(The Elkhorn Manifesto)



                           SHADOW OF THE SWASTIKA:



                The Real Reason the Government Won't Debate

            Medical Cannabis and Industrial Hemp Re-legalization



                      An Open Letter to All Americans

                            By R. William Davis



      Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance

              Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis -

         Before, During and After World War II - up to the Present.



     ------------------------------------------------------------------



     PREFACE



     Before the Gatewood Galbraith for Governor Campaign in 1991, few

     Kentuckians knew that the plant that the federal government had

     demonized for over 50 years as "Marijuana - Assassin of Youth,"

     was, in fact, Cannabis Hemp, the most traded commodity in the

     world until the mid-1800s, and our state's number one crop,

     industry, and most important source of revenue, for over 150

     years.



     Today, thanks to the efforts of pioneer hemp researchers and

     public advocates such as Galbraith, Jack Fraizer, Jack Herer,

     Chris Conrad, Ed Rosenthal, Don Wirtshafter and others, the

     federal government's unjustifiable suppression of our state's

     right to develop our most valuable and versatile natural resource,

     is facing increasing opposition from an informed public. Hemp is

     now recognized as the number one agriculturally renewable raw

     now recognized as the number one agriculturally renewable raw

     material in the world, and perhaps the only crop /        [Image]

     industry which can guarantee us industrial and economic

     independence from the trans-national corporations.



     "Shadow of the Swastika" is a follow-up to my earlier work,

     "Cannabis Hemp: the Invisible Prohibition Revealed," which I wrote

     and published in support of the Galbraith Campaign. Since

     publication of that booklet, there has been growing public

     acceptance of the evidence that Marijuana Prohibition was created

     in 1937, not to protect society from the "evils of the drug

     Marijuana," as the Federal government claimed, but as an act of

     deliberate economic and industrial sabotage against the

     re-emerging Industrial Hemp Industry.



     Previous investigations by hemp researchers have been limited to

     the suppression of free-market competition from the hemp industry,

     and focused on the activities of three prominent members of

     America's corporate, industrial and banking establishment during

     the mid- to late-1930s:



     WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, the newspaper and magazine tycoon.



          The expected rebirth of cannabis hemp as a less expensive

          source of pulp for paper meant his millions of acres of prime

          timberland, and investment in wood pulp papermaking

          equipment, would soon be worth much less. In the 1920s, about

          the same time as the equipment was developed to economically

          mass-produce raw hemp into pulp and fiber for paper, he began

          the "Reefer Madness" hoax in his newspaper and magazine

          publications.



     ANDREW MELLON, founder of the Gulf Oil Corporation.



          He knew that cannabis hemp was an alternative industrial raw

          material for the production of thousands of products,

          including fuel and plastics, which, if allowed to compete in

          the free-market, would threaten the future profits of the oil

          companies. As Secretary of the Treasury he created the

          Federal Bureau of Narcotics, and appointed his own future

          nephew-in-law, Harry Anslinger, as director. Anslinger would

          later use the sensational, and totally fabricated, articles

          published by Hearst, to push the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937

          through Congress, which successfully destroyed the rebirth of

          the cannabis hemp industry.



          A prominent member of one Congressional subcommittee who

          voted in favor of this bill was Joseph Guffey of

          Pennsylvania, an oil tycoon and former business partner of

          Andrew Mellon in the Spindletop oil fields in Texas.



     THE DU PONT CHEMICAL CORPORATION,



          which owned the patents on synthetic petrochemicals and

          industrial processes that promised billions of dollars in

          future profits from the sale of wood pulp paper, lead

          additives for gasoline, synthetic fibers and plastics, if

          hemp could be suppressed. At the time, du Pont family

          influence in both government and the private sector was

          unmatched, according to historians and journalists.



     This publication, however, reveals documented historical evidence

     that the suppression of the hemp industry was only one key part of

     a much larger conspiracy in the 1930s, not only by the three

     corporate interests named above, but by many others, as well.



     Congressional records, FBI reports and investigations by the

     Justice Department, during the 1930s and 1940s, have already

     documented evidence of this wider plot. A list of the corporations

     named include Du Pont, Standard Oil, and General Motors, all of

     which were proven to be conspiring with Nazi industrial cartels to

     eliminate competition world-wide and divide among themselves the

     Earth's industrial resources and commercial markets, for

     profitable exploitation.



     This conspiracy succeeded. It is now obvious that this lack of

     serious competition in the industrial raw materials market caused

     our present - and totally contrived - addiction to petrochemicals.

     Its success is directly responsible for the most troubling

     problems we now face in the 1990s; serious damage to our

     environment, concentration of economic and political power into

     fewer and fewer hands, and the weakening of the rights of

     individuals and states to determine their own futures.



     It is more and more evident that, given the historical record, the

     structure of the New World Order is being built upon the

     Foundation of Marijuana Prohibition, and only the relegalization

     of free-market hemp competition can save us.



          R. William Davis

          July 4, 1996

          Louisville, Kentucky



                         ---------------------------



                                INTRODUCTION



     To clearly understand the circumstances which existed during the

     1930s and 1940s, and are the subject of this booklet, it would be

     helpful to first put the hemp / petrochemical conflict into

     historical perspective. The events which took place in the years

     leading up to World War II were a continuation of a struggle

     between agricultural and industrial interests that began before

     the American Revolution, a struggle which has yet to be decided,

     even today.



     AGRICULTURE VS. INDUSTRY



     The historical record, at least as it has been presented to us in

     the public school system, is that the Civil War was fought to end

     slavery. This is not the whole story. The truth of the matter is

     that it was also a clash between Northern industrialists and

     Southern agriculturists, over control of the expansion into the

     newly opened West.



     In 1845, Abraham Lincoln wrote, "I hold it a paramount duty of us

     in the free states due to the union of the states, and perhaps to

     liberty itself, to let the slavery of other states alone." (1)



     Concerning the Western territories, he said "The whole Nation is

     interested that the best use shall be made of these territories.

     We want them for homes and free white people. This they cannot be,

     to any considerable extent, if slavery be planted within them."

     (2)



     Lincoln was caught in the middle between the Northern

     industrialists and the Southern agriculturists, who both wanted to

     dominate Western expansion because of the wealth it offered. The

     industrialists knew that the agriculturists depended on slavery

     because cotton, upon which Southern wealth was based, was very

     labor intensive and required the inexpensive labor that slavery

     provided. They knew that if the Western lands were declared "free

     states" then the Southern agriculturists would be unable to

     compete, and would be forced to leave Western expansion, and its

     potential profits, to the Northern industrialists.



     Quoting "The Irony of Democracy," by Thomas R. Dye and T. Harmon

     Zeigler,



          "The importance of the Civil War for America's elite

          structure was the commanding position that the new

          industrial capitalists won during the course of the

          struggle. . . . The economic transformation of the

          United States from an agricultural to an industrial

          nation reached the crescendo of a revolution in the

          second half of the nineteenth century.



          "Civil War profits compounded the capital of the

          industrialists and placed them in a position to dominate

          the economic life of the nation. Moreover, when the

          Southern planters were removed from the national scene,

          the government in Washington became the exclusive domain

          of the new industrial leaders." (3)



     The Northern industrialists used this increased capital to build

     the system of transcontinental railways, linking the Northeast

     with both the South and West. The labor for this undertaking was

     from the Northeastern Establishment's own source of cheap labor -

     recently freed slaves and poor immigrants from Europe and China -

     who suffered under living conditions which were often little

     better than those which existed under the Slave System just a few

     years before.



     It was during the years between the Civil War and the beginning of

     the Twentieth Century that the Northern industrialists altered the

     role of the American government. Originally established by the

     Revolution to protect and preserve the lives, property and

     freedoms of all Americans from repressive government, it was

     transformed into an agency to protect the economic future of

     Northern industrialists.



