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A L P A M Y S H
Central Asian Identity
under Russian Rule
H. B. PAKSOY
Association for the Advancement of
Central Asian Research
Monograph Series
Hartford, Connecticut
First AACAR Edition, 1989
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity under Russian Rule
COPYRIGHT 1979, 1989 by H. B. PAKSOY
All Rights Reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Paksoy, H. B., 1948-
ALPAMYSH: central Asian identity under Russian rule.
(Association for the Advancement of Central Asian Research
monograph series)
Includes bibliographical references (p. )
Includes index.
1. Soviet Central Asia--History--Sources.
2. Alpamish. 3. Epic Literature, Turkic.
4. Soviet Central Asia--Politics and Government.
I. Title.
II. Series.
DK847.P35 1989 958.4 89-81416
ISBN: 0-9621379-9-5
ISBN: 0-9621379-0-1 (pbk.)
AACAR (Association for the Advancement of Central Asian
Research) Monograph Series Editorial Board: Thomas Allsen
(TRENTON STATE COLLEGE) (Secretary of the Board); Peter
Golden (RUTGERS UNIVERSITY); Omeljan Pritsak (HARVARD
UNIVERSITY); Thomas Noonan (UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA).
AACAR is a non-profit, tax-exempt, publicly supported
organization, as defined under section 501(c)(3) of the
Internal Revenue Code, incorporated in Hartford,
Connecticut, headquartered at the Department of History,
CCSU, 1615 Stanley Street, New Britain, CT 06050.
The Institutional Members of AACAR are: School of Arts and
Sciences, CENTRAL CONNECTICUT STATE UNIVERSITY; Nationality
and Siberian Studies Program, The W. Averell Harriman
Institute for the Advanced Study of the Soviet Union,
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY; Mir Ali Shir Navai Seminar for Central
Asian Languages and Cultures, UCLA; Program for Turkish
Studies, UCLA; THE CENTRAL ASIAN FOUNDATION, WISCONSIN;
Committee on Inner Asian and Altaistic Studies, HARVARD
UNIVERSITY; Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies,
INDIANA UNIVERSITY; Department of Russian and East
European Studies, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA; THE NATIONAL
COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, WASHINGTON
D.C.
Manufactured in the United States of America, 1989.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements i
Preface iii
Chapter One
ALPAMYSH and the Turkic Dastan Genre 1
Chapter Two
Attempts to Destroy and Save Alpamysh, Phase I 18
Chapter Three
The Alpamysh Dastan 50
Translation of Divay's 1901 Alpamysh 57
Commentary 98
Chapter Four
Attempts to Destroy and Save Alpamysh, Phase II 120
Soviet Offensive 120
Composite Synopsis of Alpamysh 127
Alpamysh and the dastan genre in perspective 151
Select Bibliography 160
Index 163
Appendix
Divay's 1901 Alpamysh 165
TO THE MEMORY OF
ABUBEKIR AHMEDJAN DIVAY (1855-1933)
AND TO HIS INTELLECTUAL HEIRS
i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work has been produced over a span of seven years,
with research conducted on three continents, ten countries
and almost two dozen cities. I offer my sincere gratitude
to the libraries and librarians of a host of institutions
situated in almost as many geographic locations. Among
them, the following bore the brunt of my incessant queries:
Bodleian (especially the Oriental Reading Room); Oriental
Institute; St. Antony's College; the St. Antony's Middle
Eastern Center libraries -- all of Oxford University;
School of Oriental and African Studies of London
University; British Library; Slavic Reading Room of
University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana; University of
Wisconsin-Madison; Widener Library of Harvard University;
Seminar fur Sprach und Kulturwissenschaft Zentralasien of
Bonn University; Bibliotek National, Paris; Helsinki
University; University of Washington, Seattle; Istanbul
University; Regenstein Library of University of Chicago;
Indiana University; UCLA; Library of Congress. In addition,
several Libraries in the USSR provided material.
In due course, I have received advice, access, comments,
criticism, editorials, materials, permits and permissions,
recommendations, suggestions, specific items and
encouragement, and more, from a multitude of individuals. I
thank them all: Thomas Allsen, Audrey L. Altstadt, A.
Altay, Edward Allworth, Bugra Atsiz, C. E. Black, J.
Bailey, D. Barrett, the late Alexandre Bennigsen, Y.
Bregel, R. Campbell, Marianna Tax Choldin, Ilse Cirtautas,
Robert Dankoff, M. Daly, Remy Dor, R. Dunnell, Turhan
Gandjei, R. N. Frye, W. Feldman, Peter Golden, H. Halen,
Gavin Hambly, A. T. Hatto, K. H. Karpat, Edward L. Keenan,
D. E. Kline, Rahman Kul Kutlu, Habib Ladjevardi, Harold
Leich, Geoffrey L. Lewis, Mrs. R. Lewis, A. Lord, A. Mango,
David Montgomery, Roy Mottahedeh, D. Nalle, H. Oraltay,
Omeljan Pritsak, Nicholas Poppe, D. Ring, Klaus Sagaster,
Nazif Shahrani, M. Mobin Shorish, Denis Sinor, Sinasi
Tekin, Wayne S. Vucinich, S. Enders Wimbush.
Obviously, especially at the latter stages, some of these
individuals have suffered more than others. Profs. Geoffrey
L. Lewis and Audrey L. Altstadt have read and reread the
manuscript, commented, re-interpreted and alternately
caused me to view life from different perspectives with
their observations. At certain points, Mrs. R. Lewis
lightened the weight. Rahman Kul Kutlu calmly and
pleasantly withstood a thorough and impatient
interrogation, weeks on end, while I re-examined the 1901
text with him. He divulged much, not the least of which was
his wisdom and experience. Prof. A. T. Hatto very kindly
ii
made time to check the translation; moreover, he took a
special interest in the progress and the scholarly welfare
of the author. Prof. R. Dor, with a special trip, made
himself available to discuss problematic passages. Profs.
Allworth, Cirtautas, Dankoff, Dunnell, Lord, Montgomery,
Poppe and Pritsak asked the necessary questions and pointed
in the direction of solutions. D. Barrett, M. Daly and H.
Leich did not hesitate to don their dust-masks before
entering the stacks on my behalf, bringing otherwise
unavailable or unknown materials to my attention. S. Enders
Wimbush always lent an eager ear, allowed himself to be the
sounding board. Thomas Allsen and Peter Golden, with
characteristic care and attention, and with their
magisterial command of sources, made certain that no
undesirable loose-ends remain in the text. I could probably
carry on in this vein, but for fear of causing
embarrassment. Any remaining errors are due to my
insistence.
