is a report on discussions concerning the use of the veto as it has
been used, and what members considered to be the most appropriate
steps to taketo remedy this situation. Further reports suggested that
the only way to lobby for change regarding the veto was for public
opinion to be well informed, and for pressure for change to be stimulated
amongst the democratic voters of the five nations with the veto powers.
If britain acced to this change the rest would have to follow suit
or risk isolation. We can make it happen. We can choose people who
will do what we wnat done, not what they want done. This document
makes for some interesting reading, and is a starting point for this
Press Release GA/9826
CONTINUES CONSIDERATION OF SECURITY COUNCIL REFORM: DISCUSSES PERMANENT
AND NON-PERMANENT COUNCIL MEMBERSHIP AND USE OF VETO
General Assembly met this morning to continue its discussion of the
question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership
of the Security Council and related matters.
the debate speakers expressed their opinions on a variety of topics,
including possible increases in permanent and non-permanent membership
in the Council, the use of the veto and changes in the Councilís
years of negotiations and debates on Security Council reform had been
intellectually enriching but sterile in producing results, Uruguayís
representative said. It was pointless to insist on increasing the
number of permanent members. Although the intrinsic value of such
proposals might be good, it was necessary to acknowledge that they
no longer served any purpose. The time had come to explore new avenues
and devise new formulas. The lessons of the past seven years called
for a more realistic and flexible attitude.
representative of Papua New Guinea, speaking on behalf of the Pacific
Forum countries, said small States should not be marginalized in Council
reforms. They should be considered equal partners in the development
of initiatives to secure international peace and security, regardless
of wealth, size and sophistication of military, on-ground involvement
in peacekeeping, or financial contribution to the work of the United
Ricaís representative said the serious difficulties encountered in
peacekeeping missions in Sierra Leone and in East Timor must be confronted.
The Councilís ineffectiveness was attributable to the fact that its
present structure did not reflect the current composition of the international
community, nor the present distribution of power between nations.
The Council must express not just the military capacity of the international
community, but also its economic influence and moral authority. Reform
should also involve investment in development, education, health,
human rights and democracy, because they represented a direct investment
in future peace.
representative of Pakistan said there was no dissent over increasing
the Council's non-permanent membership, but progress had been blocked
by a small minority seeking to promote their own narrow national interests.
There also was no clear description of what aspirants to permanent
Council seats were after. Was there a new category of second-class
permanent membership without a veto envisioned? Could the general
membership be asked to support expansion in the permanent category
without knowing what was being supported? he asked.
representatives of Thailand, Antigua and Barbuda (on behalf of the
Caribbean Community), Kazakhstan, Madagascar, Hungary, Slovenia, Honduras,
Philippines, Malaysia, Lesotho, Iran, Panama, Paraguay, Nicaragua,
United Republic of Tanzania and Lithuania also spoke.
Assembly will meet again at 3 p.m. to continue its debate.
General Assembly met this morning to continue its debate on the question
of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the
Security Council and related matters. This morningís meeting is the
Assemblyís third session on the subject. Yesterday, the Assembly heard
from 58 speakers.
DONIGI (Papua New Guinea) speaking on behalf of the following Pacific
Forum countries: Australia, Fiji Islands, Marshall Islands, Micronesia,
Nauru, New Zealand, Samoa, Solomon Island and Vanuatu, said that it
was in the interest of all Member States to contribute constructively
and flexibly to the world of the Open-ended Working Group as it strove
to build general agreement on a comprehensive package of reforms.
He noted that at the Pacific Islands Forum held in October, Forum
Leaders had agreed to explore the creation of a separate regional
group of Pacific States within the United Nations. They were conscious
that the present regional group system had outlived its usefulness.
Perhaps reconfiguration of the regional groups, possibly making them
smaller with more effective policy coordination role, would be a means
of cutting the Gordian knot that countries were currently facing.
as a delegate of Papua New Guinea, he said that there must be an enlargement
of the permanent and non-permanent membership of the Security Council.