     "[T]he industrial elites," according to Dye and Zeigler, "saw no

     objection to legislation if it furthered their success in

     business. Unrestricted competition might prove who was the

     fittest, but as an added precaution to insure that the industrial

     capitalists themselves emerged as the fittest, these new elites

     also insisted upon government subsidies, patents, tariffs, loans,

     and massive giveaways of land and other natural resources." (4)



     The struggle between Western farmers and the railroads owned by

     the Northern industrialists is a good example. To protect their

     interests, citizens created "the Grange," an organization which

     helped to enact state laws regulating the "ruthless aggression" of

     the railroads. In 1877, these laws were upheld by the Supreme

     Court in the Munn v. Illinois decision. But, a few years later,

     Justice Stephen A. Field changed the role, and the very

     definition, of the corporation. He gave a new interpretation to

     the Fourteenth Amendment that actually gave corporations legal

     status as citizens . . . as artificial persons. (5)



     It was not long after this change in the interpretation of the

     Fourteenth Amendment that John D. Rockefeller, the father of the

     modern-day corporation, created the great Standard Oil Corporation

     which, by the late 1880s, gained control over 90% of all the oil

     refineries in America. (6)



     The roots of 20th Century American politics can best be

     illustrated by the 1896 Presidential Election, won by Republican

     William McKinley by a landslide. The McKinley campaign was

     directed by Marcus Alonzo Hanna of Standard Oil and raised a

     $16,000,000 campaign fund from wealthy fellow industrialists, (an

     amount that was unmatched in Presidential campaigns until the

     1960s). The major theme of the campaign, and one that would echo

     far into the future, was "what's good for business is good for the

     country." (7)



     This emerging political and judicial misuse of power in America

     was feared by Thomas Jefferson who, in 1787, wrote, "I think our

     governments will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as

     they remain chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as

     there shall be vacant lands in any part of America. When they get

     piled upon one another in large cities as in Europe they will

     become corrupt as in Europe." (8)



     It is important to remember that the American Revolution was a

     clash between the agriculturists in the colonies, and the British

     industrialists who controlled the government in England. Almost

     100 years later the Civil War was fought as a continuation of the

     same basic struggle, but with the victory going back to the

     industrialists. This began the erosion of the American government

     "of the people, for the people and by the people." The buying of

     the 1896 Presidential Election, by Hanna of Standard Oil and the

     Northern industrial interests, was the next important step on the

     long road to the American government "of the corporation, for the

     corporation and by the corporation."



     A few years later, World War I would forge an even closer

     relationship between corporations and government in the United

     States, as well as around the world. Anthony Sampson, in his book

     "The Arms Bazaar," notes that "the American companies, led by US

     Steel and du Pont, were transformed by war orders. US Steel, which

     had absorbed Carnegie's old steel company, had made average annual

     profits in the four pre-war years of $105 million, while in the

     four war years they were $240 million; and du Pont's average

     profit went up from $6 million to $58 million. . . .



     "Certainly the arms companies had become much richer through the

     war, and there were widespread suspicions that they were actually

     trying to prolong it." (9)



     The bottom line is, of course, victory or profit, and in what

     proportions? To what lengths would this nation's top industrial

     leaders go to secure their share of the profits before and during

     the next "war to end all war?"



                      ---------------------------------



     NOTES: INTRODUCTION



       1. American Political Tradition, Hofstadter, p. 109. (As

          reprinted in The Irony of Democracy, Thomas R. Dye and L.

          Harmon Zeigler, p. 72)

       2. American Political Tradition, p. 113. (As reprinted in The

          Irony of Democracy, p. 72)

       3. Irony of Democracy, p. 73

       4. Ibid., p. 74

       5. Ibid., p. 75

       6. Ibid., p. 76

       7. Ibid., p. 82

       8. Ibid., p. 62

       9. The Arms Bazaar, Anthony Sampson, p. 65



             --------------------------------------------------



                      U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS



          "A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a

          fascist state to supplant our democratic government and

          is working closely with the fascist regime in Germany

          and Italy. I have had plenty of opportunity in my post

          in Berlin to witness how close some of our American

          ruling families are to the Nazi regime. . . .



          "Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do

          with bringing fascist regimes into being in both Germany

          and Italy. They extended aid to help Fascism occupy the

          seat of power, and they are helping to keep it there." -

          William E. Dodd, U.S. Ambassador to Germany, 1937.(1)



     A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that

     many of the richest, most powerful men in the United States, and

     the giant corporations they controlled, were secretly allied with

     the Nazis, both before and during World War II, even after war was

     declared between Germany and America. This alliance began with

     U.S. corporate investment during the reconstruction of post-World

     War I Germany in the 1920s and, years later, included financial,

     industrial and military aid to the Nazis.



     On the pages which follow we will review which prominent Americans

     and corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave our

     nation's enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and

     investigations into these matters which produced evidence of a

     US/Nazi corporate conspiracy to bring a fascist state to America,

     and eliminate competition in the industrial raw materials market

     in order to force world-wide dependance on oil-based

     petrochemicals.



     WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST                                  [Image]



          Hearst, who was so concerned about the American

          public's health and safety on the matter of

          marijuana use, apparently had no such fears when it came to

          Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George Seldes:



          ". . . Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated

          magazine in history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen

          big-city newspapers and one of the three great American news

          agencies, the $220-million Hearst press empire.



          ". . . William Randolph Hearst, Sr., . . . was the lord of

          all the press lords in the United States. The millions who

          read the Hearst newspapers and magazines and saw Hearst

          newsreels in the nation's moviehouses had their minds

          poisoned by Hitler propaganda.



          "It was . . . disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by

          Ambassador Dodd] almost on the day it happened, in

          September 1934, and it is detailed in the book

          'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published in 1941, and again

          in libel-proof documents on file in the courts of the

          state of New York. William E. Dodd, professor of history

          [at the University of Chicago], told me about the Hearst

          sell-out . . .



          "According to Ambassador Dodd, Hearst came to take the

          waters at Bad Nauheim in September 1934, and Dodd

          somehow learned immediately that Hitler had sent two of

          his most trusted Nazi propagandists, Hanfstangel and

          Rosenberg, to ask Hearst how Nazism could present a

          better image in the United States. When Hearst went to

          Berlin later in the month, he was taken to see Hitler."



     Seldes reports that a $400,000 a year deal was struck between

     Hearst and Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi

     propaganda minister. "Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely

     changed the editorial policy of his nineteen daily newspapers the

     same month he got the money."



     In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher

     of a magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst,

     under item 61, he states: "Promptly after this said visit with

     Adolf Hitler and the making of said arrangements. . . said

     plaintiff, William Randolph Hearst, instructed all Hearst press

     correspondents in Germany, including those of INS [Hearst's

     International News Service] to report happenings in Germany only

     in a friendly' manner. All of such correspondents reporting

     happenings in Germany accurately and without friendliness,

     sympathy and bias for the actions of the then German government,

     were transferred elsewhere, discharged, or forced to resign. . .

     ."



     In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition

     indictments [were brought by] the Department of Justice . . .

     against a score or two of Americans, the defendants included an

     unusually large minority of newspaper men and women, most of them

     Hearst employees." (2)



     ANDREW MELLON



                                   [Image]



          "Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the

          United States, his assistant, Norman Littell, and

          several Congressional investigations, have produced

          incontrovertible evidence that some of our biggest

          monopolies entered into secret agreements with the Nazi

          cartels and divided the world up among them," states

          Seldes in his book, "Facts and Fascism," published in

          1943. "Most notorious of all was Alcoa, the

          Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which is largely responsible

          for the fact America did not have the aluminum with

          which to build airplanes before and after Pearl Harbor,

          while Germany had an unlimited supply." (3)



     Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the

     U.S. "10,000 fighters or 1,665 bombers," according to Congressman

     Pierce of Oregon speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to

     protect Alcoa's monopolistic position. . ."



     "If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior

     [Harold] Ickes, June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum

     Corporation of America."



     "By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler,"

     writes Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S.

     air force. The Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by

     then-Senator Harry S. Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's

     representative, A.H. Bunker, $1-a-year head of the aluminum

     section of O.P.M., prevented work on our $600,000,000 aluminum

     expansion program." (4)



     DU PONT AND GENERAL MOTORS



     General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont

     corporation had acquired controlling interest in, and had

     interlocking directorships with, General Motors.



     Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the

     clan," according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was

     obsessed with Hitler's principles.



                  "He keenly followed the career of

                  the future Fuhrer in the 1920s,

                  and on September 7, 1926, in a

                  speech to the American Chemical

                  Society, he advocated a race of

                  supermen, to be achieved by

                  injecting special drugs into them

                  in boyhood to make their

                  characters to order." Higham's

                  book on this subject, "Trading

                  with the Enemy: An Expose of the

        [Image]   Nazi-American Money Plot

                  1933-1949," is highly recommended.



                  Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched

                  that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the

                  Du Ponts "began financing native

                  fascist groups in America . . ."

                  one of which Higham identifies as

                  the American Liberty League: "a

                  Nazi organization whipping up

                  hatred of blacks and Jews," and

                  the "love of Hitler.



          "Financed . . . to the tune of $500,000 the first year,

          the Liberty League had a lavish thirty-one-room office

          in New York, branches in twenty-six colleges, and

          fifteen subsidiary organizations nationwide that

          distributed fifty million copies of its Nazi pamphlets.