During the years of 1983, 1984 and 1985, I received ORS
Awards from the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and
Principals of the Universities of the United Kingdom. In
1984, a grant from the Society for Central Asian Studies
(Oxford), facilitated field research among the Kirghiz. As
a 1986 Associate of the Summer Research Lab of the Russian
and East European Center, University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign, I have benefitted both from the Center resources
and the stimulating seminar discussions. Permanent
International Altaistic Conferences in Chicago, Valberberg,
Venice and Bloomington, Indiana were amicable and fertile
grounds to further research and discussion on the topic, in
part with the hospitality extended by the PIAC Secretariat.
Six different Central Asian Conferences, held between 1982
and 1988, three at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, in
collaboration with Association of Central Asian Studies
(Wisconsin), two at the W. Wilson Center-Kennan Institute
for Advanced Russian Studies of the Smithsonian Institution
(Washington D. C.), one in Munich, with funds contributed
by the organizers towards the travel and maintenance of the
author, provided forums of discussion, public and private,
and afforded feedback from a conglomeration of scholars.
The small but potent gatherings of the Society for Central
Asian Studies were of no less value. I was able to maintain
the momentum in the last phases as a Faculty Associate of
the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University,
as well as through the functions of the Harvard Committee
on Inner Asian and Altaic Studies. An earlier version of
this work was accepted by the University of Oxford in
partial fulfillment of the Faculty of Oriental Studies
requirements towards my D. Phil.
iii
There was no typist involved. The entire project, from its
inception, through its several dozen iterations, was done
entirely on word-processing computers. Along the way, I
wore out two complete systems beyond repair. Despite the
frustrations inherent in such man-machine interactions,
they were of great help -- when they functioned.
Consequently, if any typing errors are discovered, I am
partly responsible.
As for the structure and the contents of the work proper, I
assume full responsibility.
iv
PREFACE
The present work employs the detailed study of one case to
illustrate a pattern that may well exist in other cases. It
must be borne in mind that the subject population comprises
approximately one fifth of the Soviet Union (and steadily
growing at a rapid pace) and spread across a substantial
portion of the Asian continent. What is described in the
following pages may have taken place with respect to other
non-Russian nationalities in the USSR. Therefore, although
this work focuses on Central Asian-Russian relations, it
constitutes a possible model for analysis and investigation
of Soviet policy toward other nationalities. There is
strong evidence to indicate that those policies toward
history and literature which were applied to Alpamysh have
already been employed with respect to various developing
countries as well, not the least of which are those
bordering the USSR.
It is the hope of this writer that this inquiry will induce
others to pursue the questions raised here. Various
disciplines and area studies might benefit from this
investigation, aside from the obvious Central Asian and
Soviet studies. The artificial separation of "areas" and
disciplines, that have not existed during the evolution of
the subject matter, cannot yield complete understanding.
Given the restrictions imposed by the Soviet censorship and
bureaucracies who control collections of materials and
published works, documentation is not exhaustive. It is
anticipated that subsequent research shall unearth
additional information. Therefore, the temptation to hold
back and wait for such new discoveries is immense. I almost
succumbed to it, except for the constant reminders from
friends and colleagues -- among other reasons, pointing to
the number of copies of the manuscript I had circulated in
the academic community for comments and criticism -- who
have insistently hounded me to go to print. I do so with
mixed feelings, for, since the completion of this
manuscript, a German translation (GDR printing) of Alpamysh
has been issued. It was translated not from the original,
but from an earlier Russian translation. Moreover, it has
been discovered that at least one, or perhaps two
additional printings of Alpamysh have been offered for sale
in Central Asia.
1
CHAPTER ONE: Alpamysh and the Turkic Dastan Genre
Alpamysh is a Turkic dastan -- ornate oral history -- and
prime representative of the Turkic oral literature of
Central Asia. It is the principal repository of ethnic
identity, history, customs, and the value systems of its
owners and composers. Set mostly in verse, the Alpamysh
dastan is known and recited from the eastern Altai to the
western Ural mountain ranges and as far south as Band-e
Turkestan. It commemorates the Turkic people's struggles
for freedom. The events leading to the composition of the
dastan may date from a very early period; though some
published variants depict these struggles to be against
Kalmak oppressors -- perhaps the result of later overlays.
A major variant of the dastan, under the title "The Tale of
Bamsi Beyrek of the Grey Horse," forms part of the Book of
Dede Korkut and is known in Azerbaijan and Asia Minor.
Alpamysh is shared by Central Asians across the continent
and knowledge of this dastan is an inseparable part of
identity and national pride. Failure to know it was
regarded as a source of shame.
The struggle of the Central Asians to preserve this dastan
in the face of Soviet attacks upon it is the central focus
of the present work. The attacks and attempts to save the
2 H. B. Paksoy
Alpamysh dastan may be divided into two "phases" -- the
first is represented by the Central Asians' own efforts to
record the dastan on paper and publish it widely in
response to Russian occupation and ensuing Russification
campaigns, Christian proselytization, "language reform,"
boundary revision and creation of special legal
classifications and later, "nations," for Central Asians;
the second "phase" involves altering the content of the
dastan itself and its history or "lineage." The two
"phases" are not successive and chronologically distinct,
but overlap around the 1930s-1940s. The latest response to
the attack has been a revival in the 1980s of dastans in a
new form, as befits their own tradition.
The in-depth examination of the struggle over the Alpamysh
dastan, however, is more than the study of the treatment of
a single historical and literary monument. It represents
Soviet policy in Central Asia and Central Asian resilience
in preserving the historic identity and values. The case of
Alpamysh is a documentable and representative example of
Russian rule --both imperial and Soviet -- in Central Asia.
The study of identity, inter alia dastans, also has
political and military implications. As the academic
historian and political actor Z. V. Togan noted at the time
of the Bolshevik revolution, it has been the Russian tactic
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 3
to absorb (biologically and culturally) the smaller non-
Russian nationalities. Under the slogans of "friendship of
peoples," the "drawing nearer" or "merging" of the peoples
of the Soviet Union and other expressions of so-called
"internationalism," Russian nationalism has been at work.
The Russian's aim of absorbing the Central Asians could
only be realized by breaking the Central Asians' link to
their own past.
Many Western groups have unwittingly aided official Russian
efforts to assimilate and absorb Central Asians. This is
because those in the West too often accepted uncritically
Russia's self-proclaimed "civilizing mission," and Russian
arguments about alleged Central Asian inferiority. Critical
standards normally applied in Western assessment of Soviet
economic performance are not always applied in this area of
research. Ironically, the Central Asians' own resistance --
expressed in print, in their own language -- has met with
hostility abroad, even among those usually critical of the
Soviets, perhaps for fear of "offending" the Soviet
bureaucracy.
In order to present this struggle to destroy and to save
this widely shared dastan, the work at hand includes also a
full-length translation of a rare pre-revolutionary
printing of Alpamysh as well as synopses of others. The
4 H. B. Paksoy
discussion shall begin with the dastan genre itself and its
purpose in the history of Central Asia.
