 1982); "Altin Orda" by Ilyas
Esenberlin (Culduz, Alma-Ata, Nos. 7 and 8, 1982) and
"Olmez Kayalar" by Mamadali Mahmudov (Sark Yildizi,
Tashkent, Nos. 9 and 10, 1982) attest to the authors'
awareness of unspoken policies. But they also demonstrate a
recognition of other issues. These literary works reflect
knowledge of the dastans and an understanding of their
intent and power. All these works of "historical fiction"
employ the format and messages of a dastan, often quoting
48 H. B. Paksoy
from older and more ancient dastans when not borrowing
themes liberally. 57
Mahmudov's work and those of his contemporaries is not only
part of the "saving" process of dastans, individually or
collectively. Rather, it embodies the tradition and the
message of the dastans themselves. This contemporary
"fiction" in fact constitutes new dastans in the proper
Central Asian tradition, written in a new guise.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 49
NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR
1. Mirzaev, Uzbek variantlari, 151-160.
2. V. M. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie ob Alpamyshe i
bogatyrskaia skazka, (Moscow: Izd. Vostochnaia
literatura, 1960) Publication of the Academy of Sciences of
USSR the Gorkii Institute of World Literature and the
Oriental Institute.
3. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 35 and note 13. "A.
Divaev. 'Etnograficheskie materialy VII,' (in Sbornik...
vol IX. Taskent 1901 and separately); Second
edition in the series Kirgiz-Kazakhskii bogatyrskii
epos, v. VI Tashkent 1922 (without translation)."
4. See Kazakhskaia narodnaia poeziia (Iz obraztsov,
sobrannykh i zapisannykh A. A. Divaevym) (Alma-Ata,
1964), 182. This is a publication of the Academy of
Sciences of the Kazakh SSR, M. Auezov Institute of
literature and art. Another version was collected from
Irkembek Akhenbek, a "Kazakh of the Chimkent uezd of the
Nogaikurinsk volost" and published in Russian under the
title "Velikan Alpamysh" (The Giant Alpamysh), in
Turkestanskaia vedomost', 1916, No. 217-218.
5. Chadwick and Zhirmunskii, 292.
6. Kazakhskaia narodnaia poeziia cited in note 1, this
chapter.
7. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 69-70.
8. Uzbek variantlari, 29-30. On the other hand, as
noted in Chapter One, this is in contradiction to
Zhirmunskii and Zarifov's writings.
9. This view is presented in English in Nora K.
Chadwick and Victor Zhirmunsky, Oral Epics of Central Asia
(Cambridge, 1969), 293.
10. Zhirmunskii, 15; repeated from Zhirmunskii and Zarifov,
68.
11. See Chapter One.
12. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 15.
13. Mirzaev, Uzbek Variantlari, 10.
14. According to Mirzaev, 4, 108, the variant of Berdi
Bahshi was recorded in 1926 by Abdulla Alaviy.
50 H. B. Paksoy
15. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, On Fazil's variant 16-23, 23-24
on the bahsis, 24-30 on variations of other bahsis
listed here; additional information on the bahsis in
Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, Chapter 1.
16. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 40-45; shorter but similar
comments are found in Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 66-67,
102. In the 1947 work the story is not tortuously
retold, but differences are simply pointed out.
17. Zhirmunskii notes, Skazanie, 40, note 18, that he is
indebted for information on this repository to
corresponding member N. A. Smirnova and 'nauchnyi
sotrudnik' ('scientific assistant') T. Sydykov. The
wording of this statement suggests that Zhirmunskii
did not actually see these manuscripts.
18. A. S. Orlov, Kazakhskii geroicheskii epos, (Moscow:
Academy of Sciences, 1945) cited in Skazanie, 41, note 20.
19. Togan, Turkistan, 492, 493.
20. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 40, note 21.
21. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 35-39.
22. Published in Latin orthography as Alpamys in Moscow,
1937, with second edition Tashkent 1941, cited in
Zhirmunskii, 36.
23. Zhirmunskii, 36, does not give the date of
collection, but cites the publication of this work as
Alpamys (Nukus, 1957).
24. Narod means a people, equivalent of halk; in
Russian, narodnyi may mean 'folk' or 'national,'
depending on context. Here it is contrasted to the term
'natsional'nyi' and so it is rendered as 'folk.' However,
elsewhere in this passage, the term 'national' is more in
keeping with the sense of the passage.