          . . .



          "The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when

          Irenee du Pont used General Motors money to finance the

          notorious Black Legion. This terrorist organization had

          as its purpose the prevention of automobile workers from

          unionizing. The members wore hoods and black robes, with

          skulls and crossbones. They fire-bombed union meetings,

          murdered union organizers, often by beating them to

          death, and dedicated their lives to destroying Jews and

          communists. They linked to the Ku Klux Klan. . . . It

          was brought out that at least fifty people, many of them

          blacks, had been butchered by the Legion." (5)



     Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi

     war machine as well, according to Higham, and several other

     researchers: "General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont

     family of Delaware, played a part in collaboration" with the

     Nazis.



     "Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30

     million into I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us

     that by "the mid-1930s, General Motors was committed to full-scale

     production of trucks, armored cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany."

     (6)



     Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power

     Inc.," describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:



          ". . . In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the

          largest automobile company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G.

          This predestined the subsidiary to become important to

          the Nazi war effort. In a heavily documented study

          presented to the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust and

          Monopoly in February 1974, Bradford C. Snell, an

          assistant subcommittee counsel, wrote:



          "'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war

          began in 1935. That year its Opel subsidiary cooperated

          with the Reich in locating a new heavy truck facility at

          Brandenburg, which military officials advised would be

          less vulnerable to enemy air attacks. During the

          succeeding years, GM supplied the Wehrmact with Opel

          "Blitz" trucks from the Brandenburg complex. For these

          and other contributions to [the Nazis] wartime

          preparations, GM's chief executive for overseas

          operations [James Mooney] was awarded the Order of the

          German Eagle (first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"



     Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the

     participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one,

     very important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey

     formed a joint subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel,

     I.G. Farben, named Ethyl G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which,

     according to Snell: "provided the mechanized German armies with

     synthetic tetraethyl fuel [leaded gas]. During 1936-39, at the

     urgent request of Nazi officials who realized that Germany's

     scarce petroleum reserves would not satisfy war demands, GM and

     Exxon joined with German chemical interests in the erection of the

     lead-tetraethyl plants. According to captured German records,

     these facilities contributed substantially to the German war

     effort: 'The fact that since the beginning of the war we could

     produce lead-tetraethyl is entirely due to the circumstances that,

     shortly before, the Americans [Du Pont, GM and Standard Oil] had

     presented us with the production plants complete with experimental

     knowledge. Without lead-tetraethyl the present method of warfare

     would be unthinkable.'" (7)



     At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in

     Germany, they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the

     United States government.



     "Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in

     early 1934, writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a

     coup d'etat that would overthrow the President with the aid of a

     $3 million-funded army of terrorists . . ." The object was to

     force Roosevelt "to take orders from businessmen as part of a

     fascist government or face the alternative of imprisonment and

     execution . . ."



     Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series

     of meetings with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this

     "bizarre conspiracy." "They finally settled on one of the most

     popular soldiers in America, General Smedly Butler of

     Pennsylvania." Butler was approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald

     MacGuire (an official of the American Legion), who attempted to

     recruit Butler into the role of an American Hitler.



          "Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire

          until, a short time later, he notified the White House

          of the plot. Roosevelt considered having "the leaders of

          the houses of Morgan and Du Pont" arrested, but feared

          that "it would create an unthinkable national crisis in

          the midst of a depression and perhaps another Wall

          Street crash." Roosevelt decided the best way to defuse

          the plot was to expose it, and leaked the story to the

          press.



          "The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on

          the front page, but generally ridiculed it as absurd and

          preposterous." But an investigation by the Congressional

          Committee on Un-American Activities - 74th Congress,

          first session, House of Representatives, Investigation

          of Nazi and other propaganda - was begun later that same

          year.



          "It was four years," continues Higham, "before the

          committee dared to publish its report in a white paper

          that was marked for 'restricted circulation.' They were

          forced to admit that 'certain persons made an attempt to

          establish a fascist organization in this country . . .

          [The] committee was able to verify all the pertinent

          statements made by General Butler.' This admission that

          the entire plan was deadly in intent was not accompanied

          by the imprisonment of anybody. Further investigations

          disclosed that over a million people had been guaranteed

          to join the scheme and that the arms and munitions

          necessary would have been supplied by Remington, a Du

          Pont subsidiary." (8)



     The names of important individuals and groups involved in the

     conspiracy were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by

     Seldes, Philadelphia Record reporter Paul French, and Jules

     Archer, author of the book, "The Plot to Seize the White House."

     Included were John W. Davis (attorney for the J.P. Morgan banking

     group), Robert Sterling Clark (Wall Street broker and heir to the

     Singer sewing machine fortune), William Doyle (American Legion

     official), and the American Liberty League (backed by executives

     from J.P. Morgan and Co., Rockefeller interests, E.F. Hutton, and

     Du Pont-controlled General Motors). (9)



     THE US/NAZI CARTEL AGREEMENT



     "On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General

     Motors held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von

     Killinger, who was . . . in charge of West Coast espionage [for

     the Nazis], and Baron von Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and

     Gestapo leader in Boston. This group signed a joint agreement

     showing total commitment to the Nazi cause for the indefinite

     future. . . ." (10)



     Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of

     America who planned world domination through political and

     military Fascism" including "several leading American

     industrialists, members of the Congress of the United States, and

     representatives of large business and political organizations . .

     ."



     He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his

     newsletter, "In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much

     further than the mere cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both

     countries," writes Seldes, "because it has political clauses and

     points to a bigger conspiracy of money and politicians such as

     helped betray Norway and France and other lands to the Nazi

     machine. The most powerful fortress in America is the production

     monopolies, but its betrayal would involve, as it did in France,

     the participation of some of the most powerful figures of the

     political as well as the industrial world." (11)



     STANDARD OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon)



          "On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold,

          with documents stuffed under his arms, . . . strode into

          the lion's den of Standard at 30 Rockefeller Plaza. Just

          behind him were Secretary of the Navy Franklin Knox and

          Secretary of the Army Henry L. Stimson." They confronted

          Standard official William Farish and "Arnold sharply

          laid down his charges" that "by continuing to favor

          Hitler in rubber deal and patent arrangements," Standard

          Oil "had acted against the interests of the American

          government . . . suggested a fine of $1.5 million and a

          consent decree whereby Standard would turn over for the

          duration all the patents" in question.



          "Farish rejected the proposal on the spot. He pointed

          out that Standard" was also selling the U.S. a "high

          percentage" of the fuel being used by the Army, Navy,

          and Air Force "making it possible for America to win the

          war. Where would America be without it?"



     Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally

     reduced to asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil

     would agree. After all, there had to be at least token punishment.

     . . . Arnold, Stimson, and Knox soon realized they had no power to

     compare with that of Standard."



     The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest

     fine of a few thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants.

     "Farish paid $1,000, or a quarter of one week's salary, for having

     betrayed America."



     In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy"

     were filed against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard

     releasing its patents and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and

     his ally, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished

     with Standard Oil just yet. They approached Senator Truman,

     chairman of the Senate Special Committee Investigating the

     National Defense Program. "With great enthusiasm Give 'em Hell

     Harry embarked on a series of hearings in March 1942, in order to

     disclose the truth about Standard."



     Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced

     documents showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had

     literally carved up the world markets, with oil and chemical

     monopolies all over the map," according to Higham. (12)



     Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:



          "Four months after the United States entered World War

          II, the Justice Department obtained an indictment of

          Exxon and its principal officers for having made

          arrangements, starting in the late 1920s with I.G.

          Farben involving patent sharing and division of world

          markets. Jersey Standard agreed not to develop processes

          for the manufacture of synthetic rubber; in exchange,

          Farben agreed not to compete in the American petroleum

          market. After war broke out in Europe, but before the

          attack on Pearl Harbor, executives of Standard Oil and

          Farben, at a meeting in Holland, established a 'modus

          vivendi' for continuing the arrangements in event of war

          between the United States and Germany - although the

          arrangements interfered with the ability of the United

          States to make synthetic rubber desperately needed after

          it entered the war in December 1941. Rather than face a

          criminal trial, Exxon and the indicted executives

          entered no-contest pleas - the legal equivalent of

          guilty pleas - and were fined the minor sums which were

          the maximum amounts permitted by law. A few days later,

          on March 26, 1942, the Senate Special Committee

          Investigating the National Defense Program held a

          hearing at which Thurman Arnold, chief of the Antitrust

          Division, put into the record documents on which the

          [criminal] indictment had been based, including a memo

          from a Standard Oil official on the 'modus vivendi'

          agreed to in Holland. After the hearing, the committee

          chairman, Harry S. Truman, characterized the

          arrangements as treasonable." (13)



     Another source book on this subject of US / Nazi corporate

     activities is "The Secret War Against the Jews," by Mark Aarons

     and John Loftus. Here is their version of the events:



          "Before the war Standard of New Jersey had forged a

          synthetic oil and rubber cartel with the Nazi-controlled

          I.G. Farben," which "worked well until the United States

          joined the war in 1941. . . . Next to the Rockefellers,

          I.G. Farben owned the largest share of stock in Standard

          Oil of New Jersey. Among other things, Standard had

          provided Farben with its synthetic rubber patents and

          technical knowledge, while Farben had kept its patents

          to itself, under strict instructions from the Nazi

          government."