THE DASTAN GENRE
For the Central Asians, the oral record, particularly
dastans, is an integral part of identity, historical memory
and the historical record itself. The oral tradition in
Central Asia precedes the Common Era. It has been preserved
across multitudes of generations. It stands, as it always
has, as the final line of defense against any attempts to
dominate the Central Asians culturally or politically.
The topic at hand primarily concerns the Turkic speaking
populations of Central Asia, especially the role of the
dastans in history, culture and politics. Thus the
discussion of dastan in this work is confined to that
sphere. Furthermore, it will not be the purpose of the
present work to discuss the broad and complex "epic"
tradition, which has been studied at length, nor to explore
the purely literary aspects of dastans. In this work the
Central Asian dastans are kept apart from the Islamic
menakib, such as gazavatnama, fetihnama and the like, the
bulk of which have appeared and spread after c. 12th
century, and especially since the 15th century.
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 5
In Central Asia, the tradition of "expression and
celebration of ancestral exploits and identity" is older
than the use of the word dastan, which appears as a later
borrowing into Turkic dialects. For example, in the Kul
Tegin stelas (732 A. D.), Bilge Kagan states: "Bu sabimin
adguti asid, qatigdi tinla" ("Hear these words of mine
well, and listen hard!").1 Some three hundred years later,
Kashgarli Mahmud, in his Diwan Lugat at-Turk (1070s) uses
the word saw (sab, sav) to indicate proverbs, messages and
admonitions handed down by wise men.2 About a century
after Kashgarli Mahmud, Ahmet Yesevi (d. 1167) wrote: "Let
the scholars hear my wisdom/ Treating my word as a dastan,
attain their desires."3
Certainly the idea of marking important events with
versified narrations or songs is not new. In fact, each
significant event in the lives of Central Asians had its
own type of "marker" song. The suyunju, celebrated good
news, including the birth of the alp,4 especially after a
tribe or individual had experienced difficulties. The
yar-yar was sung at weddings. More than merely celebrating
the union of the bride and groom, however, it also
signalled the beginning of other courtships at the wedding
feast. The koshtau was sung on the departure of the alp for
a campaign and the estirtu when an alp's death was
announced. The yogtau was sung at yog ashi, the memorial
6 H. B. Paksoy
feast (after burial) to lament the death of the alp. The
jir, as in batirlik jiri, is the equivalent of dastan and
includes all these components. However, in most cases, the
celebration of the alp's tribulations and ensuing victory
is referenced by the name of the alp only. Oghuz Khan,
Manas, Koroglu, Kirk Kiz are some examples. At other times,
the term batir, or alp is appended to the name of the
individual thus honored -- Kambar Batir, Chora Batir, Alp
Er Tunga. However, despite the prevalent use of jir and
kokcho (still revered in various portions of Central Asia),
the term dastan is employed throughout this work, in
keeping with the usage of the secondary literature.
Initially, the jir and its constituent components were
composed to celebrate the feats and characteristics of the
alp. In doing so, it was inescapable that the exemplary
individual's attributes be compared to natural phenomena
since he or she possesses rare qualities. Thus the alp can
run as swift as lightning; his hair glows as bright as the
sun; his body, in his prime, is as sturdy as the strongest
tree; his punch mightier than a thunderbolt. Such "nature
imagery" draws upon the values of shamanism, the dominant
belief system of Central Asian Turks prior to the arrival
of Islam in the 8th century A. D. Moreover, the use of the
term bahsi (also ozan) designating the reciter of the jir
also has shamanistic connotations. Such beliefs are
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 7
discernible in the symbolism of the composition of the
"marker songs." Later religious beliefs and practices are
juxtaposed as additional layers, and can be easily
identified.
Traditionally, a dastan is composed by an ozan5 in order
to celebrate a memorable event in the life of his people.
The ozan will usually set the events in verse and recite
them while accompanying himself on a stringed instrument.6
The dastan typically depicts the alp, the travails of a
central character, fighting against the collective enemies
of his people and tribe, and under whose leadership the
longed for victory is achieved. The trials and tribulations
endured by this preeminent leader, though aggravated by one
or more traitors, are in due course alleviated by a full
supporting cast. Nor is the theme of love a stranger to the
plot. Often a central figure, the loved one, is abducted by
the enemy, only to be rescued by his or her mate after much
searching, fighting and sacrifice. There are attempts by
the foes and the traitors to extort favors of various sorts
from the lovers, but this does not deter the resolve or the
eventual triumph of the principal personages. The traitors,
frequently from the same tribe as the alp, collaborate with
the enemy or abuse the trust of their people and their
leaders. However, none of this prevents the inescapable
8 H. B. Paksoy
success of the alp in the end. The traitors receive their
due, being now and then executed for their sins but
customarily forgiven and allowed to roam the earth in
search of reconciliation between themselves and God.
Reference to similar past experiences is standard and
reinforces the very important link to earlier dastans.7
Motifs or whole episodes from earlier dastans may be
repeated, sometimes with variations, in new dastans.
Religious motifs emerge in descriptions of practices and
beliefs. Among the Islamic practices earlier modes of
worship are apparent. The narration of the dastan, in verse
or prose, may also allude to supernatural powers.8
The road to success is fraught with seemingly
insurmountable barriers. At times, it appears that the
cherished goal of regaining freedom is out of reach. In
spite of the immense suffering of the alp and the
overwhelming might of the enemy, in the end the people are
freed from slavery, thanks to the alp's exemplary
character, bravery, strength, and superhuman determination.
Freedom is invariably celebrated with a lavish toy (feast)
and festivities.
The dastan is revered not only as the word of the
forefathers and repository of customs and traditions of the
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 9
creators and their descendants, but also because it is the
narration of how the enemy was defeated. It celebrates the
victory and the success of the leader-alp, and the unity,
despite all odds.
The dastan is the collective pride of tribes,
confederations of tribes or even larger units, serving as
birth certificate, national anthem and mark of citizenship
all rolled into one.9 The dastan itself provides the
framework to bond a coherent oymak, the ancestral unit, a
division of a greater tribe.10 The terms "boy"- clan;
"soy" (also, "urug") - family, lineage, are also used to
denote subdivisions within a confederation, in which family
relations and obligations are well defined and of central
importance. Members of the oymak share one language,
religion and history. The name of the oymak serves as the
surname of an individual as was true for those who fled the
Bolsheviks in the 1920s. It can be observed also among the
refugees fleeing Afghanistan after the Soviet invasion of
1979.
The dastan travels with the Central Asians and, like its
owners, it is not limited by geographic frontiers. Indeed,
the idea of boundaries in the Western sense were alien to
the nomadic societies of Central Asia and imposed on them
late in their history. The ancestral homeland and grazing
10 H. B. Paksoy
pastures, called "yurt" (although the term originally
defined the mark left by the cylindrically shaped tent, the
tirik) were selected on the basis of traditional,
historical, and lineage rights of a given oymak. The
necessity to undertake biannual migrations in search of
fresh pastures for the livestock complicated the definition
of a rigidly-defined "homeland".