25. USSR Academy of Sciences, Department of
Literatures and Languages, V. M. Zhirmunskii:
sravnitel'noe literaturovedenie, vostok i zapad
(Leningrad, 1979). (Part of the series "V. M.
Zhirmunskii; izbrannye trudy.").
26. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 61-68.
27. See Chapter Two. This is true primarily of Section 2,
Chapter 2 (The chapters of Section 2, of which there are
three, are by Zhirmunskii) on "Epic Songs." The final
chapter on "Singers of Epics," actually contains
comparatively little material on Central Asians ozans.
What there is seems heavily based on Hadi
Zarif's work.
28. Zhirmunskii, 16-23; Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 61-65.
ALPAMYSH: Chapter Four 51
29. Zhirmunskii's note 29 cites his own Vvedenie v
izuchenie Manas (Frunze, 1948), 20.
30. Translated from Text of Kazan 1899.
31. Zhirmunskii, "Literaturnye otnosheniia Vostoka i
Zapada kak problema sravnitel'nogo literaturovedeniia,"
(Literary relations of East and West as a problem of
comparative literature," in the Trudy iubileinoi nauchnoi
sessii (Works of the jubilee academic session) of the
Leningrad State University, Section of Folkloric
Sciences (Leningrad, 1946).
32. This translation from Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 36-37,
also in Chapter Two.
33. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 29.
34. For a comparison of Alpamysh and Bamsi Beyrek, see
H. B. Paksoy, "Alpamis ve Bamsi Beyrek: Iki Ad, Bir
Destan," Turk Dili, Sayi 403, Temmuz, 1985. This paper
was rendered into Kazakh by Fadil Aliev and published
under the original author's signature, in its entirety
(but without footnotes), in the weekly Kazak
Edebiyati, No. 41 (Alma-Ata, 10 October 1986).
35. These were published in Zapiski Vostochnogo
otdeleniia Russkogo arkheologicheskogo obshchestva,
(ZVORAO) vols. VIII, XI, XII, XV, 1893-1903; they were
apparently republished (presumably from these issues of
the ZVORAO) by the Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences as a
single work under the title Dede Korkut, (Baku, 1950),
cited in Zhirmunskii, 64, note 1.
36. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 63. More detail about
Bartold's publishing history of Dede Korkut is provided in
Zhirmunskii and A. N. Kononov's "From the Compilers" note
in a 1962 republication of Bartold's translation of Dede
Korkut: Kniga moego Deda Korkuta (Moscow: Academy of
Sciences of USSR, 1962).
37. Lewis, 18, 19.
38. Lewis, 68.
Lewis, in his commentary, refers to the "tiresome
question" about Lady Chichek's whereabouts. He argues
that since the manuscripts from which he made his
translation represent fragments, it is not possible to
determine this matter. Since Beyrek had been betrothed to
her, however, it must be assumed that he did marry her.
40. Lewis, 15-16.
52 H. B. Paksoy
41. Abul Gazi, Rodoslovnaia Turkmen, 78 (Zhirmunskii, 83,
cites here the Russian translation of Secere-i Terakime.
42. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, Uzbekskii narodnyi
geroicheskii epos, 74.
43. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 71, refers to Zhirmunskii and
Zarifov, 74.
44. N. Macler, Contes legendes et epopee populaire de
l'Armenie, (Paris, 1928) and E. Rossi, Kitab-i Dede Qorqut
(Vatican, 1952), 58; cited in Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 76,
note 31.
45. Rossi, 58, cited in Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 77.
46. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 70-71.
47. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 15.
48. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 15.
49. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 68; repeated in
Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 15.
50. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 41.
51. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 41.
52. Zhirmunskii, Skazanie, 18-21.
53. Zhirmunskii and Zarifov, 41.
54. There is no evidence in his narratives, commentaries or
notes that Zhirmunskii knew any Turkic dialect. All his
references are to Russian translations of Alpamysh and,
in works such as the 1962 republication of Bartold's
translation of Dede Korkut, Zhirmunskii states that
items "were checked" against other manuscripts and
indicates that his own contribution was limited to
compilation. His biography similarly does not reflect
any knowledge of Turkish (to conduct the applicable
research).
55. Gazi Alim, "Alpamysh Dastanina Mukaddime" in Bilim
Ocagi, No 2-3, Tashkent, 1923.
56. See the items 19 through 29 in the bibliography.
57. See H. B. Paksoy, "Central Asia's New Dastans."