     Evidence which Thurman Arnold turned over to the Truman Committee,

     which Truman would declare "treasonous," included "Standard's 1939

     letter renewing its agreement, which made it clear that the

     Rockefellers' company was prepared to work with the Nazis whether

     their own government was at war with the Third Reich or not.

     Truman's Senate Committee on the National Defense was outraged and

     began to probe into the whole scandalous arrangement, much to the

     discomfort of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Suddenly, however, the

     whole matter was dropped.



     "There was a reason for Rockefeller's escape: blackmail. According

     to the former intelligence officers we interviewed on this point,

     the blackmail was simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers [John

     Foster, later Secretary of State, and Allen, later director of the

     CIA] had one of their clients threaten to interrupt the U.S. oil

     supply during wartime."



     When confronted by Arnold on the Standard - Farben arrangement

     "Standard executives made it clear that the entire U.S. war effort

     was fueled by their oil and it could be stopped. . . . The

     American government had no choice but to go along if it wanted to

     win the war." (14)



     July 13, 1944, Ralph W. Gallagher, attorney for Standard Oil,

     filed a lawsuit against the U.S. government's seizure of the

     contested patents. "On November 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski

     gave his verdict," according to Higham. "He decided that the

     government had been entitled to seize the patents. Gallagher

     appealed. On September 22, 1947, Judge Charles Clark delivered the

     final word on the subject. He said, 'Standard Oil can be

     considered an enemy national in view of its relationships with

     I.G. Farben after the United States and Germany had become active

     enemies.' The appeal was denied." (15)



     One aspect of this Standard - I.G. Farben relationship, revealed

     in testimony during the Patents Committee hearings, chaired by

     Senator Homer T. Bone in May 1942, is of interest to those who

     seek direct evidence of a conspiracy by big oil companies to

     suppress development of synthetic substitutes to petrochemical

     products such as industrial chemicals, aircraft lubricants and

     fuel, all of which can be made from hemp:



     "On May 6th, John R. Jacobs, Jr., of the Attorney General's

     department, testified that Standard had interfered with the

     American explosives industry by blocking the use of a method of

     producing synthetic ammonia. As a result of its deals with Farben,

     the United States had been unable to get the use of this vital

     process even after Pearl Harbor. Also, the United States had been

     restricted in techniques of producing hydrogen from natural gas

     and from obtaining paraflow, a product used for airplane

     lubrication at high altitudes. . . ."



     On August 7th, "Texas oil operator C.R. Starnes appeared to

     testify that Standard had blocked him at every turn in his efforts

     to produce synthetic rubber after Pearl Harbor. . . ."



     On August 12th, "John R. Jacobs reappeared in an Army private's

     uniform (he had been inducted the day before) to bring up another

     disagreeable matter: Standard had also, in league with Farben,

     restricted production of methanol, a wood alcohol that was

     sometimes used as motor fuel." (16)



     The restriction against methanol production apparently did not

     apply to the Nazis, however. "As late as April 1943," Higham

     reveals, "General Motors in Stockholm [Sweden] was reported as

     trading with the enemy. . . . Further documents show that, as with

     Ford, repairs on German army trucks and conversion from gasoline

     to wood-gasoline production were being handled by GM in

     Switzerland." (17)



     The use of hemp as a source of methanol was known to the Nazis,

     revealed in the pamphlet "The Humorous Hemp Primer," published in

     Berlin, also in 1943. This document, recently re-published in the

     1995 edition of "Hemp and the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor

     Wears No Clothes," by veteran hemp conspiracy researcher Jack

     Herer, states that:



          "Crops should not only provide food in large quantities,

          they can provide raw materials for industry. . . . Among

          such raw materials of especially high value is hemp . .

          .



          "The woody part of this large plant is not to be thrown

          out, since it can easily be used for surface coatings

          for the finest floors. It also provides paper and

          cardboard, building materials and wall paneling. Further

          processing will even produce wood sugar and wood gas. .

          . .



          "Anyone who grows hemp today need not fear a lack of a

          market, because hemp, as useful as it is, will be

          purchased in unlimited amounts." (18)



     The Nazis obviously considered hemp a vital war material that

     could be used to produce methanol, or "wood gas," at the same

     time, in 1943, that Du Pont-controlled General Motors in

     Switzerland was "converting from gasoline to wood-gasoline

     production." This, taken into consideration along with the earlier

     statement that Standard Oil-I.G. Farben had "restricted production

     of methanol" and the GM-Standard Oil-I.G. Farben joint venture,

     Ethyl, Inc., whose profitability depended on the production of

     lead-tetraethyl for oil-based petrochemical gasoline - in direct

     competition with the alternative methanol, or "wood gas,"

     certainly opens new avenues of investigation into the existence of

     a conspiracy against hemp as an alternative, and competing,

     industrial raw material, by these very same corporations which

     sold America out to the Nazis for profit and control of world

     resources and markets.



     "Just after Pearl Harbor," writes Seldes, "the Assistant Attorney

     General, Mr. Thurman Arnold, issued a sensational report of the

     sabotage of the national [war production] program, the first

     report naming the practices which were later to be referred to as

     the treason of big business in wartime. Said Mr. Arnold:



          "Looking back over 10 months of defense effort we can

          now see how much it has been hampered by the attitude of

          powerful basic industries who have feared to expand

          their production because expansion would endanger their

          future control of industry.



          "Anti-trust investigations during the past year have

          shown that there is not an organized basic industry in

          the United States which has not been restricting

          production by some device or other in order to avoid

          what they call 'ruinous overproduction after the war'."

          (19)



     By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market

     competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial

     conspiracy against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is

     pointless. It has long been totally documented by volumes of

     evidence, available in the public record. And among this list of

     convicted corporate conspirators are murderers, racists, pro-Nazi

     collaborators, blackmailers and American Fascists who plotted at

     least one armed take-over of the U.S. government. And the list is

     not yet complete.



     THE FORD MOTOR COMPANY



     Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning,

     when the future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He

     shared with Hitler a fanatical hatred of Jews."



     "Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A

     virulent anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in

     Latin America and the Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler

     admired the book and it influenced him deeply. Visitors to

     Hitler's headquarters at the Brown House in Munich noticed a large

     photograph of Henry Ford hanging in his office. Stacked high on

     the table outside were copies of Ford's book. As early as 1923,"

     when Hitler heard that Ford was planning to run for President, he

     "told an interviewer from the 'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish that I

     could send some of my shock troops to Chicago and other big

     American cities to help'."



     As late as 1940, Ford Motor Company "refused to build aircraft

     engines for England and instead built supplies of the 5-ton

     military trucks that were the backbone of German army

     transportation." (20)



     The Ford Motor Company was also aware of the potential of hemp as

     an alternative industrial resource, devoting many years research

     to the subject.



     In a 1989 ABC Radio broadcast, Hugh Downs reported that in the

     1930s, "the Ford Motor Company also saw a future in biomass fuels.

     Ford operated a successful biomass conversion plant that included

     hemp at their Iron Mountain facility in Michigan. Ford engineers

     extracted methanol, charcoal fuel, tar, pitch, ethyl acetate, and

     creosote - all fundamental ingredients for modern industry, and

     now supplied by oil-related industries. . . . Henry Ford's

     experiments with methanol promised cheap, readily-available fuel."

     (21)



     As reported in "Popular Mechanics" in December, 1941, Ford's

     research represented "an industrial revolution in progress . . . a

     revolution in materials that will affect every home." (22)



     So, it is possible, even likely, that Ford and General Motors

     conversion "from gasoline to wood-gasoline production" for Nazi

     Germany, as earlier reported by Higham, involved at least some

     consideration of hemp as a resource, if not actual production of

     "wood-gas" from hemp. After all, Ford had already committed

     several years and significant research dollars to the subject.