Small States should be considered as equal partners in the development
of initiatives to secure international peace and security for all
humankind, regardless of wealth, size and sophistication of military,
on-ground involvement in peacekeeping, or financial contribution to
the work of the United Nations. Small States should not end up being
marginalized in Security Council reforms.
a reconfiguration of the Security Council, he continued, his country
would anticipate that each subregion must be represented on the Security
Council. What should be considered was some discussion of the composition
of the subregions. This would form the basis of an objective discussion
on the size of the expansion of the Security Council. The implications
for world peace and security would therefore be a primary function
of the countries of the subregion in the first instance. It also meant
that the Security Council would become engaged when all avenues for
reaching a peaceful outcome at the subregional level had been exhausted.
JAYANAMA (Thailand) said that a comprehensive reform package needed
to be addressed and agreed upon. The package basically involved three
well- known elements: the Councilís size and composition; its decision-making
progress; and its working methods. He said there was already agreement
that the Council be expanded, and Thailand believed that both permanent
and non-permanent categories must be expanded, with the proviso that
new permanent members include developing countries. While attaching
importance to equitable geographical distribution, he also felt that
new permanent members must have the ability and desire to share and
make contributions, financially and politically, to the United Nations.
By this criteria, he believed that Japan was a worthy candidate to
be a new permanent member.
said that to the overwhelming majority of the United Nations, the
heart of the problem was the modification of the veto, and
whether new permanent members should be accorded veto power.
With the sole exception of the permanent five members of the Council,
Member States found the veto and its present practise outdated
and unacceptable, as it ran counter to the democratic character of
the United Nations. On this issue, he asked why the permanent five
needed to retain their veto power in the present form?
way of moving forward on the issue of the size and composition of
the Security Council was to find a formula that ensured greater equity
in the Councilís expansion. As to the issue of the veto, it
was a question of recognizing and modernizing oneís moral and political
responsibility. Responsibility here meant that those who had the veto
must demonstrate their willingness to limit its use. The last and
maybe the most important factor was leadership, more specifically
leadership of the permanent five. Given their privileged position,
it was incumbent upon them to exercise the leadership that was expected
of them if they really wished the Security Council reform to move
PAOLILLO (Uruguay) said that while there was a unity of purpose on
how to achieve the objectives of the Member States regarding Council
reform, they had been incapable, after so many long and difficult
negotiations, of reaching an agreement. It was clear that a profound
understanding of the problem had been made and that some progress
in the elaboration of rules on practices and methods of work of the
Council had been seen. His Government did not regard this failure
as a cause for discouragement. Uruguay would persist in trying to
reform the Council to adapt to todayís needs and realities, as well
as to make it more representative, more democratic, more responsible
and more transparent.
he said the seven years of negotiations and debates had been intellectually
enriching but sterile in producing results. He believed that it was
pointless to insist on increasing the number of permanent members.
Although the intrinsic value of such proposals might be good, it was
necessary to acknowledge that they no longer served any purpose. The
time had come to explore new avenues and devise new formulas, he said.
Whatever formula was submitted must respect certain basic principles,
notably sovereign equality of States. The existence of unequal institutions
in an intergovernmental body conspired against the proper functioning
of the institution.
veto, he said, had never been used to respond to the collective
interest of the international community, but only to satisfy the national
interests of the permanent members. He called for eliminating, or
at least regulating, its use. The second principle his country assigned
great importance to was the representative character of the Council.
In closing, he said reforms should not impact the Councilís effectiveness.
Moreover, the lessons of the last seven years called for a more realistic
and flexible attitude.
ALBERT LEWIS (Antigua and Barbuda), speaking on behalf of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM), said his group supported, by and large, the position
of the Non-Aligned Movement in regard to a balance that would include
both developed and developing countries. It remained open to negotiations,
emphasizing that the underlying motivation be based on the principle
of equitable representation. The contentious veto-item was
directly linked to the matter of increasing the Council's membership.
