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الدبلوماسية الكوردستانية.. نجاحات وتقدم - طريق التآخي


[14-05-2006]

طريق التآخي
الدبلوماسية الكوردستانية.. نجاحات وتقدم

لم تبدأ الدبلوماسية الكوردستانية حديثا بل ما ان بدأت ثورة ايلول 1961 حتى كانت القيادة الكوردية امام واقع سياسي داخلي وخارجي وكان لا بد من بذل جهد دبلوماسي تفاوضي على صعيد القوى الوطنية في الداخل وعلى صعيد التحالفات وتبادل المصالح وتقاطعها في الخارج.
لقد استطاعت الثورة الكوردية وبتوجيهات البارزاني الراحل ان تسير بالعملية السياسية الكوردية بشكل متوازن الى جانب النجاحات التي كانت تحققها الثورة على الصعيد العسكري فكانت الحنكة العسكرية والحكمة السياسية وجهين لعملة واحدة تمثل هوية الثورة الكوردية وفي خضم شائك بالغ التعقيد في منطقة الشرق الاوسط واستطاعت الثورة الكوردية الاستمرار للفترة (1961- 1975) ولم تكن النكسة نهاية الثورة بل كانت انعطافة واعادة تنظيم وشروعا جديدا.
وما ان شرعت الانتفاضة الكوردية من جديد وبقيادتها الجديدة والمباركة من البارزاني الراحل قبل رحيله حتى بدأت العلاقات الكوردية تنتعش من جديد مع سائر المنظمات الانسانية والاحزاب السياسية المدافعة عن حقوق الانسان حتى انسحبت الحكومة المركزية من منطقة كوردستان فاصبحت القيادة الكوردية اكثر تحررا في التعبير عن قدراتها الدبلوماسية ومد العلاقات مع خارج كوردستان ومن منطلق مشرف.
ولقد عبرت الدبلوماسية الكوردستانية عن نفسها بشكل اوسع واوضح بعد ان انتخب الرئيس مسعود البارزاني رئيسا لاقليم كوردستان حيث بدأت العلاقات الرسمية تنتعش بين كوردستان والمجتمع الدولي فقد جاءت زيارة الرئيس مسعود البارزاني الى الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ودول اوربية دليلا عن مدى نضج العلاقة الدبلوماسية بين الجانبين وتأتي اليوم الزيارة التي يقوم بها الرئيس مسعود البارزاني الى الكويت والصين دليلا اخر على تطور العلاقات الدبلوماسية بين كوردستان والعالم وهنا علينا ان لا ننسى ان هذه الزيارات تتضمن تطوير العلاقات التجارية والعلمية والعمرانية مما يجعل اقليم كوردستان امام تطورات مستقبلية زاهرة.
ان فتح القنصليات في اربيل كما ان ما سيقوم به الاقليم من فتح مقيميات او ملحقيات اقليمية اينما وجدت السفارة العراقية هو بدوره باب واسع من اجل الاطلالة المباشرة بين الشعب الكوردي وشعوب العالم ومن اجل خلق علاقات انسانية ودبلوماسية رائعة بين كوردستان والعالم.
اننا نشعر بكثير من الفخر والسعادة ان نرى الجانب الكوردي في العراق قادرا على ادارة المفاوضات والتدخل في العملية السياسية بايجابية مشهود لها في العراق مما يدلل على عمق الخبرة الدبلوماسية لدى القيادة الكوردية داخليا الى جانب ما اشرنا اليه من تطور دائب في الدبلوماسية الكوردستانية على صعيد العلاقات مع المجتمع الدولي.
نتمنى ان تثمر الدبلوماسية الكوردستانية مع العالم كل الخير لصالح العراق عامة وكوردستان خاصة وان يرفل العراق الجديد عراق التعددية والديمقراطية والفدرالية بالخير والامن والوئام.


رئيس التحرير

التآخي

 

 

 

بعد ختام زيارته الى الكويت الرئيس البارزاني يلغي زيارته الى الصين ويعود الى اقليم كردستان العراق

 

17:34 , 14 May 2006]

PNA- هولير-الغى اليوم الاحد الرئيس مسعود البارزاني رئيس اقليم كردستان العراق زيارته المقررة الى الصين وعاد بعد ظهر اليوم الى اقليم كردستان بعد ختام زيارته الى دولة الكويت التي استغرقت لمدة يومين.
وأعلن الدكتور فؤاد حسين رئيس ديوان رئاسة اقليم كردستان العراق في مؤتمر صحفي عقده بمطار اربيل الدولي عقب وصول البارزاني ان البارزاني الغى زيارته الى الصين لعدم تطابق البرنامج الذي استلمه من السفير الصيني في العراق مع البرنامج الذي استلمه من السفير الصيني في الكويت.
وقال حسين: حينما كنا في اربيل تم استقبال السفير الصيني من قبل رئيس اقليم كردستان العراق واوعدنا ببرنامج مكثف واللقاء بالقيادات السياسية والحكومية في الصين ولكن عند وصولنا الكويت استلمنا برنامج اخر ولم يكن مطابقا لوعود السفيرالصيني في اربيل فلهذا تم تأجيل الزيارة الى الصين.
واوضح حسين الى ان الصين اذا قدمت برنامجا واضحا لنا وتم تثبيت اللقاءات مع القيادات السياسية والحكومية في الصين فسيتم دراسة زيارتها من قبل رئيس الاقليم مستقبلاً.
وعن نتائج زيارة البارزاني الى دولة الكويت قال رئيس دايون رئاسة الاقليم: كانت لهذه الزيارة نتائج ايجابية وتم اجراء المباحثات مع سمو امير دولة الكويت ورئيس الوزراء ورئيس مجلس الامة ووزير الخارجية ورئيس غرفة التجارة وان التعاون مع دولة الكويت سوف يكون مكثفا في المستقبل وننتظر زيارات متبادلة بين الكويت واقليم كردستان العراق.
يذكر ان رئيس اقليم كردستان العراق الرئيس مسعود البارزاني غادر يوم الجمعة المنصرم اقليم كردستان متوجها الى دولة الكويت وجمهورية الصين الشعبية على رأس وفد ضم كلا من السادة نوشيروان مصطفى نائب السكرتير العام للاتحاد الوطني الكردستاني ومسرور البارزاني وازاد برواري عضوي المكتب السياسي للحزب الديمقراطي الكردستاني وسفين دزيي مسؤول العلاقات الخارجية في الحزب الديمقراطي والدكتور فؤاد حسين رئيس ديون رئاسة اقليم كردستان والدكتورة بخشان زنكنة عضو المجلس الوطني لكردستان العراق

 

سمو أمير الكويت أستقبل السيد مسعود البرزاني

14-05-2006 / 07:40:00

لجيران ـ الكويت ـ أستقبل سموأمير الكويت الشيخ صباح الأحمد الجابر الصباح  بقصر السيف وبحضور سمو ولي العهد الشيخ نواف الاحمد الجابر الصباح  السيد مسعود البرزاني رئيس أقليم كردستان بجمهورية العراق الشقيق والوفد المرافق له

وذلك بمناسبة زيارته للبلاد. هذا وحضر المقابلة معالي وزير شؤون الديوان الاميري وسعادة وكيل الديوان الاميري وسعادة مدير مكتب حضرة صاحب السمو أمير البلاد. وكان البرزاني قد قام بزيارة الكويت في زيارة رسمية دامت يومين تعزيزا للعلاقات بين البلدين الجارين العراق والكويت .