     The implication of methanol fuel patents, hemp industry research

     and production facilities, all in the hands of this cabal of

     Nazi-allied American corporations, during a proven period of

     anti-competition conspiracies, and wartime blackmail against the

     U.S. government, should provide additional support for the hemp

     conspiracy theories. The fact is that Nazi Germany recognized hemp

     as a vital war material - one which, just before America's

     entrance into World War II, was positioned to compete in the

     free-market against the products controlled by the Pro-Nazi

     American corporations. Unrestricted expansion of United States

     industrial hemp production threatened not only the profits of

     these treasonous corporations, but the degree of their control

     over America's production of vital war materials.



     This view of hemp, not as a "dangerous drug" but as a vital war

     material, was acknowledged by the Kentucky Legislature a little

     over 100 years before the Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor.

     In 1841, according to Professor James F. Hopkins, author of "A

     History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky," published by the

     University of Kentucky Press in 1951:



          "When the farmers of Woodford County [KY] assembled in

          October, 1841, to consider a program of hemp production

          for the navy, they only went as far as to express an

          opinion that the government should employ a rope spinner

          in Kentucky for the purpose of converting the fiber into

          yarns, which could be transported much more cheaply and

          safely than the bulky raw material. The Committee on

          Agriculture of the Kentucky House of Representatives

          inquired into the matter early in 1842 . . .



          "Both houses of the General Assembly sent to the

          Senators and Congressmen from Kentucky a request that

          they use their 'best exertions' to have established in

          the state one or more agencies for the inspection and

          manufacture of hemp for the navy. A select committee of

          Congress, appointed to consider the resolutions from

          Kentucky, reported three resolutions of its own: that

          the navy be directed to construct a factory at

          Louisville 'for the purpose of depositing and

          manufacturing . . . such hempen fabrics of domestic

          water-rotted hemp as the public service may require';

          that inspectors be appointed to test the fiber that

          might be offered for sale; and that, after due notice to

          the public, purchase of the necessary amount of fiber be

          made at the factory. The Committee contended that its

          plan would build up during peacetime a source of hemp

          which would be vitally important in case of war,

          encourage American agriculture and manufactures, and

          decrease the unfavorable balance of trade." (23)



                                   [Image]



     [NOTE: For many years we Kentuckians have had a good deal of our

     heritage and history buried beneath a thick layer of propaganda

     from a source of power and control in this country which knows

     neither honor nor justice. Now, we are learning the truth. Our

     history as a state built upon the foundation of a long- and

     dishonestly- outlawed industry endures.]



     INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH



     Even after Pearl Harbor, ITT was working for the Nazis, reports

     Higham: ". . . the German army, navy, and air force contracted

     with ITT for the manufacture of switchboards, telephones, alarm

     gongs, buoys, air raid warning devices, radar equipment, and

     thirty thousand fuses per month for artillery shells used to kill

     British and American troops."



     ITT also "supplied ingredients for the rocket bombs that fell on

     London," and other devices as well, without which "it would have

     been impossible for the German air force to kill American and

     British troops, for the German army to fight the Allies in Africa,

     Italy, France, and Germany, for England to have been bombed, or

     for Allied ships to have been attacked at sea." (24)



     In 1938, "following a series of meetings with Luftwaffe chief

     Herman Goring, [ITT founder and chairman Sosthenes] Behn

     encouraged ITT's Lorenz subsidiary to purchase 28 percent of the

     Focke-Wulf firm, manufacturer of the bombers that were to sink so

     many Allied ships during the war," according to researcher and

     author Jim Hougan. (25)



     Anthony Sampson, in "The Sovereign State of ITT," reports on what

     is perhaps the most bizarre aspect of the US/Nazi corporate

     partnership, war reparations:



          ". . . ITT now presents itself as the innocent victim of

          the Second World War, and has been handsomely

          recompensed for its injuries. In 1967, nearly thirty

          years after the events, ITT actually managed to obtain

          $27 million in compensation from the American

          government, for war damage to Focke-Wulf plants - on the

          basis that they were American property bombed by Allied

          bombers." (26)



     The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission was responsible for this

     payment to ITT, and other U.S. corporations as well.



     Bradford Snell reports that "After the cessation of hostilities,

     GM and Ford demanded reparations from the U.S. Government for

     wartime damages sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of

     Allied bombing. By 1967 GM had collected more than $33 million in

     reparations and Federal tax benefits for damages to its warplane

     and motor vehicle properties in formerly Axis territories . . .

     Ford received a little less than $1 million, primarily as a result

     of damages sustained by its military truck complex at Cologne."

     (27)



     ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK



     Contemporary history records Allen Dulles as one of America's top

     spymasters, from his early days in the Office of Strategic

     Services (OSS) in World War II, to his position as Director of the

     Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the 1950s and early 1960s

     (until President John F. Kennedy fired him over the Bay of Pigs

     disaster in 1961), and finally to his membership on the

     controversial Warren Commission, which investigated President

     Kennedy's assassination. Until recently, his pivotal role in

     promoting a U.S. corporate relationship with the Nazis was little

     known. Loftus and Aarons describe the post-World War I role of

     Allen, and his brother, John Foster, in the following terms:



          "We first turn to Dulles's creation of international

          finance networks for the benefit of the Nazis. In the

          beginning, moving money into the Third Reich was quite

          legal. Lawyers saw to that. And Allen and his brother

          John Foster were not just any lawyers. They were

          international finance specialists for the powerful Wall

          Street law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell. . . .



          "The Dulles brothers were the ones who convinced

          American businessmen to avoid U.S. government regulation

          by investing in Germany. It began with the Versailles

          Treaty, in which they played no small role. After World

          War I the defeated German government promised to pay war

          reparations to the Allies in gold, but Germany had no

          gold. It had to borrow the gold from Sullivan &

          Cromwell's clients in the United States. Nearly 70

          percent of the money that flowed into Germany during the

          1930s came from investors in the United States, many of

          them Sullivan & Cromwell clients. . .



          "Foster Dulles, as a member of the board of I.G. Farben,

          seems to have had little difficulty in getting along

          with whoever was in charge. Some of our sources insist

          that both Dulles brothers made substantial but indirect

          contributions to the Nazi party as the price of

          continued influence inside the new German order. . . ."

          (28)



                      ---------------------------------



     NOTES: U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS



       1. Facts and Fascism, George Seldes, p. 122

          Trading with the Enemy, Charles Higham, p. 167

       2. Even the Gods Can't Change History, Seldes, pp. 140-144

       3. Facts and Fascism, p. 68

       4. Ibid., p. 262

       5. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 162-165

       6. Ibid., p. 166

       7. Power, Inc., Morton and Mintz, pp. 497-499

       8. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 163-165

       9. The Plot to Seize the White House, Jules Archer, Hawthorn

          Books, 1973 (Quoted from It's A Conspiracy, National

          Insecurity Council, EarthWorks Press, 1992, pp. 179-184)

      10. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 167-168

      11. Facts and Fascism, pp. 68-70

      12. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 45-46

      13. Power, Inc, pp. 499-500

      14. The Secret War Against The Jews, Aarons and Loftus, pp. 44-65

      15. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 61-62

      16. Ibid., pp. 49-52

      17. Ibid., p. 176

      18. The Emperor Wears No Clothes, Jack Herer, pp. 127-130

      19. One Thousand Americans, Seldes, pp. 142-143

      20. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 154-156

      21. Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do, p. 734

      22. Popular Mechanics Magazine, Vol. 76, No. 6, Dec. 1941

          (The Emperor Wears No Clothes, 1995 edition, p. 199)

      23. A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky, Professor James

          F. Hopkins,

          University of Kentucky Press, 1951

      24. Trading with the Enemy, p. 99

      25. Spooks, Jim Hougan, pp. 423-424

      26. The Sovereign State of ITT, Anthony Sampson, p. 47

          (Power, Inc., pp. 500-501)

      27. GM and the Nazis, by Bradford C. Snell, Ramparts Magazine,

          June 1974, pp. 14-16 (Democracy for the Few, Michael Parenti,

          pp. 91-92)

      28. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 55-60



             --------------------------------------------------



                          THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER



     "The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if

     the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where

     it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in

     essence, is fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by

     a group, or by any other controlling power.



     "Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in

     history is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1)



     As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance

     during World War II was the result of substantial American

     investment in post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these

     investments, and the accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational

     corporations remained an important part of the Nazi war machine

     until the final defeat of Germany in 1945. What effect did the end

     of World War II have on this faction of American Nazi

     collaborators?