In the event that the heirs of a dastan face new threats to
their freedom, the importance of the dastan is reinforced.
Should the enemy somehow prevail over the oymak, the
dastan, by providing an unbreakable link to the past,
affords the inspiration to seek independence once again.
The fact that more than one oymak may identify with a given
dastan has far-reaching implications. In this context,
Alpamysh enjoys a very special place among dastans, for all
major Turkic tribal units have at least one version which
they call their own, although they may exhibit local
variations.
The theory that all major dastans are but a restructuring
of the fragments of a "mother dastan" has been advanced by
A. Inan. According to this theory, Oghuz Kagan is the first
dastan and throughout the ages fragments of it have been
salvaged from obscurity and embellished by new experiences
of other tribes of common ancestry.11 In addition, it is
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 11
said that the Oghuz Kagan dastan has also influenced other
dastans, some non-Turkic ones.12
Generally, the contents of dastans are jealously guarded
against any major textual changes. The prevailing attitude
seems to be: "It has been handed down to us as such, and
we'll keep it that way".13 For a given version, not even
the minor details are permitted to be dropped or allowed to
be changed by the ozan.14 Therefore, traditionally, new
dastans are created only under two circumstances: (A) when
a major new alp successfully concludes the feats proper to
his calling and it is time to celebrate his exploits; (B)
when the possessors of a given dastan are threatened with
the yoke of an outsider.
(A) Traditionally, every successful major feat must be
celebrated by a toy. At such a gathering, "mountains of
meat" are cheerfully devoured, and "lakes of kimiz"15
joyfully drained. The center piece of the festivities was
the recitation of the dastan which in a real sense
sanctified the occasion.
If the event preceding the toy was of sufficiently
monumental proportions in the minds of its participants and
observers, then the ozan may see fit to create a new
dastan, which will place the current alp-leader on a
12 H. B. Paksoy
pedestal. Portions of the new dastan will certainly be
borrowed from the older dastans, and the older ones will
not be forgotten. It would be a mistake, however, to regard
this as plagiarism. The new alp is simply being compared to
his predecessors, reassuring the audiences of this new
alp's prowess and exemplary and noble qualities, thereby
forming yet another link with the collective past. The
intention is to prove that he is every bit as brave and
resourceful as the ancient Alps. This borrowing need not be
verbatim. The ozan may decide to recall worthy incidents or
motifs from a more ancient dastan, either by directly
quoting these older passages or by adapting them to
contemporary needs. This may be one reason for the
existence of at least fifty Turkic dastans (exclusive of
their variants).
It is conceivable that the audience too may participate in
the creation of the new dastan, just as they serve as a
judge of the authenticity and completeness of an old one.
The listeners are continually evaluating the performance
and verifying its contents, comparing it to other
recitations they have heard. The ozan usually provides the
longest possible version of the dastan in deference to his
audience. Manas, the great Kirghiz dastan is a prime
example of this love of detail. It contains one million
lines and requires up to six months to perform. The
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 13
ornaments of the alp's saddle alone may require many tens
of lines to portray adequately.16 If the ozan is for any
reason inclined to abbreviate the full narration, the
assembled audience will feel cheated and will inevitably
protest. In a similar vein, it is not inconceivable that
during the creation of a new dastan the audience may
suggest the borrowing of certain descriptions from other
dastans, which better describe, for example, the details of
the alp's sword or headgear.
During extended periods of relative stability, some of the
dastans may "spin off" their lyrical parts, thus allowing
the creation of new romantic dastans. In this case, the
motifs related to the fight to throw off the yoke of an
invading oppressor are subordinated to the romantic
portions of a dastan. A young man meets a beautiful girl,
they fall in love, they desire to be married. However,
either the parents do not give their consent or the girl is
betrothed to another. The prospective groom may undergo a
series of tests or have to overcome monumental
difficulties, enduring severe hardships to prove his love.
Success brings a happy ending and the lovers are finally
united in marriage, although the "happy ending" is by no
means always assured.
14 H. B. Paksoy
Tahir ve Zuhre is an example of such a romantic dastan,
seemingly having been "spun off" from Alpamysh. Vambery had
encountered Tahir ve Zuhre when he masqueraded as a dervish
in Central Asia in the 1860s. He subsequently included
portions of it in one of his works.17 Vambery was in
Central Asia at a time when inter-tribal rivalry was in
decline and immediate Russian pressure was still minimal.
This relative calm seems to have favored the development of
a romantic dastan. A version of Tahir ve Zuhre was also
discovered in Kashgar.18
Later, the lyrical dastans may also have been converted, or
simplified into masal or folk tales, perhaps intended to be
used much like nursery rhymes, recited to cranky children
to help pass the long winter nights.19
(B) When a new leader-alp emerges to take charge of a
given tribe or confederation, it is usually out of a
desperate need to fight for their rights and traditional
way of life. The tribe or confederation may have fallen
under the rule of an outside power. If this group is lucky
enough to have reared an able alp to lead them, they will
either stand and fight on the spot or else migrate beyond
their reach (at times temporarily), using elaborate ruses
to confuse any pursuit.
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 15
If in the course of previous conflicts the tribe in
question has lost many of its young men, or if prevailing
circumstances are not favorable, then they may have to wait
for a generation or two to act. Under these conditions, an
old dastan may be modified to suit foreseeable future needs
or a brand new dastan may be constructed from the fragments
of several old ones.20
During this gestation period (literal as well as
figurative) the dastan is the sole source of consolation.
It not only keeps the fires of revenge burning, but also
conditions the children psychologically for future "alply"
duties. The dastan, then, is employed to convey the
aspirations of the present generation to those of the
future. The dastan becomes a last will and testament.21
In this case, the adaptation process alluded to above (that
is, borrowing motifs from other dastans) may be subtle or
not, depending on the languages spoken by the oppressors or
the relative distance of the homeland from that of the
invaders. If the comparison of the new and the ancient alps
can be freely made (i. e. without interference from the
suzerain or his administrators), the similarities may not
be hidden. If, on the other hand, there is reason to be
cautious, borrowed motifs will be cleverly concealed. Only
those who are familiar with the original dastan (or with
16 H. B. Paksoy
the alp) will be able to detect the similarities and
understand its new message.22
Since Alpamysh has only been printed under Russian imperial
and Soviet administrations, it is instructive to note the
description of the dastan in the most accessible Soviet
sources. Below is the definition of "dastan" as it appears
in the Uzbek Sovet Entsiklopediyasi (USE).