The CARICOMís fundamental view was that the veto was anachronistic
and anti-democratic and should therefore be abolished. For the time
being, a restriction on the use of the veto to issues falling
under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter could be considered.
reviews regarding the composition and functions of the Council could
have great merit, he said. Some of the Group's States had proposed
it should happen every 15 years. "While engaging in this exercise
for a more democratic and effective Council, we must likewise explore
to its fullest extent the role of the General Assembly under the United
Nations Charter in strengthening international peace and security",
B. JARBUSSYNOVA (Kazakhstan) said the debate on this issue had been
going on for too long, for nearly seven years, no responsible collective
decision had been taken. The working group had failed to work out
a unanimous approach on a package of reforms, including the question
of equitable geographical distribution and the increase in the membership
of the Security Council. Kazakhstan still believed the Council must
be more representative, and its work more accountable and more transparent.
Kazakhstan supported an increase in both permanent and non-permanent
members, on the basis of equitable geographical distribution and respect
of the sovereign equality of all Member States of the United Nations.
supported the inclusion of Germany and Japan as permanent members
of the Council, taking into consideration the substantial contribution
they made to the United Nations budget, as well as their significant
role in many activities of the United Nations. There should also be
permanent Council membership for designated major developing countries
of Asia, Africa and Latin America as well as an increase in the number
of non-permanent members. The use of veto, like any other provision
of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, must be linked to the
principle of accountability.
DELACROIX BAKONIARIVO (Madagascar) said while it was true that the
Security Council could be congratulated in some ways, for example,
for the increase in public meetings and information sessions at the
end of meetings, substantial issues, such as the size and composition
of the Security Council and the right of veto continued to
worry and frustrate the majority of delegations, including his. The
reinforcement of the Councilís credibility by basic reforms needed
to be founded on the principles of democracy, the sovereign equality
of States and equitable geographical representation. Like the majority
of Member States, his believed that the maintenance of the status
quo would only have a detrimental effect on the functioning of the
Council, and would risk engendering a crisis of confidence in the
capacity of the Organization to preserve the collective security system
established by the Charter.
delegation, taking into account the changes in the international landscape
since the creation of the United Nations, believed that the number
of permanent and non-permanent seats should be enlarged. In that context,
Africa, which represented not only the majority of Member States,
but also the majority of questions debated at the Council, should
be better represented. This new millennium should see an Africa who
did not just submit to the decisions of the Council, but who acted
as a responsible actor in the maintenance of international peace and
security. If African States had more responsibility in the maintenance
of international peace and security by becoming members of the Council,
it would favour the spread of the culture of peace on the continent.
right of veto was one of the more complex questions regarding
the Security Council, he said. Many were opposed to the maintenance
of this instrument. His delegation considered it urgent to rethink
this practice. His country believed that the proposition that a State
explain to the General Assembly the reasons behind the use of the
veto on a draft resolution merited being examined.
ERDOS (Hungary) said that Hungaryís position on the reform of the
Security Council had been laid out in both its national statements
as well as joint declarations delivered by the "Group of 10", of which
Hungary was part. A Council capable of carrying out its responsibilities
effectively was of utmost importance to the international community.
It had been said and repeated over and over that in order to achieve
this aim, the Council needed to reflect the new political and economic
realities of the world, one that operated in a more democratic and
transparent manner and, hence, enjoyed wider support among the Member
States and greater legitimacy in the eyes of the worldís peoples.
supported the enlargement of the Security Council in both categories
of membership, he said. An increase in the number of permanent members
of the Council by adding to it industrialized countries and countries
of Africa, Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean would better reflect
the changed international political and economic landscape and reinforce
the credibility of this important decision-making body. The growing
membership of the United Nations equally justified the efforts to
increase the number of non- permanent members.
regretted that, in spite of some progress, the Working Group entrusted
with the question of Council reform was unable to reach an agreement
on the major issues before it. Since United Nations reform could not
be complete without the reform of the Security Council, it was his
intention to join other delegations in pushing for further efforts
which could, through practical and realistic steps, lead to solutions
to those outstanding issues.