     In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from

     recently de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction,

     rather than facing charges of high treason, became an integral

     part of the United States national security apparatus, extending

     its fascist influence in both foreign and domestic policies and,

     in effect, creating what has been referred to as America's

     "Invisible Government." The excuse, of course, was Communism.



     THE BUGGING OF WALL STREET



     Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers'

     pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death,

     former Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the

     authors an interview. Justice Goldberg had served in U.S.

     intelligence during World War II. Although he said little in

     public, he had collected information on the Dulles boys'

     activities over the years. His verdict was blunt. 'The Dulles

     brothers were traitors.' They had betrayed their country, by

     giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war." (2)



     Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles

     brothers and other American Nazi collaborators in banking and

     industry came as a result of a top-secret joint U.S.-British

     intelligence program known as the Ultra Project. "Prior to the

     United States' entry into the war," write Loftus and Aarons,

     "Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to wiretap American

     targets.



          "According to our sources in the intelligence community,

          the area of coverage included a good bit of the New York

          financial district, several floors of Rockefeller Plaza,

          part of the RCA Building, two prominent clubs, and

          various shipping firms. . . .



          "The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a

          Canadian electronics genius better known by his code

          name, 'Intrepid.' From his headquarters in the

          Rockefeller building, Stephenson's job was to identify

          U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis." (3)



          "Several months before the United States declared war,"

          continue Loftus and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen

          Dulles to head up the New York branch of the Office of

          the Coordinator of Information (COI), President

          Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the precursor to

          the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). Its primary

          mission was to collect information against the Nazis and

          their collaborators. In other words, Dulles was asked to

          inform on his own clients in New York. . . ."



          "Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI

          Manhattan branch because he wanted Dulles where the

          British wiretappers could keep an eye on him. . . .



          "One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop.

          Inside Dulles's operation was one of Roosevelt's spies,

          Arthur Goldberg . . ." who, "confirmed . . . that

          Dulles's appointment was a setup. . . .



          "Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang

          himself. From Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is

          known that Dulles was continuing to work with his German

          business clients, who wanted to remove Hitler and

          install a puppet of their own who would make peace with

          the West while forging an alliance against Stalin. It

          was to be a kinder, gentler Third Reich, favorably

          disposed to American financial interests. . . . (4)



          "The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was

          collected by a special section of Operation Safehaven,

          the U.S. Treasury Department's effort to trace the

          movement of stolen Nazi booty towards the end of the

          war. Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry Morganthau

          had set up Dulles by giving him the one assignment -

          intelligence chief in Switzerland - where he would be

          most tempted to aid his German clients with their money

          laundering."



     Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the

     Safehaven intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason

     charges against those British and American businessmen who aided

     the enemy in time of war." Among the targets were Allen Dulles,

     Henry Ford, and other U.S. industrialists. (5)



     The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . .

     that he was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One

     possible source of the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who

     constantly shared information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss

     minister in Washington during the war."



     "Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret

     meetings with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was

     that, at the time, the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss

     secret service."



     It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace

     during the 1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman

     as his new running mate. (6)



     THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY



          "After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write

          Loftus and Aarons, "various Nazi businessmen realized

          they were on the losing side and made plans to evacuate

          their wealth. The Peron government in Argentina was

          receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms, and

          Dulles helped it hide the money. . . .



          "The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing

          Reichsbank treasure [estimated at $2.5 billion dollars]

          as the greatest unsolved bank robbery in history. Where

          did it go? . . . .



          "According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was

          simply shipped a very short distance across Austria and

          through the Brenner Pass into Italy. Dulles's contacts

          were waiting at the Vatican. The German-Vatican

          connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi

          industrialists planned to get away with it. . . ." (7)



     The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state

     that the "vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which

     "disappeared before the end of World War II" reappeared "within a

     decade in the hands of the same men who financed Hitler's war

     against the Jews. Allen Dulles's clients were not defeated, only

     inconvenienced." The authors identify two of Dulles's accomplices

     as James Jesus Angleton and his father, Hugh Angleton. The

     Angletons were members of X-2, the OSS counterintelligence branch

     in Italy, in 1943.



     Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis

     powers. He was the European representative for National Cash

     Register in Italy before the war and business associate of Dulles.

     When World War II broke out, the authors write,



          ". . . Angleton was crushed financially as all his

          investments were in enemy hands.



          "Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back. Like

          Dulles, Hugh offered his services to the OSS." With

          high-placed contacts in Mussolini's Interior Ministry,

          Hugh was accepted and "promoted rapidly in U.S.

          intelligence. He became second in command to Colonel

          Clifton Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of

          World War II." (8)



     Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging

     with the release of recently declassified documents concerning

     World War II, is the role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war

     German investments, and its role in helping Nazi war criminals

     escape justice after the war. Concerning the Vatican-German

     investments, Loftus and Aarons are quite clear:



          "That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even

          donated money to Hitler himself cannot be denied. A

          German nun, Sister Pascalina, was present at its

          creation. In the early 1920s she was the housekeeper for

          Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection . . . Eugenio

          Pacelli, then the papal nuncio in Munich. Sister

          Pascalina vividly recalls receiving Adolf Hitler late

          one night and watching the archbishop give Hitler a

          large amount of Church money."



     In addition, Eugenio Pacelli



          "later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of

          dollars in the rising German economy, money from the

          Vatican's land settlement that ended the Pope's claim of

          sovereignty over territory outside the walls of Vatican

          City. It was Pacelli who negotiated the Concordat with

          Germany and then had to deal with the consequences of

          his own mistakes when he became pope on the eve of World

          War II.



          "The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same

          problem. Once their money was in Hitler's hands, how

          would they get it back?"



     The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military

     Intelligence who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed

     that only a tiny portion of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually

     reached the Vatican Bank, while the rest was held in cooperative

     banks in Belgium, Liechtenstein, and especially Switzerland." It

     was only necessary to transfer the paperwork on the gold, not the

     gold itself. Since, by that time, Dulles knew his telegraph

     communications were being monitored by the British wiretap

     operation in New York, he instead used couriers to "ensure

     absolute secrecy in moving the foreign currency and the ownership

     documents out of Switzerland . . . special agents of the Vatican

     who had diplomatic immunity to move back and forth across both

     Nazi and Allied lines. . . ." (9)



          ". . . . The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan

          intelligence, the Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav

          Draganovic, was involved in transporting large

          quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold bullion, from

          Austria to the safety of the Holy See with the help of

          the Dulles-Angleton clique in Rome. Some of the booty

          was transported in truck convoys run by British troops.

          Other shipments were carried in U.S. Army jeeps provided

          to Father Draganovic so that he could conduct pastoral

          visits' on behalf of the Vatican.



          "Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian

          bishop Gregory Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of

          Dulles's friends in U.S. intelligence. Declassified U.S.

          intelligence files confirm that Bishop Rozman was

          suspected of trying to arrange the transfer of huge

          quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency

          that had been discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during

          the war. For a few months the Allies prevented Rozman

          from gaining access to this treasure, but then the way

          was mysteriously cleared. In fact, the Dulles-Vatican

          connection had fixed it, and before too long the bishop

          obtained the loot for his Nazi friends, who were hiding

          in Argentina.



          "Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the

          iceberg. It has long been acknowledged that it was Allen

          Dulles who tipped off General Patton about the buried

          German treasure that lay in the path of the U.S. Third

          Army. Patton explicitly urged General Eisenhower to

          conceal as much of the gold as possible, but his advice

          was refused.



          "Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues

          exerted a great deal of influence to ensure that Western

          investments in Nazi Germany were not seized by the

          Allies as reparations for the Jews. After all, much of

          'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the bankers

          in London and New York. The . . . captured Nazi loot

          went underground. . . .



          "In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own

          investments in Germany, the Vatican agreed to become

          part of Dulles's smuggling window, through which the

          Nazis and their treasure could be moved to safety." (10)



     On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President.

     May 7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf

     Hitler. September 2nd, Japan surrendered.



     World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than

     35,000,000 lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll

     for the United States was 294,000. (11)



     A PLEDGE BETRAYED



          "Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar

          service with the government not out of patriotism but of

          necessity," according to Loftus and Aarons. "They had to

          be in positions of power to suppress the evidence of

          their own dealings with the Nazis. The Safehaven

          investigation was quickly stripped from Treasury . . .

          and turned over to the State Department. There Dulles's

          friends shredded the index to the interlocking

          corporations and blocked further investigations.