 

لبرزاني: كل التسهيلات للاستثمارات الكويتية في كردستان .. معظم الدول العربية لم ترحب بالوضع الجديد في العراق ماعدا الكويت

14-05-2006 / 09:24:34

الجيران ـ الكويت ـ  عبر السيد مسعود البرزاني رئيس أقليم كردستان في جمهورية العراق الشقيق بعد لقائه رئيس غرفة تجارة وصناعة الكويت علي الغانم، عبر عن سعادته لزيارة الكويت، ووجه الشكر لسمو الأمير والمسؤولين الكويتيين على حسن الضيافة، وقال ان زيارته تهدف الى تقوية العلاقات الثنائيةبين البلدين  وشرح الوضع الجديد في اقليم كردستان العراق، ووصف محادثاته ب'المفيدة'

وأعلن أن وفدا كويتيا سيزور كردستان العراق، وارسال وفد من غرفة تجارة كردستان لزيارة الكويت للدخول في تفاصيل العلاقات الاقتصادية والفرص الاستثمارية والتجارية بين الطرفين، 'وسنقدم كل التسهيلات للاستثمارات الكويتية، ونأمل أن تكون استثمارات كبيرة، وهذا سيكون له تأثير كبير على العلاقات بين البلدين'.

الحكومة مسألة وقت :
وتحدث البرزاني في مؤتمر صحفي عقده في غرفة تجارة وصناعة الكويت، عن الاوضاع في العراق، واعترف أن تشكيلة الحكومة العراقية الجديدة 'تأخرت كثيرا' ورأى أن الأمر 'يحتاج الى مزيد من الوقت لأننا ورثنا مشكلات كثيرة وكبيرة ولكن سنتغلب عليها، مؤكدا أن المسائل الاساسية تم انجازها، اذ جرى الاتفاق على رئاسة الجمهورية ورئاسة الوزراء ورئاسة البرلمان، وبالنسبة لتشكيل حكومة الوحدة الوطنية، فمعظم الوزارات تم الاتفاق عليها، وبقيت وزارات قليلة، وستشترك فيها كل الاطياف والمكونات الاساسية للشعب العراقي، واعلان الحكومة مسألة وقت'.
واعتبر أن تشكيل الحكومة 'لا ينهي الوضع المأساوي في العراق، لكنه سيساعد على انهائه في أسرع وقت ممكن، هناك ارهاب وافد وارهابيون جاؤوا من الخارج ليصفوا حساباتهم مع الاخرين على حساب دماء ودموع الشعب العراقي' وأضاف 'ان كثيرا من الانظمة العربية لم ترحب بالوضع الجديد في العراق، وحدها الكويت رحبت بالتغيير في العراق لأننا نشترك مع الاشقاء الكويتيين في المعاناة من النظام السابق، وهنالك بعض الدول العربية تتخوف من الديموقراطية في العراق، وتتصور أن هذا يهدد مصالحها، وهذا خطأ كبير لأن الديموقراطية من مصلحة الجميع'.

الفدرالية :
وحول الفدرالية في العراق، قال البرزاني أن الدستور هو الذي يحدد العلاقة بين اقليم كردستان والادارة العراقية، ونحن ملتزمون به، مشيرا الى أن 'الوضع مستقر في كردستان، هناك أمن وأمان ولا نعاني مشكلات في علاقاتنا مع الجيران، سواء في ايران أو تركيا' وأكد، من جهة أخرى، أن موضوع أن 'المادة 140 من الدستور العراقي حددت كيفية التعاون لحل مشكلة كركوك، والصورة التي تنقل عن كردستان غير صحيحة'.

النفط :
وأشار رئيس أقليم كردستان إلى أن ادارة الاقليم 'منحت امتيازات للتنقيب عن النفط في الاقليم لشركة نرويجية باشرت عملها في زاخو، وأخرى في منطقة السليمانية' وأكد أن الدستور العراقي 'يسمح لادارة الاقليم باعطاء امتيازات للتنقيب عن النفط وفقا لمادة تقول ان الحقول المستخرجة قبل الآن يتم التعامل معها أو التصرف بها من قبل الحكومة الفدرالية بالتنسيق أو بالتعاون مع الحكومة الاقليم، أما الحقول المستخرجة حديثا فتشرف عليها حكومة الاقليم بالتنسيق مع الحكومة الفدرالية' وزاد 'فكل ما حصل جرى بالتعاون والتفاهم مع الحكومة الفدرالية وليس مناقضا للدستور، أما الدخل المالي فهو لكل أبناء العراق'.

البيشمركة :
ورفض البرزاني اعتبار البشمركة (القوات العسكرية الكردية) من الميليشيات، واعتبرها 'قوة منظمة ساهمت في تحرير العراق، دافعت عن الديموقراطية، والدستور حسم هذا الموضوع، والبشمركة أخيرا قوة لحماية الاقليم، واذا جرى الحديث عن الميليشيات فيجب البحث عن جماعات أخرى، هذا لا يشمل البشمركة'، مؤكدا في رده على سؤال أن 'التركمان والسريان في اقليم كردستان يتمتعون بكل الحقوق'.

كردستان بلا إرهاب :
ونفى البرزاني وجود أي تدخل ايراني في اقليم كردستان العراق، وأرجع ذلك الى 'وجود سلطة ونظام مستقرين في الاقليم، أما في الجنوب فهذا ما نسمعه' واعتبر أن 'الوضع لن يستقر في العراق إلا بعد التحرر من ثقافة الانتقام' لافتا الى أن 'الوضع في أقليم كردستان، وهو جزء من العراق، يختلف عن بقية مناطق العراق لأسباب كثيرة، في مقدمتها أن الارهابيين لم يستطيعوا النفاذ الى الاقليم، كما لم يحدث فراغ للسلطة بعد سقوط النظام لوجود سلطة وادارة حكومية'، وجدد التأكيد على ان موضوع الفدرالية بات محسوما، ولاتراجع غير ممكن، وهذه هي الديموقراطية لأن أكثرية الشعب العراقي وافق على الدستور الذي أقر الفدرالية.

سيناريو الجعفري :
وعن امكان تكرار سيناريو الجعفري مع رئيس الوزراء المكلف نوري المالكي، أجاب قائلا 'نأمل أن لا يتكرر ماحصل، وسندعم المالكي، وننتظر أن ينتهي من تشكيل الحكومة، والوضع يحتاج الى تعاون الجميع، لن نلقي المسوؤلية على طرف ما، الجميع يجب أن يتحملوا مسؤولياتهم' وحول تأثير الوضع الأمني في العراق على الدينار العراقي وتذبذب أسعار الصرف وتأثيره على حركة الاستثمار في إقليم كردستان، أكد أن الدينار العراقي 'مستقر نوعا ما.. وأنه سيظل العملة الرئيسية للتداول مع الدولار الاميركي'.
وطلب من برزاني توجيه رسالة الى العرب، فقال: نتوقع من العرب أن يساعدونا، أو على الأقل أن لا يتدخلوا بشكل سلبي، ووصف ما يحدث في العراق بالمأساوي، وأضاف 'كارثة أن يقتل العراقي على الهوية'.

