State Murder 2, Section 1
(1)
CORRESPONDENCE
TO WILLIE PENROSE T.D.
1) Three page letter dated
Wednesday 25.09.02 to Willie Penrose T.D., with enclosures.
a) Covering letter dated Wednesday 18.09.02 to the Irish Examiner, Cork (one page);
b) A Nice Treaty referendum submission
to the Irish Examiner, Cork (two
pages);
c) Letter dated Monday 22.04.02 to Sir
Steuart Pringle (three pages);
d) Letter dated Monday 13.05.02 to Sir
Steuart Pringle (two pages);
e) A one page item titled “POINTS”.
2) A one page letter dated
(Wednesday) 02.10.02 from Willie Penrose T.D.
1
(LETTER
OF WEDNESDAY 25.09.02 TO WILLIE PENROSE TD)
474
Galtymore Road,
Drimnagh,
Dublin 12.
Wednesday 25.09.02
Dear Deputy Penrose,
Further to my letter of 10 September, forwarded to the following Labour Party
parliamentarians: 1) Brendan Howlin T.D., Deputy Party Leader; 2) Roisin
Shortall T.D.; 3) Willie Penrose T.D.; 4) Pat Rabbitte T.D.
My thanks go to Deputy Brendan Howlin and Deputy Roisin Shortall for the kindness
of a reply. Willie Penrose T.D. and Pat Rabbitte T.D. did not acknowledge.
To the latter two named Deputies I say, in respect of the security services –
to which my case is largely concerned, silence is not golden, it is deadly.
My original letter asked that I would be granted a meeting where documents
could be transferred that give historic and chronological background to my
case.
Thereafter it was hoped that you would adopt
my case in a personal capacity and give it public elevation. That request
remains.
Your names were not picked out of a hat. One was obviously aware of your
current party political ambitions (seeking election for party leader and/or
deputy party leader of the Labour Party) and the fact that you are all
politicians of national standing.
That was one reason for my writing to you. Another is because my case concerns
national issues of a political and security sensitivity of major proportions.
It is not a local or a constituency case.
Given its nature, there may be an argument for it to be taken forward within a
collective framework of Oireachtas members.
*** ***
To encourage familiarity with aspects of the case, enclosed is a proposed
advertisement on the Nice Treaty referendum forwarded early last Wednesday
(18.09.02) to the Irish Examiner in
Cork. A covering letter is attached. Do read it.
A few short hours after its posting I entered a shop, following a well
rehearsed routine, where I met a man known to me. His more usual practice is to
head nod or hello and pass on. This day he gave me time. He told me that nearly
every day he goes out he hears of somebody he knows who has died. He said a lot
of his friends had died recently. He then adds the next to die could be
himself; or me....
This man, in respect of my person, did some historic odd-jobbing on behalf of
the security services. However, he has been – so to speak – unemployed for some (time) up to today.
Yes, I do believe I was being reminded of my mortality in that usual inimitable
easy deniable double-talk way so beloved by national security agencies.
The man did once admit to working for the security services in the past (before
my knowing him). His admission was logged.
In registering this I do so to educate. In theatrical terms the above effort is
in the Mickey Mouse category. Far worse offerings have come my way in the past
and have been treated with contempt.
The advertisement submitted to the Irish
Examiner early last Wednesday received no return up to yesterday afternoon
(Tuesday 24.09.02). Being concerned with the delay I telephoned the advertising
department of the newspaper, speaking to a lady who informed me the submission
had not been received. Within minutes another copy was winging itself to Cork
by registered post.
Could it be bad luck or is somebody trying to work a flanker? A double flanker
(something else happened)? Censorship?
*** ***
Enclosed are two letters respectively dated Monday 22.04.02 and Monday
13.05.02, forwarded to Sir Steuart Pringle, a former Commandant General of the
Royal Marines, who had a leg blown off up to the knee in an IRA car bomb
explosion in London in autumn 1981. The point of the exercise is that the
explosive used in the autumn 1981 series of IRA London bombings came from the
infamous Pangbourne (Berkshire) arms cache, a hoard compromised from at least
end year 1980. The operations were allowed to proceed in order to protect an
informer.
Deaths and serious injuries resulted from the bombings.
I have documentation that will support these extremely serious charges. The
Irish services are aware of my understanding.