          "Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American

          businessman was ever going to be convicted of treason

          for helping the Nazis. None ever was, despite the

          evidence. According to one of our sources in the

          intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter

          Intelligence Corps had two large 'Civilian Internment

          Centers' in Occupied Germany, code named 'Ashcan' and

          'Dustbin.' The CIC had identified and captured a large

          number of U.S. citizens who had stayed in Germany and

          aided the Third Reich all through World War II. The

          evidence of their treason was overwhelming. The captured

          German records were horribly incriminating.



          "Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department

          attorney responsible for preparing the treason trials,

          suddenly ordered the prisoners' release. All of the Nazi

          collaborators were allowed to return to the United

          States and reclaim their citizenship. At the same time,

          another Justice Department attorney, O. John Rogge, who

          dared to make a speech about Nazi collaborators in the

          United States was quickly fired. However, the attorney

          who buried the treason cases was later promoted to

          special assistant attorney general.



          "Dulles and his clients had won. The proof is in the

          bottom line. Forty years after World War II, Fortune

          magazine published a list of the hundred richest men in

          the world. There were no Jews on the list. The great

          fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been

          diminished to insignificance by the Depression, the

          Nazis, and World War II.



          "Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires

          who had been prominent members of Hitler's inner circle.

          A few even had served time in Allied prisons as Nazi war

          criminals, but they were all released quickly. The

          bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen survived the

          war with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their

          industrial empires to become the richest men in the

          world. Dulles's clients got away with it. President

          Roosevelt's dream of putting the Nazis' moneymen on

          trial died with him."



     England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors:

     "The British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to

     release all of the VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence

     against them. Even before Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already

     begun to withdraw from his commitment to prosecute Nazis." The

     reason?" Too many British industries might be seized as Nazi

     fronts. Too many upper-class collaborators might have to be

     prosecuted. The Germans were defeated, and the Soviets were now

     the enemy.



          "Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly

          dried up. Nazi bankers such as Herman Abs were released

          from prison to work as economic advisers in the British

          zone of Germany. The history of British 'efforts' to

          punish Nazis after the war is aptly summarized in Tom

          Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'. . . .



          "The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the

          Third Reich. Despite direct orders from President Truman

          and General Eisenhower, I.G. Farben, the citadel of the

          Nazi industrialists, was never dismantled. Dulles's

          clients demanded, and received, Allied compensation for

          bomb damage to their factories in Germany. Only a few of

          the top Nazis were executed. Most of the rest were

          released from prison within a few years. Others, . . .

          would go virtually unpunished. No one ever investigated

          the Nazi sympathizers in Western intelligence who had

          made it all possible." (12)



     As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with

     the Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and

     even received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants.

     Some Nazi industrialists were charged and convicted by the

     Nuremberg war crimes trials but, in their book, "The American

     Establishment," authors Leonard and Mark Silk observe that in the

     late 1940s "the United States and its leaders faced an agonizing

     moral problem in coming to terms with those German industrialists

     who had willingly done business with the Nazis and who were now

     just as willing to do business with the Americans in the

     reconstruction of Germany. The problem was dramatized when those

     German industrialists who had been convicted of war crimes at

     Nuremberg were all released from Landsberg prison in early 1951,

     their sentences commuted by the American High Commissioner [of

     German Occupation], John J. McCloy.



     ". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the

     blanket release of the convicted industrialists was taken within

     Germany - and by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be

     seriously blamed for their involvement in matters for which others

     were hanged or suffered long imprisonment." (13)



     The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war

     criminals is described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old

     Nazis," by T.H. Tetens, an expert in German affairs.



     Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its

     eagerness to create a new German army of 500,000 men, the SS [at

     that time reorganized into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG,

     which stands for 'mutual assistance,' a so-called veterans

     organization], together with the old Wehrmacht officers, started

     an all-out campaign for the immediate release of all war

     criminals. It was a superbly organized blackmail action, enjoying

     wide support from the public, from all parties, and carried toward

     success by Dr. Adenauer's astute maneuverings.



     "The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the

     problem with 'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods.

     The more the U.S. High Commission in Germany showed leniency,

     however, the stronger the pressure became: either 'all so-called

     war criminals are released or there will be no German army.'

     American diplomats followed Dr. Adenauer's plan to feed the

     nationalistic monster piecemeal. Every few days we quietly

     released one or two more from prison - the Krupps, the I.G. Farben

     directors, and dozens of former Wehrmacht Generals. On friendly

     advice from Washington, the British and the French, extremely

     reluctant, had to follow suit. When the supply dried up, there

     remained behind bars only the SS, the mass murderers from Dachau,

     Belsen, and Buchenwald, and the toughs from the Waffen SS who had

     massacred American, British, and Canadian prisoners of war. This

     put High Commissioner John McCloy in a most embarrassing position.

     . . ."



     Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner

     McCloy and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment:

     Adenauer "suggested the formation of a review board, with three

     German members sitting in and having equal voice in making

     recommendations. The whole procedure was to be shrouded in

     secrecy, and it was decided that the names of those released

     should not be revealed to the public. In this way the last few

     hundred 'poor devils,' those SS mass killers and sadists, were

     quietly set free within two or three years." (14)



     Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the

     subject of U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more

     detail of the backgrounds of those released:



     "The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the

     convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who

     had administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of

     similar cases. In addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the

     Landsberg inmates set in motion a much broader process that

     eventually freed hundreds of other convicted Nazi war criminals

     over the next five years. . . . By the winter of 1950-1951 the

     most senior levels of the U.S. government had decided to abrogate

     their wartime pledge to bring Nazi war criminals to justice. . . .

     in the interests of preserving West German military support for

     American leadership in the cold war. While nazism and Hitler's

     inner circle continued to be publicly condemned throughout the

     West, the actual investigation and prosecution of specific Nazi

     crimes came to a standstill." (15)



     One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer

     of the Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal

     murder assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the

     liquidation of the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov.

     During the Battle of the Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy

     massacre, killing more than 600 military and civilian prisoners,

     among them 115 American G.I.s. He was sentenced to death, and the

     sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. In 1955 he was

     one of the last poor devils' quietly released from prison and

     greeted by the Bonn government with the homecoming pay of 6,000

     marks." (16)



     In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one

     prominent American expressed support for the reduction of

     sentences for those responsible for the mass murder of the 600

     unarmed prisoners of war at Malmedy, describing the decision as

     "extremely wise." The American was Senator Joseph McCarthy,

     Republican from Wisconsin.



     Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French,

     the British, and the smaller European countries" of a

     re-militarized Germany, "the outbreak of the Korean War (June

     1950) brought a total change. The provisions which banned all

     military and veterans' organizations lost all their meaning and

     were no longer enforced. Western Germany was allowed by the Allies

     to set up its own General Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank

     Office. Supported by Bonn and tolerated by the United States, a

     nation-wide network was created to reactivate the experienced

     officers and the man power of the old Wehrmacht. The short period

     of 1950-51 must be marked as the time when Hitler's old officers,

     SS leaders, and [Nazi] party functionaries returned to power and

     influence." (17)



     Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was

     "tolerated by the United States" was a historical understatement.

     By the time Tetens' book was published in 1961, hundreds of

     convicted Nazi war criminals had already been smuggled out of

     Germany to avoid prosecution at the war crimes trials at

     Nuremberg, recruited by, and on the payroll of several U.S.

     government agencies, including the Army CIC, the OSS, and the

     Office of Policy Coordination within the State Department.



     Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these

     Americanized fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in,

     and in many cases in charge of, many U.S. government covert

     operations -- international weapons smuggling, drug cartels,

     Central American death squads, right wing anti-communist

     dictatorships, LSD mind control experiments -- the Republican

     National Committee's Ethnic Heritage Councils, and the

     Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George

     Bush.



     THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION



     Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United

     States intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen.



     "Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's

     most senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front,

     had begun planning his surrender to the United States at least as

     early as the fall of 1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi

     officers who switched sides at the end of World War II, Gehlen

     "proved to be the most important of them all.



     "In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior

     officers carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in

     the . . . military intelligence section of the German army's

     general staff. They packed the film in watertight steel drums and

     secretly buried it in remote mountain meadows scattered through

     the Austrian Alps. Then, on May 22, 1945, Gehlen and his top aides

     surrendered to an American Counter-intelligence Corps [CIC] team."

     (18)



     According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an

     interview with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the

     United States "his intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the

     priceless files for future service."



     Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The

     Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed

     the continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the

     German General Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were

     quietly released from internment camps and joined Gehlen's

     headquarters in the Spessart Mountains in central Germany. When

     the staff had grown to three thousand men, the Bureau Gehlen

     opened a closely guarded twenty-five-acre compound near Pullach,

     south of Munich, operating under the innocent name of the South

     German Industrial Development Organization. . . .