ZBOGAR (Slovenia) said he supported enlarging the Council in both
overall membership and in the number of permanent and non-permanent
members. However, some States were not ready to take a final position
on the Council's size and composition. Exchange of views should continue
and intensify, with the Assembly President taking an active role.
Before a final decision was made on enlarging the non-permanent membership,
careful calculation should ensure adequate and equitable geographic
representation of all regional groups, particularly of the East European
Group, whose membership had doubled in the past few years. Council
reform was not simply a matter of enlargement, he continued. Questions
about working methods, transparency and decision-making must also
be addressed, including with regard to the veto. While there
had been improvements lately in all those areas, further steps could
be taken. More missions should be undertaken as tools of preventive
diplomacy. The Secretariat should assist in creating a unified policy
of transparency to benefit the general membership. The scope and use
of the veto should be limited to satisfy both the Organization's
larger membership and those who continued having use of the right.
he said, the aim of reform should be kept in mind, particularly with
regard to working methods and transparency. Making the Council more
representative, more legitimate and more efficient was desirable.
Amending the Charter, however, was a most sensitive issue for the
Organization. It was wiser to intensify discussions and negotiations
than to rush into quick solutions.
NIEHAUS (Costa Rica) said that Council reform was essential to the
future of the United Nations. Its success determined whether humanity
would have an efficient, democratic, egalitarian and just instrument
for the maintenance of peace and international security. Costa Rica
was firmly committed to true reform and revitalization of the Council.
While he was aware of limitations, obstacles and uncertainty regarding
the operation of the Council, the serious difficulties encountered
in peacekeeping missions in Sierra Leone and in East Timor must be
confronted. The Councilís ineffectiveness was attributable to the
fact that the present structure did not reflect the current composition
of the international community, nor the present distribution of power
Rica believed that the Council must reflect the new realities of international
politics in a globalized and interdependent world, he said. The Security
Council must express not only the military capacity of the international
community, but also its economic influence and moral authority. He
called for an increase in the number of members of the Council that
permitted greater representation of developing countries. In addition,
his Government favoured the possibility of creating new permanent
members. Nevertheless, this matter of expanding the Council was only
a secondary and subsidiary aspect in the process of reform and revitalization
of the organ. Many of its shortcomings were the result of flaws in
its working methods, its procedures, its decision- making and its
abuse of the right of veto.
must be limits on the right of veto, he said, adding that the
Council must not take over functions that belonged to the General
Assembly or the Economic and Social Council. Reform should also involve
investments in development, education, health, human rights and democracy,
because they represented a direct investment in future peace. While
some countries were pessimistic about reform, Costa Rica maintained
that it was still possible to achieve positive results.
ORELLANA MERCADO (Honduras) said Council reform was one of the most
important matters that the General Assembly would address. The United
Nations had been created in response to the necessity of safeguarding
peace after the devastation following the second world war. His country
believed that fundamental human rights, the protection of freedom
and social justice could be enjoyed only when there was peace, security
and socio-economic development. Those considerations must be viewed
seriously and responsibly in the reform of the Council. The Government
of Honduras said, if there was no general agreement, reform must increase
the number of non-permanent members. In doing so, there must be a
consensus among regional groups to guarantee just geographical and
the Open-ended Working Group had not completed its consultations was
an indication of the many problems still existing on which consensus
was required, he said. While it was necessary to satisfy the short-term
aspirations of the international community, the Working Group must
continue to work in strengthening the United Nations and making it
capable of responding to crises caused by man or nature. There must
be broader representation of peoples and nations and a more just and
equitable representation in the discussions and decisions of the United
Nations. In closing, he expressed solidarity with the statement of
Egypt on behalf of the Non-aligned Movement and drew attention to
the Millennium Declaration, which put forward comprehensive reform
of the Security Council in all its aspects.