العلاقة مع إسرائيل ليست جريمة

حول العلاقة مع اسرائيل، قال البرزاني 'لا اعلم لماذا نسأل هذا السؤال دائما' واضاف ان 'الاسرائيليين متغلغلون في جميع الدول العربية، والعلاقة معها لا نعتبرها جريمة..لكننا جزء من الدولة العراقية، فإذا أقامت بغداد علاقات دبلوماسية مع اسرائيل، بطبيعة الحال سيكون لنا علاقات مماثلة، القنصلية الاسرائيلية ستفتتح في أربيل اذا افتتحت السفارة الاسرائيلية في بغداد، وبعكسه فلن تكون هناك علاقات مع اسرائيل'.

أعدموه :

وافق رئيس اقليم كردستان مصطفى البرزاني على أن محاكمة صدام 'تحولت الى مسرحية'، وقال ان هذا هو رأي الكثير من العراقيين؟ فبادره أحد الصحافيين بالقول ' أعدموه ' .. فرد ضاحكا 'نحن ملتتزمون بالقانون والديموقراطية'. 

رئيس الوزراء يقيم مأدبة عشاء على شرف البرزاني


اقام سمو رئيس مجلس الوزراء الشيخ ناصر المحمد الصباح مأدبة عشاء أمس في قصر بيان على شرف رئيس اقليم كردستان العراق في جمهورية العراق مسعود البرزاني والوفد المرافق له بمناسبة زيارته للبلاد.
وحضر المأدبة رئيس مجلس الأمة جاسم الخرافي والشيوخ والوزراء والمحافظون وقادة الجيش والشرطة والحرس الوطني وكبار المسؤولين في البلاد.

وزير الديوان الاميري يولم
أقام وزير شؤون الديوان الأميري الشيخ ناصر صباح الأحمد في قصر بيان ظهر امس مأدبة غداء على شرف مسعود البرزاني رئيس اقليم كردستان في جمهورية العراق والوفد المرافق له، وذلك بمناسبة زيارته للبلاد.

 

 

 

 

London 28th October 2002

Open letter
to all Kurdish people and their friends all over the world

These days I would like to send best congratulations to all Kurdish people for two important historical events that constitute an encouraging beginning to establish a Kurdistan state. First of those is the proximity of mercy killing of what is left from the Iraqi authority in Kurdistan, which had been effectively nonexistent since 1991. However, this time it will be forever as the coming American strike would coincide with the meeting of the united Kurdistan Parliament on 4/10/2002. The most important thing in this historical meeting was its holding under the sacred flag of Kurdistan for the first time, so many congratulations and for that reason the Kurdistan National Congress is intensifying activities and communications in this sensitive circumstances to follow the events and latest developments. To contact all major powers in the world, governments, organisations and personalities as well as holding meetings, conferences, seminars and interviews on radio and TV. On 24/8/2002, the KNC organised an exceptional conference of its UK branch. The conference received hundreds of letters of support and congratulations, among which, from such personalities as the symbol figure of liberty in the world Mr Nelson Mandela, and from the head of British government Mr Tony Blair. Mr Ghassan Karian, the Mayor of Hammersmith & Fulham (where the conference was held), officially opened the conference. Dr Jemal Nebez and Bruska Ibrahim (engineer) attended the conference from Germany, and Dr Abdulrazaq Nimatullah from Italy, there were also representatives of many parties and organisations among them Mrs Bayan Salih representing the Kurdistan Democratic Party, Mr Muhammad Qaradaghi representing the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, and Mr Abbas Rostam representing the Communist Party of Kurdistan. In addition, the committees of the KNC organised four public meetings during one week and participated in a fifth meeting organised by Mr. Jalal Barzani for Dr. Jemal Nebez in the city of Hannover in Germany on 22/9. The other four were in the city of Dortmund in Germany organised by Mr. Risgar Kasem and Mr. Marwan Ali on 23/9, in the city of Mannheim in Germany organised by Ing. Swara Arif and Dr. Shirwan Mohidien on 25/9, in the city of Zurich in Switzerland organised by Mr. Hamid Suri and Dr. Fauzi Kaddur on 27/9 and in the city of Milan in Italy organised by Mr. Dr. Azzat Saydo on 28/9. I also had two interviews on the Kurdish Radios in Hannover and Zurich. The KNC also is gathering signatures from Kurdistan and friendly foreign personalities and parties. Up to now, we have received 1500 signatures demanding a Kurdish representative in the UN. Anyone who wishes to receive the letter addressed to Mr Kofi Annan, the General Secretary of the UN in order to sign it, can print it from the internet from our website on www.knc.org.uk, or from offices of the KNC all over the world. And return it to us after signing as the KNC intends to send all those signatures to Mr Kofi Annan soon.

Before getting to the point of this article I would like to mention a short historical background. After the Ottoman Empire was defeated at the end of World War I, the British and French winners acquired the right to divide and share the previous possessions of the losers such as the Turks and Germans. Kurdistan was a part of the Ottoman Empire, and as according to several treaties and agreements such as Sykes-Picot, Lausanne and Saint Remo, the Arabs were divided into several states, the Kurdish homeland, Kurdistan, was divided into parts, but without forming any Kurdish states. Parts of Kurdistan were awarded as an international colony to such artificially created states as Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria, and to the previous Soviet Union as presents. Not even one inch of Kurdistan was left under Kurdish administration. All this was carried out in such an evil and disgraceful manner that no other people previously had been subjected to such an unjust division. The situation became even more complicated as since then i.e. during the cold war and prior to it, the loyalties of those states sharing Kurdistan were divided between those friendly to the United States of America and those against her. As the world itself since was divided in such manner, and the states occupying Kurdistan were of both kinds, the whole world ended up against the establishment of a Kurdish independent state in order to satisfy those occupiers of Kurdistan one way or the other.

The Kurdish cause during the past hundred years has passed various stages of difficulties, depending on the international circumstances or the level of efficiency of the Kurdish leadership. However, the Kurdish people in those years did not have the national awakening, so while the Kurds were fighting and showing their defiance, offering huge sacrifices in order to carry out the will of the leaders or the international and regional politics. We find that as soon as the leader of that particular revolution is martyred or imprisoned, or decided to stop leading the revolution, it is inevitable that what follows is the collapse of the revolution until some other leader comes and declares a new revolution. Thus because of lacking prior planning and a clear programming from the start, the revolution remained as something depending on chaotic circumstances.
The Kurdish people are courageous, generous people, who are capable of unlimited sacrifices, but they have not put these good attributes into a national frame considering the highest national interest and national security of the Kurdish nation. Had they put those aims into their prospective, they would have set a program to end the persecution, extermination and displacement imposed to the Kurdish people for ages. The fulfilment of these aims has to be by establishing an independent Kurdish state, and such Kurdish state will not be reached by carrying arms against the occupiers as a reaction to their killing, burning and distraction policies, and cooling down or stopping the revolution whenever, for some reasons, the occupiers stop their actions. The Kurdish people have not yet started carrying the full national responsibility to plan for the establishment of the independent state of Kurdistan.