Would you remain silent and defer to convention if the blood of your own family
was so callously shed?
*** ***
The final enclosure is a brief item of one page which goes under the heading of
POINTS. Again I have documentation to
support the claims made. Don’t just accept my word for it. You have a choice of
two things: you can read the documents or put the position privately to the
Minister for Justice. He can request confirmation from the relevant security
agency. Further details on this matter can be transmitted orally.
After a reading of this letter and the enclosures, would you please review the
position of giving personal attention to the case?
For anything sincerely done I will be grateful.
*** ***
Re. my proposed advertisement on the Nice Treaty referendum submitted to the Irish Examiner. Would you lend your
voice to the said newspaper’s editor to ensure publication, notwithstanding
your own Party’s position on the referendum? Full disclosure is a prerequisite
for an informed democratic choice by
the Irish people.
Copies of this letter (and enclosures) will be made available to other T.D.’s.
Yours sincerely
Seán Kelly
Willie Penrose T.D.
The Labour Party,
Dail Eireann,
Kildare Street,
Dublin 2.
Fig 1
ENCLOSURES
(1A)
(Letter of Wednesday 18.09.02 to the Irish Examiner)
Seán Kelly.
474 Galtymore Road,
Drimnagh,
Dublin 12.
Wednesday 18.09.02
Dear Sir or Madam,
Please find attached a proposed advertisement (notice) for placing in your
newspaper, The Irish Examiner.
To be of benefit the advertisement needs to be of some magnitude. Therefore I
ask how much would a quarter page placing cost?
The full cost of the advertisement is to be met by myself. If your newspaper
would allow for a concessionary charge, this would be appreciated.
The proposed date for the placement is a few days after the announcement of the
date for the Nice Treaty referendum by the government.
In the past your newspaper carried a smaller scale advertisement in similar
terms – see Examiner, Saturday
05.09.98 (page 33).
Documents supporting the claims made in the proposed advertisement can be made
available on loan to your editor, Mr. Tim Vaughan, should he request same.
With thanks.
Yours sincerely,
Seán Kelly.
The Manager.
Classified Advertisements,
The Irish Examiner,
Cork.
Fig 1a
(1B)
NICE TREATY REFERENDUM
(A Private Notice)
Some of those advocating a ‘No’ vote in the Nice Treaty referendum say that
acceptance of the Treaty will weaken Ireland’s ‘neutral’ status.
They are wrong.
The Government and larger political parties, supported by other groups and
individuals, advocating a ‘Yes’ vote in the referendum say that the Treaty will
not alter our ‘neutral’ status.
They are correct.
The simple truth is that Ireland is not neutral and never has been. We have
never corresponded to the protocols demanded of a neutral nation in that we
have never fulfilled the criterion of due diligence in maintaining the
inviolability of our territory and national sovereignty.
In conflicts such as World War II and the Gulf War of January 1991, Ireland
actively sided respectively with the Allies and the United States led coalition
forces.
Near the end of World War II we allowed the Allies to build a radar station on
our west coast. Currently, among other grants to NATO defence, Ireland allows a
military-intelligence function to be performed by the Mount Gabriel radar
station in west Cork. In September 1982, at the time of the Irish National
Liberation Army (INLA) bombing of the the Mount Gabriel station, I lived
directly below the complex. Prior to the bombing of the radar domes, at the
time of entry of the INLA team into the area for the bombing of the radar
domes, and following the bombing of the radar domes, I was held under close
order surveillance by national and non-national intelligence agencies acting in
concert.
Subsequently, while abroad, conspiracies to kill me were put into effect by
non-national intelligence agencies. The prime mover was an agency of the United
States of America – this as a consequence of happenings in west Cork.
Before you cast your referendum vote, please put to the Government through your
local representatives the following questions:
*) Why was an Irish
citizen placed under surveillance in west Cork by non-national security
agencies before, during and after the INLA bombing of the Mount Gabriel radar
domes?
*) Why should foreign
security agencies have a concern for and an interest in the Mount Gabriel radar
complex?
*) Who was it who gave
sanction for the unlawful facilitation by the Irish security services of that
extra-territorial surveillance?
How you vote in the Nice Treaty referendum is a personal choice. I only ask
that you determine what the truth is before making your mind up.
Seán Kelly, 474 Galtymore Road, Drimnagh, Dublin 12.