MABILANGAN (Philippines) said that the Open-ended Working Group remained
the sole deliberative body on Security Council reform. Unfortunately,
however, while recognizing some progress on cluster II issues, discussions
on cluster I issues were slow if not completely stalled. All of the
members of the United Nations should strive to bridge the chasm that
divided the Working Group. The perpetuation of the status quo would
only serve the interests of the permanent five. The Philippines believed
that the Council must become truly representative of the aspirations,
values and hopes of all the countries of the world to remain credible
in the eyes of all. That would mean three things: the expansion of
its membership in both permanent and non-permanent categories, transparency
in its working methods and democracy in the decision-making process.
international community, particularly the permanent five, must deal
with the question of the veto, or all the intended reforms
in the Council would be rendered meaningless, if not totally unattainable.
In fact, as some delegations had pointed out, a compromise on the
veto would be a watershed for the other questions of reform,
particularly the expansion of permanent membership. Perhaps a formula
could be discovered for compromise by simultaneously meeting the concerns
about the veto and the need to expand the permanent membership
of the Council. Pragmatic solutions were within reach, if only the
international community worked towards them.
AHMAD (Pakistan) said the Council had been set up as an oligarchy
of five permanent members, the rest given voice as non-permanent members
serving two-year terms on a rotating basis. The only change since
1945 had been the addition of five non-permanent memberships in the
mid-1980s. The Council, however, must be constructively and collectively
reformed in keeping with the global trend to promote democracy, participation,
transparency and accountability. The principle of the equality and
sovereignty of States must be the guiding spirit of the reform, he
continued. There was no dissent over increasing the Council's non-permanent
membership, but a small minority, seeking to promote their own narrow
national interests, had blocked progress on the question. Increasing
the permanent Council seats would not meet the legitimate need of
small- and medium-size States to participate in the Council. Some
States wanted an exalted status on the Council because of their high
rates of assessed contributions, as if permanent membership was available
to the highest bidder, while others wanted it based on geographical
representation. Only Africa was eligible for that collective choice,
the other claims being narrow by definition and driven by ambitions
for power and status.
said there was no clear description of what aspirants to permanent
Council seats were after. Was there a new concept planned of a second-class
permanent membership without a veto? Regional permanent seats
on a rotational basis with the veto had also been put forward.
Could the general membership be asked to support expansion in the
permanent category without knowing what was being supported? At how
many members did regional permanent membership stop?
years of debate had shown no agreement on permanent membership, he
said. The position of the Non-Aligned Movement should be embraced.
The non- permanent category should be expanded, which would meet the
general membership's major demand. Similarly, since the veto
was the primary obstacle to a truly democratic Council, and progress
on that issue was also blocked by a minority of States, in the short
term it should be restricted to actions under Chapter VII. In the
long term, it should be eliminated, since it was obsolete.
YUSOF AHMAD (Malaysia) said one of the most pivotal aspects of the
reform of the United Nations was the modernization of the Security
Council. Indeed, during the Millennium Summit, world leaders had resolved
to intensify efforts to achieve a comprehensive reform of the Council
in all its aspects. It was therefore the shared responsibility of
Member States to translate that commitment into reality. Embarking
on such reform would entail the search for a more representative,
democratic, transparent and efficient Council. In fact the Open-ended
Working Group had discussed many proposals, from a new Council composition,
to the question of the veto. Clearly, ideas and proposals were
not what was lacking; rather it was the necessary political will to
propel the reform process forward to a successful conclusion.
went on to say that there was a clear desire to enlarge Council membership
to reflect the dramatic increase in United Nations membership. It
was important to note that expansion should take into account the
legitimate interests of developing countries -- the largest majority
within the United Nations -- which under the Council's present structure
were grossly under- represented. His delegation supported expansion
of the Council in both permanent and non-permanent categories. If
there was no agreement on expansion of the permanent membership, in
the meantime, the Council should be enlarged in the nonpermanent category.
the necessary reform, he continued, the Council would remain an anachronistic
institution which reflected the outdated realities of the immediate
post-World War II era. The existence of the veto had rendered
the Council undemocratic in its decision-making processes. The veto
had been at the core of the Council's inaction in the face of crisis
situations in Bosnia, the African Great Lakes Region and Kosovo. He
hoped that some creative way of managing the veto, pending
its eventual elimination, would be embraced by the permanent members.