"Specific to Eastern literature, multipart
lyrical-epic style poetic work. In the dastan,
the known historical developments of the people's
life are characterized. The essence of
traditions, folk tales and legends of the people
is related by the bards. In format, as can be
observed in various Uzbek literary and folkloric
examples, verse is mixed with prose.
"...beginning with the oldest times, the dastan
genre is divided into three categories: heroic
(for example, in Uzbek folklore, Alpamysh);
romantic (many examples) and didactic (such as
the Kutadgu Bilig by Yusuf Hass Khajib, Navai's
Hayrat ul-Abrar). In some dastans, all three of
the above attributes are united (for example
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 17
Navai's Saddi Iskandari is both romantic and
didactic).
"The Uzbek dastan has ancient roots. Even in the
primitive period, the creative powers of our
people began to be seen in their heroic epics.
This is verified by the contents of the funerary
monuments erected along the banks of the Yenisey
and Orkhon rivers, in memory of Kul Tegin and
Bilge Kagan (5th-8th centuries), and by the
Divan-i Lugat it-Turk (1076-1077) of the medieval
Mahmud Kashgari who included literary pieces to
this effect in his work....
"In the examples referred to above of literary
works of the old civilizations, it is also
possible to observe the liberation struggles of
Oghuz, Kipchak, Kirghiz, Yagma and Sogdian tribal
units against wandering raiders. The defense of
their homelands by force of arms, their victories
and the rout of their enemies are elaborated in
epic style....
"The Book of Dede Korkut, of the ancient
literature of the Turkic peoples (written down in
the 16th century), displays the format of the
18 H. B. Paksoy
peoples' epic-lyric style literature and the
summarized characteristics above. It contains 12
stories, depicting the exploits of the powerful
Oghuz heroes and their Khan Bayindir. What is
important is the fact that the narrator of these
stories, Dede Korkut, is also a participant in
the events he chronicles and is an advisor to the
ruling elite. Furthermore, the story of Bamsi
Beyrek in the Book of Dede Korkut is an ancient
variant of the Alpamysh dastan. It displays
detailed scenes from the heroic deeds of the
Oghuz people and their patriarchal structure, the
courage in combat of their valiant fighters,
confirming the evolution of this literary
genre....
"...legendary warlike abilities of selfless
heroes as perceived by the masses are reflected
in these types of works."23
By contrast, the Bol'shaia Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia (BSE),
under "dastan" speaks of the "Persian epic genre; among
which The Book of Dede Korkut is an example." It states
that "Firdousi's Shahname is one such work, among others."
The entry, of approximately 240 words, refers only in
passing to the fact that there are "Uzbek, Karakalpak, and
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 19
Turkic dastans as well".24 The article "dastan" in the USE
(cited above) contains almost 1000 words.
The USE entry contains references to three specific works
as predecessors of the dastan genre. They are also hailed
as the ancient literary treasures of the Central Asian
Turkic peoples and the messages they bear may be found also
in the dastan Alpamysh. Below are some relevant passages
from two of those treasures -- the Kul Tegin inscriptions
(early 8th c.) and Kutadgu Bilig (mid-11th c.).
The Kul Tegin Inscriptions
"When the blue sky above and the reddish-brown
earth below were created, between the two, human
beings were created... my ancestors Bumin Kagan
and Istami Kagan became rulers... they organized
and ruled the state and institutions of the
Turkish people... Wise kagans were they, brave
kagans were they..."
The tablet then describes the "unwise" successors who let
the state go to ruin and the "unruliness" of the people who
were seduced by the "soft words and soft materials" of the
Chinese, left their own country and submitted to the
Chinese, became their servants and slaves, gave up their
20 H. B. Paksoy
Turkish titles and adopted Chinese titles, and went on
military campaigns to conquer for the Chinese emperor.
"Then, the Turkish common people apparently said
as follows: 'We used to be a people who had an
(independent) state. Where is our own state now?
For whose benefit are we conquering these lands?'
they said. 'We used to be a people who had its
own kagan. Where is our own kagan now? To which
kagan are we giving our services?'
[Despite the Chinese decision to kill the
potentially rebellious Turks,] the Turkish god
above and the Turkish holy earth and water
(spirits below) ... held my father, Ilteris
Kagan, and my mother, Ilbilga Katun, at the top
of heaven and raised them upwards... (My father,
the kagan) after he had founded (such a great)
empire and gained power, passed away....
"We had such a well-acquired and well-organized
state and institutions. You, Turkish and Oguz
lords and peoples, hear this! If the sky above
did not collapse, and if the earth below did not
give way, O Turkish people, who would be able to
destroy your state and institutions? O Turkish
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 21
people, regret and repent! Because of your
unruliness, you yourselves betrayed your wise
kagan who had (always) nourished you, and you
yourselves betrayed your good realm which was
free and independent, and you (yourselves) caused
discord. From where did the armed [sic] come and
put you to flight? From where did the lancer come
and drive you away? You, people of the sacred
Otukan mountains, it was you who went away...
your (only) profit was the following: your blood
ran like a river, and your bones were heaped up
like a mountain; your sons worthy of becoming
lords became slaves, and your daughters worthy of
becoming ladies became servants."25
Kutadgu Bilig
156 Wisdom proclaims its own meaning thus: when
a man knows wisdom, then illness stays far from
him... Intellect is a leading rein: if a man
leads by it, he achieves his goal and enjoys
countless desires. A man of intellect provides a
multitude of benefits and a man of wisdom is very
precious. With intellect a man accomplishes all
his affairs, and with wisdom he preserves from
spoils his allotted time.
22 H. B. Paksoy
186 I speak these words and give this counsel
to you... If I bequeath to you gold and silver,
do not consider that to be equal to these words.
Apply silver to affairs and it will be used up,
but apply my words and you will gain silver.
Words are one man's legacy to another. So hold to
the legacy of my words, and the profit therefrom
will be a hundredfold.
317 Intellect is a good friend who is bound to
you by oath, and wisdom is a brother to you, very
loyal. To the ignoramus, his own "wisdom" and his
own deeds are enemies: even if he has no others,
these two are enough trouble for him. The
following Turkish proverb has come down
illustrating this truth -- read it and take it to
heart: To the man of intellect, intelligence is a
sufficient companion; to the man of ignorance, a
curse is sufficient name.
2386 If the enemy attacks, do not turn your
back. Stand firm and his attack will be broken.
If he moves, move after him; push on, march
forward, do not stand still.26
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 23
The Kul Tegin inscriptions leave a clear message: Your
ancestors were surrounded by hostile forces and nations,
they made several mistakes -- they did not appreciate their
wise rulers, they left their homeland and settled among
enemy peoples who promise luxury; they did not use their
wits and as a result were almost annihilated. The Turks
finally woke up and fought their way to freedom. Do not
repeat their mistakes, otherwise you might not get another
chance for freedom. When the Turks were united, they were
strong, all their enemies stayed away from them. When they
became fragmented, they became slaves. Do not be deceived
by presents that are designed to placate you. Those nations
who give you such presents are actually plotting to
exterminate your lineage by separating you from your
homeland.