(Note: The editor and senior management of the Irish Examiner refused to accept the
above notice.)
Fig 1b
(1C)
(Letter of 22.04.02 to Sir Steuart Pringle)
Seán Kelly.
474 Galtymore Road,
Drimnagh,
Dublin 12,
Ireland.
Monday 22.04.02
Dear Sir Steuart Pringle,
This letter is written in hope and aspiration. In the hope that it will get to
you and you will have an interest in what I have to say.
Though our paths have never crossed and we are unknown to each other, we share
something in common: namely, our respective lives have been touched by the
(Irish) Troubles.
The dreadful injuries suffered by you in 1981 has been given due publicity,
happenings to me have not. Because your great loss was suffered at the hands of
the IRA, the world knows the basic facts of how you were so cruelly injured.
Because events that overtook me were largely at the instigation of two national
intelligence agencies, my case is unknown.
Years ago a United States intelligence agency working in cooperation with a
British counterpart twice put into effect an attempt to murder me while abroad.
If theoretically the respective forces who deemed us inimical are polar
opposites, they coalesce in one particular regard – both will stoop to kill.
For all that, only one side of the equation is subject to the law.
I am fighting to change that and need support to do so. After a reading of what
follows, you may wish to join in a public exposition of my case, if for no
other reason than what it discloses about your own tragic experience.
Firstly, I am not and never have been a member of the IRA or any other
republican organisation or movement. State interest in me came about as a
consequence of a perception that I had republican attachment and involvement at
the highest level. There was a tangential basis for holding to the possibility
of my having IRA/republican association. It was a profoundly mistaken belief.
Because of a particular personal sensitivity, I became aware of this interest.
And, too, I became aware of understanding of a highly sensitive
political-security nature. In time aspects of this understanding was imparted
to a (British) member of parliament.
Following the meeting with the member of parliament, I went abroad (1983). It
was during this period that the attempts to murder were put into effect.
The aforesaid year, 1983, will inform how long I have been fighting this case.
Because of its political and security sensitivity, there is a strong and
reasoned basis for believing it to be subject to an Official Secrets
Act/Defence Notice proscription in Britain.
Some part of the common ground we share is that the republican group to which
it was mistakenly believed I had connection, is the same group which carried
out the autumn 1981 series of London bombings, actions which saw three people
killed and others seriously injured, including your good self.
You will indubitably know much about that bombing campaign. It is what you do
not know that will, one suspects, shock you.
That particular IRA bombing mission, like some other operations before and
after, was compromised from the outset. The respective state security agencies,
Irish and British, had advance knowledge of the operation, the location of an
established arms cache, the transfer of additional munitions from Ireland to
England prior to the commencement of the bombings, the personnel involved – and
where they were living, but sought not to interdict the operation. It was
policy to allow the bombings to proceed.
This was so in order to protect an informer of high standing in the IRA. Those
who died, those who were injured – like you, were in all but name sacrificial
lambs set up for slaughter. In another context, it was the same for me.
This is probably the greatest and most damning untold story of the modern day Troubles. The ramifications are truly
appalling.
I survived the cull. Though manifestly injured, so did you.
My bald presentation of matters will likely come as a shock to you. It may well
anger you. Upon reflection you may wish to know more.
It is in that regard I make the following proposal. I have what is known as an
information pack – a loose assembly of compilations offering a historical and
chronological presentation of my case. It in part refers to the autumn 1981
series of London bombings. In other areas, in support of claims, corroborative
documents are provided.
The reason for making this information available is in order to establish the
veracity of who I am and the integrity of my claims. The documents are of long
standing and are the returns of extensive research over years.
These items can be forwarded to you by registered delivery, should you request
them. After a reading, you may wish to advance to a reading of other documents
which unfold in a personalised and detailed way evidential background to
support the claims set out in this communication and the information pack.
The content of the latter documents is highly sensitive and must of necessity
be subject to special precautions. They will not be transmitted through a
postal or electronic system and can only be read, by agreed arrangement, in my
presence.
All that is at this time a hurdle too far.
The content of this letter is given to you in trust that its confidentiality
will be respected. That confidentiality can be relaxed at a future moment
should you wish to go forward with this matter.
Yours sincerely,
Seán Kelly.
Lt. Gen. Sir Steuart Pringle, KCB., Bt.
76 South Croxted Road,
Dulwich,
London SE21 8BD,
England.