MOCHOCHOKO (Lesotho) said that while there was general agreement on
the need for systematic changes, consensus continued to elude Member
States on the scope and content of the reform process. Nowhere was
that more evident than in the case of the Security Council, the most
powerful body within the United Nations system. In spite of some significant
improvements in certain areas of its work, the Council was still seen
as unrepresentative of the general membership of the United Nations,
unaccountable for its activities and far less effective than it could
said it was thus not surprising that developing countries, which comprised
the majority of the Organization's membership, continued to complain
about the Council's bias, lack of transparence and pursuit of regional
or political interests to the detriment of the wider membership. Those
complaints continued to cast doubts on the sincerity of the permanent
member's efforts to reform the Council. It was therefore important
for today's debate to provide a strategically outlined road map for
the future work of the Open Ended Working Group. This was not just
an opportunity to identify solutions, he added. Above all, it was
time for a rededication to the spirit of dialogue necessary to reach
required compromises for building a more effective and representative
challenge, he continued, was to find a balance between the imperatives
of true representation in the Council on one hand, and ensuring that
body was not rendered ineffective or unwieldy on the other. The solution
to that complex problem lay in reconciling the inherent tensions between
effectiveness and legitimacy in the Council. His delegation's view,
one shared by many others, favoured increasing regional representation
in both categories -- for the under- represented people of Africa,
Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean -- in accordance with the principle
of equitable geographical distribution. Among African delegations,
the position was well known that the Continent should be allocated
no fewer than two permanent seats on the Council. The Council's composition
should also reflect today's economic realities. Thus, the bid for
permanent seats by Japan and Germany, major players in the global
economy and, respectively, the second and third largest contributors
to the United Nations, could not be ignored. He added that the Working
Group must also identify ways to deal with the issue of the veto.
The cold war era was a grim reminder of how the veto could
paralyse the Council.
NEJAD HOSSEINIAN (Iran) said the impasse or lack of progress in the
expansion of permanent membership of the Council should be viewed
as a direct product of the enormous importance of the issue and not
perceived as obstructionism. If agreement was not reached on the expansion
of permanent membership, then the expansion should be limited, for
the present, to the non- permanent seats. The process of reform should
not be subject to any predetermined and superficial timetable. Any
attempt to impose a premature, hasty decision would run the risk of
harming the very delicate process that was so important to all Member
States. The Open-ended Working Group, with the same format and rules
of procedure, continued to be the appropriate forum in which to pursue
the efforts at reform.
to the importance of the Councilís reform, and while respecting the
principle of equality of all Member States, all efforts should be
made to reach the broadest possible agreement, he said. The membership
of the Council should be expanded to at least 26, so that the developing
world could be better represented. The opinion of the vast majority
regarding the veto as an undemocratic instrument should be
heeded. The general support for limiting and curtailing the use of
the veto, with a view to its eventual elimination, must explicitly
be reflected in the final outcome of the Working Group.
A. MORALES (Panama) said that all who had spoken on this issue had
emphasized that seven years had been spent on the consideration of
Security Council reform. It was necessary to face the remaining obstacles
head on and hold frank discussions. Panama had appealed to Member
States to agree that the Security Council needed to be more democratic,
more transparent and congruent with the interests and aspirations
of the international community. The composition of the Council must
be more equitable and representative; however, it was essential that
the increase in membership did not increase inefficiency.
attached great importance to the report of the Working Group on this
matter and welcomed the recommendation that the Assembly decide the
means by which the Working Group would continue its work. He pointed
out that the balance of power of 1945, a bi-polar world, no longer
existed. The veto had lead to the permanent five avoiding their
responsibilities when it was in their national interest to do so.
The atavistic veto was an obsession that had no place in a
globalized world. Partiality could also lead to paralysis. Work should
continue on the reform of the Security Council, beginning with issues
of broad support and using a step-by-step approach regarding more
controversial aspects of reform.