The message of Kutadgu Bilig also is clear: Think, learn,
be wise. Value wisdom and intelligence above material
riches. The words of the wise are your legacy -- pass on
your knowledge to the future generations. Do not fear
anything except ignorance and the ignoramus; use your
intellect; there are brave and knowledgeable Turks in the
past who have done great deeds, they were manly. Money
cannot accomplish these things, but if you follow their
example you will have money, too. Handing down your
experiences is not without danger. However, the potential
24 H. B. Paksoy
results are well worth the risk -- your legacy is
important. Pursue your enemy, do not turn back, be brave.
The dastan Alpamysh contains elements from all of the
ancestral admonitions noted above -- the appreciation and
love of homeland and the dire consequences of settling
among adversaries, the beauty of the native language,
bravery in battle, the unbridled desire for freedom and the
readiness to fight for it, the longing for the cohesion and
dignity of the larger family unit, respect for elders and
loyalty to members of the family and friends, the necessity
of keeping your word, the importance of utilizing one's own
wits.
Despite the large area inhabited by the tens of millions of
Turks of Central Asian origin, and despite the inevitable
diversity of their political experiences throughout
history, their differential patterns of nomadism and
settlement, adoption of Islam (from the 9th to 18th
centuries), and separate treatment and legal classification
since the Russian conquests (16th-19th c), there is still
great linguistic and cultural unity among them. They
constitute something like an enormous, varied family, but
with numerous shared customs, values and traditions -- even
apart from the Islamic -- as well as mutually intelligible
linguistic dialects. These are reflected in the many Turkic
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 25
dastans known across Central Asia, Caucasia and Anatolia
and were reinforced by realignments at various times --
over the centuries -- of Turkic subtribal units into new
tribes or tribal confederations. That Alpamysh is so widely
shared demonstrates this firm common ground. Other dastans
and written works are also referred to by present-day
Central Asians as antecedents to their contemporary
language, proverbs and customs.27 The grey wolf legend of
the Oghuz Khan dastan (Oghuzname) is part of the "creation
mythology" among many groups that regard themselves as
descendants of the Oghuz Turks. Contemporary Central Asian
scholars and writers emphasize DLT and the Orkhon
inscriptions and Kutadgu Bilig as sources for the study of
their own written literature and linguistic forms. All this
reflects a far greater degree of cultural-linguistic unity
-- and the knowledge of it on the part of the Central
Asians -- than is suggested by the Russians' artificial use
of "separate language" and "nation" terminology.
At the same time, this is most emphatically not to be
confused, as some writers have done, with Pan-Turkism
(sometimes "Pan-Turanism"). Pan-Turkism has long been
defined as a movement, ostensibly by Turks, to establish
hegemony over the world, or at least Eurasia. A few remarks
on this misconception seem appropriate.
26 H. B. Paksoy
This "Pan" movement has no historical ideological precedent
among Turks and has been documented to be a convenient
political creation of the age of European imperial
expansion. Following the Russian occupation of Tashkent in
1865, which seemed to threaten British India and to which
the British responded with their "Forward Policy," the
doctrine called "Pan-Turanism" or "Pan-Turkism" appeared in
a work by Hungarian Orientalist Arminius Vambery. He
described a great potential Turkic state stretching from
the Bosphorus to the Great Wall. Its aim was to encourage
the Turks to form a buffer between the expanding Russian
empire and the British Raj, to check the Russian advance
toward South. At the same, this "Pan" movement seemed to
justify any action to defend "Christendom," as in the age
of the crusades. Vambery, it is now known, was working for
the British government.28
The doctrine was invented, propagated and attributed to the
Turks by the Europeans, particularly the British, as a
diplomatic tool in their relations with each other and with
the declining Ottoman Empire. Dubbed the "Great Game in
Asia" by Kipling and others, the origins and character of
this contest have been amply discussed by E. Ingram.29 The
Russians, too, invoked this artificial doctrine for their
own purposes. With the encouragement of the government,
Russian journalists and academics began to portray their
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 27
conquests of Central Asia as belated revenge against
earlier manifestations of "Pan-Turanianism," such as
Timur's (d. 1405) invasion of Muscovy and more indirectly,
the imposition of the "Tatar yoke" by the descendants of
Chingiz Khan (d. 1227).
The doctrine was embellished by French historian, L. Cahun,
in his Introduction a l'Histoire de l'Asie, Turcs, et
Mongols, des Origines 140530 which argues that a belief
in his own racial superiority motivated the conquests of
the Mongol Chingiz Khan. It is perhaps not coincidental
that this book was published on the heels of the 1893-1894
Franco-Russian rapprochement, at a time when Russia
justified its conquest of Central Asia as part of its own
"civilizing mission."
In the Secret History of the Mongols, written shortly after
the death of Chingiz Khan in 1227, there is, of course, no
reference to the racial superiority of the Mongols.
Instead, it quotes Chingiz: "Tangri opened the gate and
handed us the reins,"31 indicating that Chingiz regarded
only himself ruling by divine order. Chingiz himself was
and remained the focus of power, as opposed to the clans
under his rule. In any event, the Mongols are not Turks and
Mongol armies were distinctly multi-racial.32
28 H. B. Paksoy
Another representative sample of this early phase of the
"movement" is A Manual on the Turanians and
Pan-Turanianism33 (published by the British Admiralty,
during the First World War) a work based on Vambery's
Turkenvolk34 and compiled by Sir Denison Ross.35 Even
Alexander Kerensky, in Paris exile after the Bolshevik
Revolution, was utilizing the same "Turanian" rhetoric,
calling it "a menace threatening the world."36
Despite its European origins and its European goals, the
idea took root among some Central Asian emigres, especially
those living in Europe, as it promised the removal of the
Russian occupation and subsequent colonization in their
homelands.
Accusations of "Pan-Turkism" are still employed today,
especially but not exclusively in the Soviet Union, against
even cultural movements, scholarly works on the common
origins and language of the Turks, used specifically as a
charge against those who refute the Soviet position that
the Turkish dialects are separate and distinct "languages,"
and even against the use in works of art of such symbols as
the crescent moon, which, in any event, is an Islamic
symbol.
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 29
History, politics and literature have always been
inseparable in Central Asia. This tradition is continuing
as always, regardless of the mode of government. Therefore,
it is imperative that one be equipped with the necessary
historical knowledge to understand fully the implications
of any particular historical or literary work. The
interrelations of historical references to present
conditions roughly display the political tendencies or
positions current at the time of writing. From all
indications, appearing in the Central Asian press, in their
dialects, what the Central Asians are interested in is
nothing short of a "commonwealth" of Turki speakers (akin
to the "commonwealth of English speakers" around the
globe), building upon their historical culture. After all,
the Central Asians are living on their ancestral lands.