Our homeland Kurdistan has a civilisation going back to thousands of years. It is rich with resources and minerals as well as its strategic position. These characteristics made Kurdistan a target for regional and international ambitions. Every Kurd should have his own share of this homeland. No one should have larger or smaller share. Every Kurd for the homeland Kurdistan and the homeland for every Kurd. A Kurd should not decline his share and part of the homeland, and not to let others think for him in finding solutions for Kurdistan's future. It is time that Kurds have their say in what is right for Kurdistan in its future to emphasize their position in the world as a people with 40 million population still seeking national independence and getting rid of colonialism and partition, and make it clear that we are not a minority that lives in states here and there begging for miser rights.
It is only because of the constant psychological war declared on the Kurdish people by states and regimes that occupy Kurdistan that since the World Word II, the Kurds are just asking for such miser rights. Those regimes try their best to deform the Kurdish identity and break their will by turning them into week and wobbly personalities with no willpower in all aspects. That is why some Kurdish organisations and personalities came to the point that they mock the word independence and any mention of a Kurdish state.

I stress that the powers that occupied Kurdistan had succeeded largely in their psychological warfare against the Kurdish people. In order to explain this I would like to bring sum examples:
 

1-The Kurdish Prince Badirkhan Pasha defeated the Ottoman Empire militarily 150 years ago and gained the independence for his state for more than ten years, and issued Kurdish currency. Also Prince Muhammad Al-Rawandozi who established a factory to produce Kurdish cannons. And the King of Kurdistan Sheikh Mahmood Al-Hafeed who declared the Kurdistan kingdom under the bombing by British planes. All this and today we are under the protection of the British and American planes without having been able to declare such a state as Sheikh Mahmood did in the beginning of the last century or issue Kurdish currency, or produce cannons as our ancestors did centuries ago.
 

2-In 1912 a Turkish military division kidnapped Prince Abdulrazzaq Badirkhan from the town of Tabriz, which is situated in Iran. He was taken as a prisoner to Turkey, which was the Ottoman Empire at the time. As soon as the renowned Kurdish leader Ismail Agha Shikak heard this news, he rose to the rescue of the Kurdish prince, although he was not related to him in any way, tribally, regionally or politically. Simko Agha, as he was popularly called, was not a head of state but he was a tribal leader whose tribe Shikak, compared with other Kurdish tribes may not have been among the biggest, however, the national duty pushed him to enter Turkey leading a force of heroic Shikaki musketeers to challenge the Ottoman Empire and ambush the Turkish force, which surrendered. Simko Agha was about to kill all the members of the Turkish force, if it was not for the intervention by Prince Abdulrazzaq himself who asked him not to do so. The prince was returned to Tabriz safe and free. This incident has been documented in the tsarian Russia's documents released recently. After one hundred years from that we see that the Turks carried out a similar operation against the leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party, Mr Abdullah Ocallan, however instead of trying to free Ocallan, the Kurds torched themselves.
 

3-The founder of the Kurdish diplomacy, General Sharif Pasha who was the only Kurd in Europe a hundred years ago, managed to use his high ranked diplomacy to convince the peace conference of 1919 in Paris, by writing his famous memorandum accompanied by the flag and map of greater Kurdistan. His diplomatic actions lead the allied forces to sign the famous international treaty "Sevres Treaty" in 1920, which stated clearly the right for the Kurdish people to establish their own independent state. Now there are more than one million Kurds in Europe, but have not managed anything like what was managed by General Sherif Pasha.

Thus if we want our state we have to identify the enemies of the Kurdish people. In addition, they are those who occupy any part of Kurdistan, however little that part. This way we can also identify the friends of Kurdish people as those who are outside this circle. We have also to prepare professional nationalist force inside Kurdistan, and a Kurdish lobby internationally to support the independence of Kurdistan. However, the most important thing is to forbid killing any Kurd by making it the basic principle as a sin that could not be forgiven and to punish anyone who carries it out no matter how long the time passes. Another point is the respect for free speech. All these things are part of the national security of the Kurds and the nationalistic ideology of the Kurds established by all ancient writers and thinkers, first of whom was the famous philosopher Ahmad Khani, and all the Kurdish leaders who practised the Kurdish ideology in their everyday life. There was a wonderful and true patriotic respect between them, such as between the two glorious leaders, the martyr Qazi Muhammad and Sheikh Mahmood Hafeed. Also as between the Barzani sheikhs and Nehri sheikhs. Moreover, the national congress held by Sheikh Ubaidullah Nehri, and Khoebun party that was established after a general conference between all Kurdistan personalities and organisations. This was a background for the two parties J.K. and KAJYK. KAJYK put the nationalist ideology into its philosophical frame. Although these organisations are no longer active, their ideological momentum is still there and strong. Because they were expressing the things that are in conscience and soul of the Kurdish people. I would like here to mention what the deceased leader Mella Mustafa Barzani said when he received a complaint against the martyr Fatah Agha, commander of Khabat forces (with about 6000 Kurdish freedom fighters, it was one of the main military divisions of the Kurdish Revolution 1961-1975) that Fatah Agha and the leadership of Khabat forces have turned all their members into KAJYK. Barzani asked the complainer about what KAJYK is. He answered that: "KAJYK is aiming to unite all parts of Kurdistan and establish a Kurdish state". Barzani said: "How many are in the leadership of Khabat forces". He was told: "Six." Barzani said: "From now on make them seven." When asked who would be the seventh, he said:"Put down my name with them, because what is better than uniting Kurdistan and having our own state? This was the way the glorious Barzani was responding to those sick people with bad intentions trying to smear the symbols of faithfulness to the nationalist ideology. It is worth to mention that during a half century of its activities never happened that KAJYK collaborated with any occupying countries of Kurdistan. I was honoured to be a member of KAJYK until its activities were frozen in 1975.
 

Glorious Barzani was as a personality acting as a nationalist umbrella covering the Kurdish people from all parts, and all ideologies and political currents. This what I felt and saw when I met Barzani himself on several occasions in the beginning of seventies. However, the Kurdish liberation movement since glorious Barzani lost its unity and dispersed into many parties and power centres with no cooperation and fighting sometimes. When I was in southern Kurdistan in 1982-1984, as a member of the political bureau of PASOK party, and member of leadership of the JUD Front, and when I arrived in Europe I became convinced that it is impossible to put all the Kurdish people into one party and no party could be ignored. That is why there was the idea for a new nationalist umbrella organisation. In 1985, the Kurdistan National Congress was established to unify the Kurdish powers, with only one condition to join which is belief and action for an independent Kurdish state. The KNC has a characteristic of being managed and led by free independent patriotic persons. Thus, it is completely forbidden that any particular party might control the KNC, especially when there is animosity between that party and other parties. As such a Congress would inevitably fail because it would turn into a party institution and not a national congress. However, the Kurdistan parties would maintain their role and status in the congress according to the constitution, which was published as a book by the KNC along with several other books such as my book:"Kurdistan and Kurds, a divided homeland and a nation with no state" And the books of the founder of the Kurdish nationalist ideology Dr. Jemal Nebez such as: "National Ideology" and "The Identity and the Cause of the Kurdish Nation", and also the book "Modernisation and Liberation" by Sheikh Omar Gharib who explains Islam in a Kurdish way, saying among other things: "it is not allowed to pray in an occupied land as Kurdistan". And several other valuable books printed by the KNC or soon to be printed to become text books in institutions for nationalist cadres to be opened in all European countries.
 