LARA-CASTRO (Paraguay) said that it was necessary to democratize the
Security Council and come up with a new system which would renew confidence
in it. Reform was a democratic and representative choice, but could
not be viable unless the international community asserted political
will that would guarantee broader geographical representation and
restrain those who decided world policy on the basis of the veto
and hegemonic interests. While there was a multiplicity of views and
the matter was complex, there was an awareness that reform could not
lag behind in a world where there were accelerating changes in the
the Security Council could be seen as ambitious, he said. The resistance
of some countries made it difficult to reach compromises. The delay
in the adoption of a decision on the future composition of the Security
Council was of great concern to Paraguay. Its enlargement could not
be postponed. The gradual process of democratization must begin with
an increase in both categories of members, including developed and
developing countries, giving consideration to the fact that the latter
were under-represented. The fundamental objective of the Security
Council must be to rectify this under- representation. The veto
rights of permanent members should be gradually eliminated. The veto
was sometimes seen as an inherent asset of the great Powers, so those
who did not enjoy the right of veto must at least implement
a control mechanism which would limit the arbitrary use of that privilege.
H. CASTELLON DUARTE (Nicaragua) said that, at the Millennium Summit,
statements had emphasized that it was essential to intensify the effort
to reach a comprehensive reform of the Security Council in all its
aspects. Ever since the Working Group had been created, many opinions
had been heard. After seven years, there was still no clarity about
which reforms could be adopted. The General Assembly was the appropriate
forum to continue to discuss the matter, but it was essential to show
flexibility and political will so that the Security Council could
be adapted to the modern age and granted greater legitimacy. That
would ensure that all States would feel truly represented in this
supported the enlargement of the Security Council due to the large
increase of members of the United Nations since 1945, he said. He
agreed that the enlargement must take place both in the permanent
and non-permanent categories, and that due consideration be given
to geographical distribution. He said that he only supported an increase
in non-permanent members if it was not possible within the permanent
said that five new members must be added to both permanent and non-
permanent categories. The total number of seats must not exceed 25.
Nicaragua supported the nomination of Japan and Germany, as well as
the geographical representation of regional groups. He added that
new permanent members must enjoy the same rights, such as the veto.
Denying new permanent members the veto right would create a
third category of States, create confusion and exacerbate the existing
inequalities within the United Nations.
N. MWAKAWAGO (United Republic of Tanzania) said Africa needed special
consideration when it came to expansion of the Council. It was the
continent with the largest number of Member States in the United Nations.
On the right of permanent members to exercise the veto, he
said the same privilege should be extended to any new permanent members
who would join the Council. The issues of expansion and veto
were integral parts of a common package. As a first step, the exercise
of the veto in the expanded Council should be restricted to
issues considered critical for the maintenance of international peace
said lack of action on the issue of Council reform would send the
wrong signal to the international community. The Assembly could not
back-pedal on an issue that was clearly stated during the Millennium
Summit. Any continuing failure to fulfil the aspirations of the majority
will only generate disillusionment and undermine the very ideals and
institutions we seek to promote, he said. He wondered if there would
be any incentive to the Working Group to proceed with the deliberations.
SERKSNYS (Lithuania) recalled that, at the Millennium Summit, a majority
of Member States had raised their voices for reform of the Security
Council. The fundamental principle for Lithuania on that issue was
to find compromises acceptable to all. The Council must be enlarged
in both categories, while retaining the current ratio of one permanent
member for every two non- permanent members. Each regional group must
be given a new non-permanent seat, and in this regard, Lithuania would
insist that the group of Eastern European States -- which had doubled
in size over the last decade -- be given at least one additional non-permanent
said that any new permanent seats should be allocated to industrialized
and developing countries proving to be key players of their regions,
and whose input into the maintenance of security and stability was
indispensable. On the veto, he said it was undemocratic in
principle and, therefore, the main obstacle to Council reform. The
veto right must be curtailed and eventually abolished.