STUDY OF DASTANS
The Turkic dastan genre has been subjected to a limited
type and amount of study by the scholarly world, both
Eastern and Western. It is limited in that attention has
been focused on the format and translation, as opposed to
the reasons why they were composed. Moreover, the effects
of the dastans on the populations whose ancestors had
created this ornate oral history are seldom if ever
30 H. B. Paksoy
discussed. On the contrary, the dastan genre has been
classified by Russians of the tsarist and Soviet regimes
solely as folklore. In return, the folklore studies have
been elevated to the level of "hard science."37 Such
terminology is then imposed on the Central Asian scholars
interested in working on the topic.
Major Central Asian collectors and scholars of dastans who
stress the importance of the ornate oral histories are A.
A. Divay (Divaev)38, Hamid Alimjan [Olimjan], Gazi Alim,
M. Ghabdullin, Tura Mirzaev, T. Sydykov, and the Russian V.
M. Zhirmunskii, all of whose works are discussed below.
In the West, there are a number of interested researchers
concerned with oral literature39 and the epic. Between
1964 and 1972, a seminar to study the "traditions of the
epic" was led by Prof. Arthur Hatto at Queen Mary College
of London University. The participants, mainly scholars
with a common interest in epic poetry, by and large
concentrated on acquainting each other, and those who cared
to read the ensuing works, with the genre in general. One
of the fruits of the London Seminar on the epic was
published in 1980.40
Since the 1960s Western researchers have been taking more
interest in dastans, particularly in the problem of
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 31
translation. Besides the translations of the works cited
above (the Orkhon tablets, Divan-i Lugat it-Turk and
Kutadgu Bilig), the dastans The Book of Dede Korkut, and
Kokotoy (a cycle of Manas)41 are two of the more notable
complete works that have been rendered into English.
Geoffrey L. Lewis, in the introduction to his Dede Korkut
translation seems to be the only Western scholar to date
who has addressed the question of why the dastan was
created. A. T. Hatto, on the other hand, explored the
possible political use of Kokotoy in the latter part of the
19th century.42
Zeki Velidi Togan published four papers under the general
title "Turk Milli Destaninin Tasnifi" ("Classification of
Turks' National Dastan") in 1931.43 According to Togan:
"National dastans, rather than describing precise
historical events, reflect a nation's spirit and
feelings. Dastans may or may not, in their
entirety, be based on historical events.
However, they are people's literary monuments.
Dastans pass through three evolutionary stages:
(1.) Folk poets relate, in small pieces, a series
of ventures from various periods; (2.) An event
which concerns the entire nation channels these
fragments into a focal point, forming a dastan;
32 H. B. Paksoy
(3.) In the end when a nation faces a monumental
event, an enlightened poet collects these
fragmentary dastans to create the great national
dastan...
"Turks have been through the second stage several
times. The dastans which collect the ideals of
the Turkish nation came into being due to events
such as the rule of Oghuz. However, these dastans
did not enter the third stage of collection by a
great poet in order to become an evolved national
dastan. As yet we have only fragments of the
great dastans."
Another exception is N. Atsiz, who wrote a number of works
on the importance of dastans and pointed to the following
debate between Z. V. Togan and F. Koprulu:
"Togan, though conceding that the stories
pertaining to Danishmend Ghazi and Seyid Battal
Ghazi may have taken their themes from the Islam-
Byzantium struggles in Anatolia, maintained that
these struggles did not reflect the Seljuk
period, but the earlier Arab era. Consequently,
Togan did not regard them as Turkic dastans. On
the other hand, F. Koprulu did not share this
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 33
view, stressing the position that these stories
may have been born among the Turkic elements
present in the Umayyad and especially Abbasid
armies during Islam-Byzantium struggles in
Anatolia."44
The history of the study of the Alpamysh dastan in the
Russian Empire/Soviet Union is complex and interweaves the
collection, publishing and republishing since the late 19th
century. This was the key arena in which "Phase I" of the
struggle to obliterate and to save the dastan was fought.
These processes are linked to Communist Party of the Soviet
Union (CPSU) policy directives to the Oriental Institutes
of the USSR and the latter's activities. It is to this
"first phase" of the struggle embodied in these broad
issues of collection, publishing and the surrounding events
that we turn in the next Chapter.
34 H. B. Paksoy
NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE
1. T. Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkic, (Bloomington,
1968, P. 231. Both the original and the translation are
from this source.
2. Diwan Lugat at-Turk by Kashgarli Mahmud (written in
1070s), was translated as A Compendium of the Turkic
Dialects by Robert Dankoff in collaboration with James
Kelly, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982-85).
The volume was printed in the Sources of Oriental
Literature series, Sinasi Tekin and Gonul Alpay Tekin,
editors, Harvard (Volumes, labelled "Parts" I, II, III
published in 1982, 1984, 1985, respectively. This term is
defined in Part III, p. 157, and used on p. 227 of Part II
(P. 512 of the manuscript).
3. "Meni hikmetlerim dana eshitsin/ Sozum dastan kilib
maksadiga yitsin." See K. Eraslan, Hikmet (Ankara, 1983),
P. 280.
4. The term alp is used interchangeably with batir, batur,
bagatur meaning "valiant," "gallant," "brave" as attributes
of a skilled and fearless champion tested in battle or
contest. See Sir Gerard Clauson, An Etymological
Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish (Oxford,
1972), 127. See also the entry "Batir," in John Hangin, A
Concise English-Mongolian Dictionary (Indiana, 1970), 270.
5. In The Book of Dede Korkut, the bard is called an ozan.
See the translation by G. L. Lewis (Penguin, 1974). Such a
person is also called bahshi, akin, ashik, shaman, kam in
various locations. Gazi Alim uses "akin," whereas Hamid
Alimjan calls the reciter "bahshi."
6. Usually this musical instrument is referred to as kobuz
or kopuz. A descendant of kopuz is still known and used as
saz or baglama in Asia Minor. A representative sample may
be seen in the Pitt-Rivers Museum. For a full description,
with photographs, see Bolat Saribaev, Kazaktin Muzikalik
Aspaptari (Alma-Ata, 1978). Also Doerfer, "Turkische und
Mongolische Elemente," Neupersischen III (Wiesbaden,
1967), 1546.
7. Even the Orkhon inscriptions of the early 8th century
A. D. employ flashbacks.
8. Boratav theorized that the supernatural content of
literature in oral tradition is directly proportional to
the distance it has travelled from its birthplace. That
is, the further away from the location where the work was
originally composed, the more magical elements it will
contain. See P. N. Boratav, Halk Hikayeleri ve
Hikayeciligi (Ankara, 1946).
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 35
9. Political borders and boundaries have not applied to
the Central Asians until such artificial limitations were
forcibly imposed upon them quite recently. See Rene
Grousset, The Empire of the Steppes, (Tr. N. Walford) (New
Brunswick, NJ, 1970), 221-2, 253; also see O. Caroe.