The Western Kurdistan Association in London is one of the organisations members of the KNC. It produced a number of Kurdish films. One of those was "Asylum" in cooperation with a British company about the situation of Kurdish refugees in Europe. The director of the film, Mr Nigel Barker, asked me:"Can you describe a Kurdish refugee?" I told him: "Here in Europe there are refugees from all over the world all of whom have their passports with their nationality indicated in them, except for the Kurds who had no Kurdish passports and no independent state. Even dogs and cats in Britain have necklaces indicating their kind, but the Kurdish people with population of 40 million have no document stating that they are Kurds. Therefore, we Kurds have not reached the status of dogs and cats in your country." Mr Nigel was impressed with this and said: "It is a wonderful image, and I will use it in the film, because it would raise the feelings of the Europeans in favour of the Kurdistan cause." The film will be shown soon on the British TV and European and other international movie festivals.

I did not hesitate to say the above regarding Kurdish refugees because the Arabisation, Turkisation and Iranisation, as well as actions such as burning 380 Kurdish children in Amouda city and killing Kurdish people of Halabja city, using chemicals used to exterminate rats. In addition, destroying Kurdish villages while displacing their population to no particular place are all methods, which are no longer used even against wild or domesticated animals. I have contacted animal rights organisations in Europe several times to mention that Kurds as humans are facing extermination as many animal species. I was told that is right, however, we are specialised in defending animals only. I would say which one is more important and they answer of course the human being but we defend the animals because they have no tongues to defend themselves and express their suffering. Thank God, we are humans and have tongues to express our tragedy and demand our Kurdish state. I am sure if 40 million Kurds they say what is in their mind it would be enough to gain our independence. At the same time we need the great powers in the world to support our demand.

This is what the KNC is aiming for to find a common language in expressing the aspirations of the Kurds and Kurdistan. The events after the September 11 catastrophe are accelerating, and the Kurdish people have the chance because the USA are determined to strike at the axis of evil represented by Iraq Syria and Iran. Recently Turkey has been partially isolated from the American plans and little by little approaching the axis of evil. Therefore, it is time that the Kurds stand in one front and show the Americans that they are an axis of good. Moreover, the axis of evil has been using the resources of Kurdistan to empower themselves, so, the best way to weaken them is by establishing the greater Kurdistan state.

In these circumstances, I would expect that soon America and the UN would ask the Kurdish people the following questions:

1-What do you want? The answers will come in dozens of forms, starting by democratic rights or cultural rights, or social rights, to decentralisation or autonomy, or federalism, or co federalism, up to a Kurdish state. Some would say that the countries occupying Kurdistan are artificial states and aggressors, others would regard those aggressors as brothers of the Kurdish people and the problems between them are merely internal, therefore those stand against any foreign intervention.
2-Who is your leader? There would be a long list of names.
3-What are the colours of your flag? There would be several flags. Some saying it is the same historical flag used by General Sharif Pasha, General Ihsan Noori, Prince Jaladat Badirkhan and Qazi Muhammad. This is the same flag used by Mr Masood Barzani in the Kurdistan parliament and all over Kurdistan. However, some would use it without a sun in the middle or put a red star instead. There are also some who put a sickle and a hammer as the Kurdistan flag..
4-What are the geographical features of Kurdistan? There are different maps such as the one issued by the Kurdish Institution in Paris or Kurdish Institution in Berlin, or geographers in other countries who published dozens of maps. Unfortunately, none of them is like the other as some of them make Kurdistan very small and others make it big etc.
5-What is the population of the Kurds? Some would say 25 millions or 30, or 40 millions and others like Mr Bashir Mushir would say the number of Kurds is 80 millions and if you do not believe me go and count them!

Thus, such kind of things cannot be settled without a national organisation such as the KNC to re-establish the national umbrella that covers the entire Kurdish people, so that the Kurdish people would have a central point of reference.

We should have one program and one political language to communicate with the international community. We should carry out a general referendum under the monitoring of the UN. In order to get our state, we have to prepare for it by forming a government in exile to represent 40 million Kurds and use the opportunity to move into Kurdistan. The intended government in exile would not contradict the government in Southern Kurdistan but a complementary one. We are also working towards convincing the UN that the Kurds should have representatives as monitors such as the Palestinian people and Polisario who also have no state. Up to now the members of the UN rely on the enemies of the Kurdish people, Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey to give them information regarding the Kurds, which is an unnatural situation.

Certainly, no one thinks that Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran are stronger and larger than the Soviet Union, and it is time that they should be abolished, and by establishing a Kurdish state, they would return to their normal sizes.

Using dialogue, diplomacy, unity of the Kurds and international law we shall gain our independence.

What is giving optimism is the relief of the tension between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan, and the united meeting of the Kurdistan Parliament, which gives us a hope to take advantage from the international situation. I congratulated the united Parliament in my interview with Al-Jazeera satellite TV on 2/10/02, when I asked to add to the unity of Parliament the unity of the armed forces by creating a national Kurdistan army. I agree with Mr Jalal Talabani when he said: "If the Iraqis or others come to Kurdistan for trading or visiting we welcome them, but for occupation we don't". Moreover, with Mr Masood Barzani saying: "If the Turkish army enters Kurdistan, we would turn Kurdistan into a graveyard for the Turks". Our independence is bound to our unity.

The stage covered by the writing of the US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is part of that era and namely the time of September Revolution 1961-1975 under the leadership of Mella Mustapha Barzani in Southern Kurdistan.
Southern Kurdistan was annexed to the Iraqi state after bloody battles between the British forces and Iraqi forces on the one hand and the Kurdish forces led by the King of Kurdistan Sheikh Mahmood Al-Hafid, who was injured in one of those battles and captured. He was then exiled to India, while Iraq itself had no king and the English were forced to bring a prince from Hijaz, Prince Faisal Bin Sharif Hussein, and appoint him as a King in Iraq and that part of Kurdistan.
 

Since 1918, the allied forces had admitted the national aspirations of those minorities of Ottoman Empire as they were mentioned in President Wilson's peace program: "The non-Turkish minorities within the Ottoman Empire should be given a real opportunity to practise their own independence away from any intervention or influence." Also the article 22 of the League of Nations states: "The method to achieve these principles is through creating the mandate system." Those directions in addition to efforts from General Sharif Pasha resulted in Sevres Treaty, which was enforced on the Ottoman Sultan in 1920 to recognise a Kurdish state. However, Mustafa Kamal managed in 1923 to use his manoeuvres and deception to replace the Sevres Treaty with Lausanne Treaty, which did not mention anything about a Kurdish state. But the Mosul Wilayet was not included in this treaty and was left to negotiations between Turkey and Britain as the country with the mandate on Iraq, to decide its fate. Those negotiations failed to get a result and the case of Mosul Wilayet was referred back to the League of Nations, which in turn gave it to Iraq on the following condition:
 

"The rights of Kurds should be considered to appoint administrators of Kurdish ethnicity to manage the affairs of their country and carrying out judicial affairs and education in schools, and Kurdish language should be an official language."
In 1931 when Iraq was trying to join the League of Nations, and to show good intentions, a law was introduced regarding the local languages. In 1932 after the end of the British mandate and acceptance of Iraq as a member of the League of Nations, Iraq announced these principles again in an official statement, which was given the power of constitution and forwarded to the League of Nations to be considered as an international document.
Perhaps one of the most important documents of that era was the joined statement of Iraq and Britain of December 1922, on the eve of the negotiations regarding the Lausanne Treaty, which stated:
 

Her Majesty's government and the government of Iraq admit and recognise that the Kurds have the right of coexistence within the Iraqi borders and have the right of establishing a Kurdish government within these borders. The two governments hope that the Kurdish sides concerned come to agreement among themselves in regard to the form of this government and the borders they want it to cover, and to send their negotiating representatives to Baghdad to discuss their economical and political relations with Her Majesty's government and the Iraqi government".
The founding of the Iraqi Republic in 1958 was also a large quality step in this regard, as the Article Three of Iraqi constitution stated that: "Arabs and Kurds are partners in this homeland"
 

Obviously, partnership means in reality a state, because a real partner, whose interests are not satisfied, can dissolve the partnership so that each partner may be free in his own land.
 