Fig 1c
(1D)
(Letter of 13.05.02 to Sir Steuart Pringle)
Seán Kelly.
474 Galtymore Road,
Drimnagh,
Dublin 12,
Ireland.
Monday 13.05.02
Dear Sir Steuart Pringle,
Following from my letter to you of the 22nd ultimo, once more I write to add to
your store of knowledge on matters highlighted. I do so because it is my
understanding that the relevant Irish security agency has been made aware of my
letter to you, at least in general terms if not in detail. No doubt they came
to know this through a fraternal transfer from their British counterpart (MI5).
The content of my letter(s) to you is, on receipt, yours to advance in the
fashion you best judge. That is your prerogative. I am obliged to accept that.
Given our different backgrounds, the directions we take are likely to represent
our respective upbringing and traditions. Your way will probably be not one jot
less defensible than my own; and, who knows, maybe more efficacious. Not
knowing what you have done, I judge that your intentions are considered and
honourable. That being so, one wishes you God speed and success in those endeavours.
The specifics in my previous communication had in the main to do with you, the
injuries you received and why, if not how, they came about.
You know that three people were killed in the autumn 1981 series of IRA London
bombings and many more again received injuries – some, like yourself, serious.
The first attack was the detonation of a car bomb on Saturday 10 October as a
coach of Irish Guards was being driven along Ebury Bridge Road to Chelsea
Barracks. Two civilians died and 35 were injured, including many of the
guardsmen.
“That particular IRA bombing mission, like some other operations before and
after, was compromised from the outset....” – my letter to you, 22 April 2002.
Another compromised operation allowed to proceed without interdiction were the
20 July 1982 actions known as the Hyde Park and Regents Park bombings. Eleven
soldiers died, four from the Household Cavalry and seven from the band of the
Royal Green Jackets.
The latter regiments, like the Irish guardsmen injured on the 10 October 1981,
are your comrades, if no longer your comrades in arms. Like you, they too were
considered expendable.
Unlike you, those who died and their families, and those who were injured, have
no voice – they do not know what you have learned. You have voice and position.
I ask that you will show leadership, not merely on your own behalf, but in the
interest of others.
When you have found your ground, please make this a public issue. That is the
only way to preclude a possible future repetition of events and secure the
grant of justice for those so gravely wronged and forsaken.
In placing the July 1982 IRA London bombings alongside those of autumn 1981 and
painting them into the same broad picture, I add that one event does not
entirely mirror-image the other. There are parallels and differences. I have
given understanding rather than explanation.
The latter requires the reading of lengthy presentations for a deeper
appreciation. In that regard, the offer made in my earlier letter still stands.
However, one parallel piece of information that can be divulged in respect of
the autumn 1981 and July 1982 London bombings, is that the stores that fed both
of these operations came from the Pangbourne (Berkshire) arms cache. There was
allusion to this in my first letter.
Notwithstanding the fact that the names of the IRA active service unit
responsible for the July 1982 Hyde Park and Regents Park bombings were
contemporaneously known to the Irish and British security services, no member
of the team was ever charged with the offences.
Yours sincerely,
Seán Kelly.
Lt. Gen. Sir Steuart Pringle KCB, Bt.
76 South Croxted Road,
Dulwich,
London SE21 8BD.
Fig 1d
(1E)
“POINTS”
a) Attempts were made by British and Irish security agencies to employ children
born in England, of which I am the father, to advantage. The purpose was to
appease, to control, to silence. It was an extraordinary effort to achieve at
potentially embarrassing times a buy off.
b) Attempts to gain knowledge of the children, born in mid-1960’s and early
1970’s, through a private tracing agency were, I judge, intruded upon by state
interests. Work done by the agency time and again hit the outer rings of the target
but never the bulls eye. Apart from paying a modest deposit at the outset, no
bill was presented. The agency waived charges. I have long put that down to my
good looks.
(Other independent efforts to achieve knowledge of or make contact with the
children were also, I judge, intruded upon.)
c) In years past I received by side door/back door routes (all easily deniable)
encouragement to make application through a solicitor for compensation. It is
believed the amount involved would not be less than the highest award made by
the state to an individual.
Seán Kelly
Fig 1e
(2) (Closing letter from Willie Penrose
T.D.)
Next:
State Murder 2 Section 2