Soviet Empire, the Turks of Central Asia and Stalinism
(London, 1953); also Zeki Velidi Togan, Bugunku Turkili
Turkistan ve Yakin Tarihi, (2nd. Ed.) (Istanbul, 1981).
10. See Z. V. Togan, Turkistan, 39, Note 18. See also I.
Kafesoglu, Turk Milli Kulturu (Istanbul, 1984) (3rd. Ed.),
passim.
11. A. Inan, Makaleler ve Incelemeler (Ankara, 1968). See
also Z. V. Togan, Oguz Destani (Istanbul, 1972); H. N.
Orkun, "Oguz Destanina Dair," Ulku, V. 5, Sayi 30, 1935;
F. Sumer, "Oguzlara Ait Destani Mahiyette Eserler,"
Ankara Universitesi DTC Fakultesi Dergisi, 1959; and, D.
Sinor, "Oguz Kagan Destani Uzerine Bazi Mulahazalar," (Tr.
from French by Ahmet Ates) Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi,
1952.
12. See introduction to Secere-i Terakime (Facsimile)
(Ankara, 1937); A. Inan, "Destan-i Cengiz Han Kitabi
Hakkinda," in Azerbaycan Yurt Bilgisi, Year 3, No. 25,
1934.
13. G. M. H. Schoolbraid, The Oral Epic of Siberia and
Central Asia (Indiana, 1975).
14. The ozan also had other duties within the oymak. See
Fuat Koprulu, "Ozan," in Azerbaycan Yurt Bilgisi, No. 3.
1932. Reprinted in the same author's Edebiyat
Arastirmalari (Istanbul, 1966).
15. Kimiz is fermented mare's milk. It is a very popular
traditional drink among Central Asians.
16. See the description in A. T. Hatto, The Memorial Feast
for Kokotoy Han (London, 1977). This work is a short cycle
of Manas.
17. See Arminius Vambery, Chaghataische Sprachstudien
(Pest, 1867), 154. (Reprinted by Philo Press, Amsterdam,
1975).
18. Tahir bila Zohra, Original Chaghatay text; (German
translation by G. Raquette) (Lund, 1930).
19. A collection of "converted" masal may be found in
Amina Shah, Folk Tales of Central Asia (London, 1975).
20. Chora Batir appears to be such a dastan, modified in
mid-16th c. For an overview of this dastan, see H. B.
Paksoy "Chora Batir: A Tatar Admonition to Future
Generations" Studies in Comparative Communism Vol. XIX
Nos. 3 and 4, 1986.
36 H. B. Paksoy
21. Examples of such successful gestation periods, among
others, are found in Oghuz Han; N. Ural, Ergenekon
(Ankara, 1972) and Kul Tegin.
22. See H. B. Paksoy, "Central Asia's New Dastans," in
Central Asian Survey (Hereafter CAS), V. 6, N. 1.
23. Uzbek Sovet Entsiklopediyasi (Tashkent, 1971), 112-4.
Henceforth: USE.
24. Bol'shaia Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia, Third Edition
(Moscow, 1978), Vol. 1, 458. Henceforth, BSE.
25. The passages cited are taken from the Tekin
translation (cited in Note 1, this Chapter), 263-267, with
corrected spellings.
26. Kutadgu Bilig by Balasagunlu Yusuf, completed in 1077,
translated by Dankoff as Wisdom of Royal Glory (Chicago,
1983). The passages cited are taken from the Dankoff
translation, including the associated line numbers.
27. See, for example, Azerbaijan filologiyasy meseleleri,
No. 2 (Baku, 1984) for more than a dozen essays by various
scholars on these topics, including repeated discussion of
the Orkhon inscriptions, DLT and several analyses of the
dastan Dede Korkut. A similar pattern is evident across
Central Asia, in virtually every 'Republic.'
28. For archival references, see M. Kemal Oke, "Prof.
Arminius Vambery and Anglo-Ottoman Relations 1889-1907"
Bulletin of the Turkish Studies Association, Vol. 9, No.
2. 1985.
29. See his The Beginnings of the Great Game in Asia
1828-1834 (Oxford, 1979); idem, Commitment to Empire:
Prophecies of the Great Game in Asia 1797-1800 (Oxford,
1981); idem, In Defense of British India: Great Britain in
the Middle East 1775-1842 (London, 1984).
30. Published (Paris, 1896).
31. See Mogollarin Gizli Tarihi (A. Temir, Trans.)
(Ankara, 1948), (P. 227). There is also a more recent
English translation by F. Cleaves.
32. See T. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism (Berkeley, 1987); M.
Rossabi, Khubilai Khan (Berkeley, 1988).
33. Issued by H. M. Government, Naval Staff Intelligence
Department (Oxford, November 1918).
34. Published (Leipzig, 1885).
ALPAMYSH: Central Asian Identity Under Russian Rule 37
35. On this work, and the identification of its author,
see Togan's comments in Turkistan, 560-563.
36. For additional references, see H. B. Paksoy, "Central
Asia's New Dastans." Also a work under the title Turkismus
und PanTurkismus by M. Cohen (whose pseudonym was Tekin
Alp; a colleague of Ziya Gokalp and Omer Seyfettin during
1910s) was published in Weimar (Verlag Gustav,
Kiepenheurer, 1915). It appears that British Admiralty had
this work translated into English, from German, and
classified it "secret." See C. W. Hostler, Turkism and
the Soviets (London, 1957).
37. See for example V. Propp, Morfologiia skazki
(Leningrad, 1928), translated by The American Folklore
Society & Indiana University Research Center for the
Language Sciences, published jointly by Indiana University
and The University of Texas Press: Morphology of the
Folktale (Austin, 1968).
38. Divaev is the form used in Russian language sources.
Togan, a fellow Bashkurt, refers to him as Divay. See
Chapter Two for additional details on Divay.
39. One such example is Heda Jason, "Oral Literature and
the Structure of Language," Rand P-3758 1968, submitted to
Current Anthropology, Chicago; idem, "A Multi-Dimensional
Approach to Oral Literature: A Proposal," Rand P-3733
1968. (First read to the American Anthropological
Association, Washington D. C., 1967).
40. Traditions of Heroic and Epic Poetry, A. T. Hatto,
Editor. (London, 1980).
41. Hatto's Kokotoy-Khan, cited in Note 16 above.
42. See the Introduction to the Commentary by Hatto, in
his Kokotoy, Pp. 90-91.
43. Z. V. Togan, "Turk Milli Destaninin Tasnifi," in Atsiz
Mecmua, May, June, July, September 1931, cited in, N.
Atsiz, Turk Tarihinde Meseleler (Istanbul, 1975), 157.
44. N. Atsiz, ibid.
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