With regard to the historic document known as the announcement of 11 March 1970, we can confirm that it was a big achievement for the September revolution and all Kurdish people in general.
 

However, all those treaties and announcements became worthless after the crimes of mass extermination, which were committed by the Iraqi government against the Kurdish people. Such crimes include especially the chemical attack on the town of Halabja on 16/3/1988 and the Anfal operations of autumn 1988 during which 182,000 Kurds were exterminated.
 

On this basis Iraq violated the conditions by which Kurdistan was affiliated to it, which was to allow a Kurdish government and respect the national rights of the Kurdish people. Instead, the government of Iraq had committed, intended, and planned crimes of mass murder against the Kurdish people and thus Iraq has lost its right to rule Kurdistan both on legal or humanitarian purposes. It was not only Iraq that opposed the aspirations of the Kurdish nation, but also Turkey, Syria and Iran were and still share and support Iraq in this regard. Even during the Iraq - Iran war, the two countries were exchanging information about the activities of Kurdish organisations. All those countries that occupy a part of Kurdistan are against each other almost in everything, but they always agree on one thing, which is not to allow the Kurdish people to obtain any ethnic rights.
Unfortunately, many other neighbouring countries support those anti-Kurdish tendencies without any consideration to the fact that the Kurdish people are demanding only their just right of having their own state and identity, which will eventually be achieved for sure, as it happened to Algeria against France or the United States against Britain in their struggle for independence.
 

I must here point to the fact that there are many honest Arabs, Turks and Iranians who believe in an independent Kurdish state, among them first of all is the Libyan leader Moamar Al-Qaddafi, who has been advocating for more than a quarter century to: "let the Kurds to establish their own state". The Turkish academic Dr. Ismael Besikci has spent many years of his life in Turkish prisons because of his supporting stand with the Kurds and his book entitled: "Kurdistan - an international colony". There is also the Arab thinker Dr. Abdulhussein Shaban, who stated in an article of the newspaper Media, the organ of the National Democratic Union of Kurdistan, that: 'any Kurd that does not believe in a Kurdish state is an idiot person". The Iraqi opposition activist Mr Mishan Al-Jibury stated in an interview with Al-Jazeera satellite TV channel, with evidence and arguments that: "I support a Kurdish state because it is not against the Arabs." The Iraqi Islamic scholar Dr. Muhammad Al-Mahdi wrote an article in Al-Tayyar Al-Jadid newspaper, issued by Mr. Sami Faraj Ali in London during the eighties of the last century entitled "A smaller Iraq is a stronger Iraq". The Egyptian Islamic scholar Dr. Fahmi Al-Shinawi has stressed in his articles and letters the rights of the Kurds as an Islamic duty. One of his letters was to the Second Kurdistan National Congress in 1991 in London in which he said: "There is no Islamic unity without a Kurdish unity", and many other honest and courageous people.
 

During these international circumstances there have been many historical leaders such as the late Mella Mustapha Barzani, who is a legendary figure and one of those classic Kurdish leaders of the Kurdish people, who stands side by side with such greats of the Kurdish nation as Sheikh Saeed Peeran 1925, Sheikh Mahmood Al-Hafid 1919, Qazi Muhammad 1946, General Ihsan Nouri Pasha 1927, General Sharif Pasha Khandan 1919, Prince Bedirkhan the Great 1842, Ismael Shikak (Simko Agha) 1930, Prince Muhammad Rawanduzi 1826, Sayed Raza 1939, and others, as well as Apo Osman Sabri 1905-1993, the founder of the political struggle school, Prince Jeladet Bedirkhan 1951, who founded the Kurdish alphabet, and Dr. Jemal Nebez, who put the philosophical frame to the Kurdish nationalist thinking, and many others who were activists for the independence of Kurdistan.
 

The late Barzani asked the United States for support for the independence of Kurdistan, as he asked all the super powers in the world whenever he had the opportunity. Although he was the leader of Democratic Party of Kurdistan that was demanding only autonomy for Kurdistan, he was in reality not only that or a leader of the Kurds in Southern Kurdistan; he was in fact a national leader of all Kurdish people. Barzani was indeed a representative of the Kurdish nation's conscience, as he participated in 1946 in establishing the Republic of Kurdistan in Eastern Kurdistan; and led several Kurdish uprisings in Southern Kurdistan; mainly and the longest standing was the September Revolution of 1961. His national practice was always an expression of what was his feeling, for example: he appointed Prince Kamiran Bedirkhan, who was from Northern Kurdistan as a first representative of the September Revolution; Dr. Ismat Sharif Wanli as a second representative who was from Western Kurdistan. In addition, the most confidant and favourite writer and poet of the late Barzani was Hazhar Mukriani, who was from Eastern Kurdistan.
 

Indeed Barzani was a national leader and represented the aspirations of the Kurdish people for independence. This is exactly what is stated in the memoirs of Henry Kissinger on page 23. The fact that the independence of Kurdistan was not achieved was not at all a fault of Barzani, but the international circumstances prevented it, especially the cold war between the Soviet Union and the USA, which escalated to divide their influence in the areas such as Vietnam, Algeria, Palestine, Congo, Cuba etc.
The fate intervened to prevent the fulfilment of Barzani's dreams, when the American president Richard Nixon was impeached in 1974 after the Watergate scandal, as President Richard Nixon was concerned with the Kurdish file more than any other previous president of the USA.
 

It is clear that the memoirs of Mr Henry Kissinger throw lights on many angles and positions regarding the September revolution and its international and regional relations, many parts of which remain unknown. It is our duty to uncover all the details in order to benefit from that rich experience in the future to fulfil the dreams of the late Barzani for the independence of Kurdistan. In order to achieve the independence for Kurdistan we have to know all strong or weak points in our history of uprisings. It is only through the weapon of science and knowledge, and by creating honest, courageous and knowledgeable national cadres, we can achieve a Kurdish state. For the loyalty to Kurdistan is achieved through knowledge of Kurdistan itself.

Jawad Mella
President
Kurdistan National Congress

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

http://www.geocities.com/kk_abacus/ht/kurd.html

http://www.institutkurde.org/criseIrakienne/boutons/criseKurde.htm

http://www.institutkurde.org/criseIrakienne/mal.htm

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/2783989.stm#kurds

http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/iraq203/

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/not_in_website/syndication/monitoring/media_reports/2597943.stm#

 

http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/iraq203/crossroads.html

http://www.institutkurde.org/criseIrakienne/mal.htm

False Starts and False FriendsAtrocity, Genocide and LandHomecoming and RevengeDreams of Independence

1900-1945: Dreams of Independence
 

General Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk)

Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) was the first president of the Republic of Turkey, from 1923 to 1938. He is remembered for creating a modernized, secular Turkish state. (photo: Library of Congress)
Kurdish nationalism -- the idea that Kurds deserve their own independent homeland -- started to flourish during the late 19th century. "The Kurdish nation is a nation apart," one Kurdish sheikh wrote in 1880. "We want to take matters into our own hands."

But realizing the dream of autonomy was easier said than done. At the start of the 20th century, most of Kurdistan was controlled by the Ottoman and Persian empires, which kept tight control over the Kurds and other ethnic minorities.

During World War I, Kurds fought alongside the Turks, even participating in some of the atrocities of the Armenian genocide. But the war was devastating for Kurdish civilians as well. Nearly 700,000 Kurds were forcibly removed from their homes by Turkish forces; as many as 400,000 are believed to have died.

Britain and the United States Redraw the Map

After the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, its territories were divided between the victors, Britain and France. Britain occupied modern-day Iraq, including the oil-rich Kurdish region of Mosul, and France took Syria. American President Woodrow Wilson argued that the Kurds deserved a sovereign state. But when the dust settled and the borders of the Middle East had been redrawn, the Kurds had been left out.

British occupying Iraq

In 1918, Britain assumed control of Iraq and its oil-rich regions where most of its Kurdish population lived. (photo: Lynette Soane, courtesy www.akaKURDISTAN.com)
Much of Kurdistan remained in Turkey, which was now ruled by a nationalist movement. The new Turkish leader, General Mustafa Kemal (later known as Atatürk) announced, "The state which we have just created is a Turkish state." The Turkish government insisted that the Kurds were "mountain Turks" and banned Kurdish schools, publications and religious bodies.

Officially, Britain was sympathetic toward the Iraqi Kurds, but never made good on its assurances. A British memorandum written in 1930 dismissed the idea of a Kurdish homeland as "fantastic," adding, "Although they admittedly possess many sterling qualities, the Kurds of Iraq are entirely lacking in those characteristics of political cohesion which are essential to self-government."

Uprisings and Rebellion

 



The rugged terrain of much of Kurdistan has provided periodic shelter for Kurdish fighters and civilians. (photo: Department of Defense)
Across Kurdistan, frustrations over displacement and disenfranchisement led to violence. A series of rebellions erupted in Turkey during the 1920s and 1930s. The Turkish government reacted harshly, again expelling Kurdish civilians from their homes. In Iraq, the British twice quashed uprisings led by Sheikh Mahmoud, the self-declared "king of Kurdistan," in 1920 and 1923. Britain's use of its air force to bomb Kurdish villages was one of the earliest uses of the new technology had been used against civilians. A 1933 revolt, led by Mullah Mustafa Barzani, was also unsuccessful.

Although these disconnected outbursts ultimately ended in failure, they were a reminder of the Kurds' determination to carve out a homeland regardless of the odds. The governments in the region saw this determination as a serious threat to the stability of the area. So in 1937, Iran, Iraq and Turkey signed the Treaty of Saadabad, which provided for joint military action against Kurdish uprisings.

 

 

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/27/AR2006022701420.html

Diplomacy Helped To Calm the Chaos

U.S.-Kurdish Campaign Sought to Steer Sunnis, Shiites From Brink of Civil War

Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, February 28, 2006; Page A11

 

BAGHDAD, Feb. 27 -- In the days that followed the bombing of a sacred Shiite shrine, Iraq seemed within a hair's breadth of civil war. But an aggressive U.S. and Kurdish diplomatic campaign appears for now to have coaxed the country back from open conflict between Sunni Arabs and Shiites, according to Iraqi politicians and Western diplomats speaking in interviews on Monday.

"Localized difficulties also persist, but I think, at the strategic level, this crisis -- a mosque attack leading to civil war -- is over," Zalmay Khalilzad, the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, said in a telephone interview. "It was a serious crisis. I believe that Iraq came to the brink and came back."

Khalilzad and others sounded upbeat on Monday, as authorities lifted a three-day ban on vehicle traffic and life in Baghdad returned to a state of uneasy normalcy after five days of bloodletting. The ambassador, another Western diplomat and Iraqi politicians described the behind-the-scenes political negotiations that helped stem the violence.

The crisis began Wednesday with the destruction of the golden-domed Askariya shrine in Samarra, one of the holiest sites in Shiite Islam. Although no one was killed in the bombing, the mosque is so important as a symbol that within hours the country appeared heading toward chaos. As Shiite and Sunni leaders called for peace by day, their followers waged war by night on one another and civilian bystanders in a campaign of raids, bombings, arson and assassinations. More than 1,300 Iraqis have been killed in the past five days, according to workers in the Baghdad morgue.

As fighting raged, Khalilzad and Jalal Talabani, the Iraqi president, pushed the factions toward a rapprochement. On Saturday, after a whirlwind of telephone calls and meetings, they managed to bring leaders from every important political faction in Iraq together in an unusual bid for peace that seems to have quelled the violence and stopped the slide toward civil war.

But for four days, the situation often threatened to spin out of control. In the hours after the attack, infuriated Shiite leaders compared the bombing of the mosque to the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States, Khalilzad said.

The Mahdi Army, the militia controlled by the influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, took to the streets seeking vengeance almost immediately, despite calls for peaceful demonstrations by other Shiite politicians and by Sadr himself. Dressed in black, the militiamen machine-gunned Sunni mosques in drive-by attacks, occupied them or set them ablaze. Sunni leaders accused the Shiites of kidnapping and killing Sunnis in raids while the predominantly Shiite police force looked away.

Sunnis retaliated with their own attacks, and by Thursday afternoon -- the bloodiest day of the crisis -- they announced that they would boycott meetings on the formation of a new government. They also refused to attend a lunch meeting of Shiite and Kurdish political factions that Talabani had painstakingly organized, instead presenting a list of 10 demands to be met before they would rejoin talks.

"I would not say that it engendered a warm reaction," said a Western diplomat familiar with the negotiations, who provided a background interview on the condition that he not be named.

Among those most upset by the Sunni boycott threat was Talabani, an ethnic Kurd who was able to take a central role in the negotiations because he was perceived as a neutral party.

Ironically, the Kurds stood to gain the most from a civil conflict. They have long wanted an independent state, and revolted against Saddam Hussein in 1991 only to be brutally repressed. But Talabani was deeply troubled by the Samarra crisis, said Peter Galbraith, a former U.S. diplomat who was in contact with Talabani throughout the crisis.

"I've known President Jalal Talabani for over 20 years," Galbraith said. "It is the most pessimistic I've seen him, and that includes being in Iraq the night the uprising collapsed and we were fleeing for our lives. Here, he was profoundly disturbed about the future of Iraq."

 

Iraq Seeks Diplomacy to Stop Iran Shelling

Wednesday, May 03, 2006

http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,194089,00.html

BAGHDAD, Iraq  — The Iraqi government is using diplomacy to try to stop Iranian forces from shelling Kurdish rebel positions in the north and does not expect an incursion by ground forces, the foreign minister said Wednesday.  

Hoshyar Zebari, a Kurd, made the comment in parliament after some Kurdish legislators demanded a strong statement against Iranian attacks against border camps operated by Iranian Kurdish rebels linked to the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK.

"The Iraqi government is making necessary contacts with the countries concerned and with international sides," Zebari said. "There were some violations, but we do not think that there is a present threat or possibility of major incursion."

He said there were some "sticky issues and problems," but the border attacks "should be handled through diplomatic means."

Iranian forces fired artillery across the border north of Sulaimaniyah on Sunday and Monday, causing no casualties but forcing some families to move, according to Iraqi Kurdish officials. The Iranians launched a similar barrage April 21.

Rebels seeking self-rule in Kurdish areas of Iran operate from Iraqi territory and have been active recently, mounting attacks against Iranian army and Revolutionary Guard posts.

Iraqi Kurds have suggested the Iranians also fear the degree of autonomy Kurds have gained in post-Saddam Iraq. They theorize Iran also may be using the incursions by Kurdish rebels as an excuse to shoot back and to warn that Iran will not abide similar ambitions in its territory.

The Kurds, who have never had a state of their own in modern history, are spread across a large region including northeast Syria, northern Iraq, southeastern Turkey, northwestern Iran and some areas of the Caucusus mountain countries that were former Soviet republics.

Iran also has a large Arab population along its southern border with Iraq near Basra, and there have been a series of deadly bombings in the region's largest city, Ahvaz, for which Tehran has blamed the United States and Britain.

The attacks, however, are most likely the work of Arab nationalists in the region that formerly was part of Iraq, which is predominantly Arab.

Turkey last month deployed more than 30,000 additional troops in its predominantly Kurdish southeast and along its rugged border with Iraq and Iran to fight the Kurdish guerrillas and stop them from crossing the frontier.

That came after Kurdish rebels reportedly killed two Turkish soldiers and wounded a third in a grenade attack on a military outpost, raising the number of Turkish troops killed this year to at least 17. More than 40 Kurdish guerrillas also have been killed in clashes in the same period.

The Turkish deployment boosted an already large garrison in the region that by some estimates tops 250,000 soldiers.

To the European Union, Kurdish and Turkish People

Finally, at the Helsinki Summit that began on December 10, 1999, the EU accepted Turkey as a candidate country. The EU anticipates that negotiation for full membership could begin in the year 2002. At the same time, the acceptance requires that between now and then Turkey prepare itself for this [target date], economically, politically, culturally and in other aspects. Undoubtedly, this decision and its implications are of historic significance. What is most important henceforth is the fulfillment of the conditions of this historic step. The acceptance of Turkey's candidacy to EU is a consequence of the process initiated by our President Abdullah Öcalan and implemented through the intense efforts of our party, the PKK. As shall be remembered, we dubbed this process as the project for a Democratic Republic. The development of the Democratic Movement played a key role in preparing a climate conducive to the formation of the EU decision. In addition to this struggle for a democratic change and transformation, our party the PKK also pursued intense diplomatic efforts with the EU countries. Kurdish diplomacy was fully mobilized to make Turkey's candidacy to EU membership a reality. The EU countries overcame their doubts concerning Turkey, largely as a result of these [Kurdish] efforts. Obviously, accepting Turkey into the list of candidacy for EU is not the end of the road. The most important task, at this point in time, is to prepare Turkey for compatibility with European criteria. As they are, the political, social, economic and cultural organization in Turkey is way behind the ones in Europe and these [Turkish institutions] are beset with problems. At the heart of all these severe problems, is the [unsolved] Kurdish question. Given this, the preparatory phase of Turkey's membership could be launched successfully by solving the Kurdish question [first]. All of the economic, social and political problems, at this juncture, emanate from the [unsolved] Kurdish question. Solving the Kurdish question will facilitate the solution of all the other problems. However, the current political conjuncture within Turkey is far from being conducive to solving its severe problems, including the Kurdish question. [The government] displays none of the traits that are needed to realize the legislative and judicial reorganization that are essential for overcoming these problems. Both, the ruling coalition and the opposition parties are far from the mindset that can prepare Turkey for the EU. With the prevailing rightist perspective and political parties, it is impossible [for Turkey] to make progress toward full membership to EU. One cannot expect a democratic opening from political formations that are hardened by the chauvinistic atmosphere created during the last 15 years of war in Kurdistan. The introduction of urgent democratic change and transformations needed for completing the criteria for full membership for EU, will necessitate a complete restructuring in Turkey. The path to this [reformation] goes through an unhampered election whereby the Kurds and all social groups can express their choices freely. To save the precious time, holding free and early elections is a must. Only a political will that emerges from such an election can prepare Turkey for the EU. What is even more urgent than this, is the provision of freedom to our President and to all other political prisoners. Only these [steps], can insure a strong-enough political structure that can solve Turkey's problems. Representing the Kurdish side, our Party will intensify its efforts in preparing the conditions for a modern Turkey that is based on the free union of the Kurdish, Turkish and other peoples. Our party will make the creation of a Democratic Republic the centerpiece of its program. While our Party perceives its conduct in this regard as part of its historic responsibility, it calls on EU and Turkey, on Kurdish, Turkish people and other communities to do the same to create a Democratic Turkey that can take its place within the EU.

December 11, 1999
President's Council of the PKK

 

Turkey

http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/turkey_e.html

http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/turkey/ah_kurd_aug99.html

http://www.wsws.org/sections/category/news/me-turk.shtml

http://search.foxnews.com/_1_2DCCT5Y04YPP58K__info.foxnws/search/web/Turkey

http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/tu.html

Modern Turkey was founded in 1923 from the Anatolian remnants of the defeated Ottoman Empire by national hero Mustafa KEMAL, who was later honored with the title Ataturk, or "Father of the Turks." Under his authoritarian leadership, the country adopted wide-ranging social, legal, and political reforms. After a period of one-party rule, an experiment with multi-party politics led to the 1950 election victory of the opposition Democratic Party and the peaceful transfer of power. Since then, Turkish political parties have multiplied, but democracy has been fractured by periods of instability and intermittent military coups (1960, 1971, 1980), which in each case eventually resulted in a return of political power to civilians. In 1997, the military again helped engineer the ouster - popularly dubbed a "post-modern coup" - of the then Islamic-oriented government. Turkey intervened militarily on Cyprus in 1974 to prevent a Greek takeover of the island and has since acted as patron state to the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus," which only Turkey recognizes. A separatist insurgency begun in 1984 by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) - now known as the People's Congress of Kurdistan or Kongra-Gel (KGK) - has dominated the Turkish military's attention and claimed more than 30,000 lives. After the capture of the group's leader in 1999, the insurgents largely withdrew from Turkey, mainly to northern Iraq. In 2004, KGK announced an end to its ceasefire and attacks attributed to the KGK increased. Turkey joined the UN in 1945 and in 1952 it became a member of NATO. In 1964, Turkey became an associate member of the European Community; over the past decade, it has undertaken many reforms to strengthen its democracy and economy, enabling it to begin accession membership talks with the European Union.