     "Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and

     bounds. In the early fifties it was estimated that the

     organization employed up to 4,000 intelligence specialists in

     Germany, mainly former army and SS officers, and that more than

     4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were active throughout the

     Soviet-bloc countries. Gehlen's spy network stretches from Korea

     to Cairo, from Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . . When the

     Federal Republic [of West Germany] became a sovereign state in

     1955, the Bureau Gehlen was openly recognized as the official

     intelligence arm of the Bonn government." (19)



     How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the

     history of the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was

     perhaps the most significant element of all:



          ". . . . The Org became the most important eyes and ears

          for U.S. intelligence inside the closed societies of the

          Soviet bloc. 'In 1946 [U.S.] intelligence files on the

          Soviet Union were virtually empty,' says Harry Rositzke,

          the CIA's former chief of espionage inside the Soviet

          Union. '. . . . Rositzke worked closely with Gehlen

          during the formative years of the CIA and credits

          Gehlen's organization with playing a "primary role" in

          filling the empty file folders during that period. . .

          .'



          "'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that

          we were afraid of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the

          CIA's chief analyst of Soviet strategic war plans and

          capabilities, 'so we would give him more money to tell

          us about it.' He continues: 'In my opinion, the Gehlen

          Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the

          understanding or estimating Soviet military or political

          capabilities in Eastern Europe or anywhere else.'

          Employing Gehlen was 'a waste of time, money, and

          effort, except that maybe he had some CI [counter-

          intelligence] value, because practically everybody in

          his organization was sucking off both tits.'" (20)



     By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that

     Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the

     very time it was our most important source of intelligence upon

     which the Cold War was based. In fact, the Communists had

     infiltrated Nazi intelligence long before Gehlen switched sides.



     TRIPLE CROSS



     "In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence

     created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment

     revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted

     support from the West. Considerable financial assistance was

     supplied and close ties forged with various Western intelligence

     services. This enabled the Communist double agents running the

     front groups to co-opt the legitimate emigre opposition, splinter

     their leadership and provoke them into premature and poorly

     organized rebellions which were easily defeated. More importantly,

     the false front groups were a vehicle for long-term Soviet

     penetration of Western society. . . ."



     The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi

     Soyuz (NTS), or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented

     itself as a group of anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin

     and, in the 1920s, recruited a Communist agent named Prince Anton

     Vasilevich Turkel. Turkel, who actually worked for Soviet Military

     intelligence (GRU), went on to penetrate French, Japanese,

     Italian, British, German, and even the Vatican intelligence

     services before the end of World War II.



     "After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence

     (the Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of

     NATO, including the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS -

     for offensive intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence

     Corps (CIC - for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State

     Department Office of Policy Co-ordination and the Central

     Intelligence Agency. . ." (21)



     "Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an

     Austrian Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence

     network, code named MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt -

     Turkel's intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus,

     p. 166] - "worked exclusively for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the

     German spy chief who collaborated with the Vatican and the British

     to topple Hitler during the war [the group known as the Black

     Orchestra]."



     The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called

     Fascist Jews" who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union,

     not for the glory of the Third Reich but to save themselves and

     their families from the concentration camps." The Max network was

     supposed to have had "the only communication link to a secret

     network of 'White' Russian Fascists inside the Kremlin [Turkel's

     NTS], who had supposedly infiltrated Stalin's military

     headquarters prior to World War II." But, the authors continue,

     "the Max network was not made up of Fascist Jews. They were, in

     fact, Communist Jews who risked their lives inside the heart of

     the Third Reich's intelligence service."



     The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false

     intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet

     Union, leading "the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on

     the Eastern front." The Max double-agents were responsible for the

     Nazis defeats at Stalingrad, "the giant battle of Kursk where

     Hitler's tank divisions were slaughtered. The final sting,"

     continue the authors, "was to mislead Germany into believing that

     the Red army was on the verge of collapse in 1944, when in fact

     the Soviets were preparing for the most massive onslaught of the

     war.



     "It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of

     the Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the

     Western intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all

     Hitler's divisions were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as

     a result of the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22)



     When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles

     ordered the ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen

     already had plans to do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max

     network the centerpiece of his new West German intelligence

     agency. As soon as a Republican president was elected in the

     United States, Dulles intended to take over the CIA and make

     Gehlen and Turkel the heart of his anti-Soviet network. The

     Soviets, of course, were delighted as they watched Dulles and

     Gehlen attempt to plant a Communist spy ring in the heart of

     Western intelligence. . . .



          ". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that

          the whole thing had been a giant Soviet-controlled

          operation. Dozens of operations, hundreds of agents,

          thousands of innocent civilians had been betrayed. . . .



          ". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in

          1953, his pet 'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes

          to start the Hungarian uprising prematurely. Thousands

          of innocent Hungarians rushed on to the streets of

          Budapest to start the revolution. Instead of American

          paratroopers dropping supplies, they found Soviet tanks

          waiting in the suburbs."



     By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total:

     "U.S. Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security

     Council that it did not have a single network of couriers or safe

     houses left in Communist territory, apart from East Germany.

     Dulles's Nazi 'freedom fighters' had sold him out." (23)



     COLD WARRIORS



     It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United

     States military-intelligence establishment after the end of World

     War II: "Any bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze,

     the "former head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the

     CIA, was correct. (24)



     We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed

     atrocities - returned to positions of power and influence inside

     Germany after the war. Unknown until fairly recently was the

     extent of Nazi recruitment by U.S. intelligence agencies and

     political organizations, in the 1940s and 1950s.



     Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that of

     Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket

     scientists and facilities, all of which were later incorporated

     into the U.S. Space Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S.

     State Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident.

     Barbie, head of the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known as the

     "Butcher of Lyons" and was sought by the French Government for

     atrocities committed against French Resistance fighters captured

     by the Nazis. Barbie was recruited as a U.S. intelligence "asset"

     in 1947 by one branch of the State Department's

     Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC), while another branch, the

     Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British project, was

     trying to put him in prison for war crimes.



     Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment

     (and protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers

     and politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought

     increasing pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and

     eventually through official notes requesting Barbie's extradition

     from Germany. That, in the final analysis, is why the CIC chose to

     provide Barbie with a new identity and safe passage to Argentina

     in 1951, while thousands of other ex-Nazis who had been 'of

     interest' to the CIC at one time or another have simply lived out

     their lives in Germany. If the CIC had dumped Barbie when the

     French government began requesting his extradition, he would have

     had plenty of compromising things to say about the CIC. . ." (25)



     But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in

     the early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war

     crimes, the U.S. government was forced to conduct an investigation

     into the Barbie affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his

     investigation concluded that the United States had indeed

     protected Barbie in Europe and engineered his escape but that

     Barbie was the only such Nazi who had been assisted in this

     fashion." (26)



     As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds,

     perhaps thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S.

     agencies, from the CIC to the CIA, and used in covert operations

     overseas, as our first line of defense against Communism. Others,

     equally as guilty of wartime atrocities, were brought into the

     United States for domestic political purposes. This aspect of the

     U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented, and deserves closer

     attention by the mainstream press.



     One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the

     U.S. government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of

     Carmel, California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host

     of the weekly radio program "World Watchers International" began

     with the Kennedy assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel

     from the Warren Report," writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the

     book "Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes," "supplementing her

     research with untold amounts of reading from the 'New York Times'

     to 'Soldier of Fortune,' Brussell discovered not merely a

     conspiracy of a few renegade CIA agents, Mafiosi, and Castro

     haters behind Kennedy's death, but a vast, invisible institutional

     structure layered into the very fabric of the U.S. political

     system.



          "Comprising the government within a government were not

          just spies, gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis. Mae found

          that many of the commission witnesses -- whose testimony

          established Oswald as a lone nut' -- had never even

          spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly. The bulk of

          them were White Russian emigres living in Dallas.

          Extreme in their anti-Communism, they were often

          affiliated with groups set up by the SS in World War II

          -- Eastern European ethnic armies used by the Nazis to

          carry out their dirtiest work.



          "Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely

          reported in the media, and not often taught in

          universities. Those same collaborationist groups were

          absorbed by United States intelligence agencies. They

          hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard

          Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."



     "'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military

     disaster and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but

     disguised, in havens in the West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She

     didn't author too many articles, but this one, 'The Nazi

     Connection to the John F. Kennedy Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,'

     a short-lived political magazine published by 'Hustler' impresario

     Larry Flynt), was definitive, albeit convoluted.



     "'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when

     John Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And

     it is a story with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of

     Fascism.'"



     Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988,

     after receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have

     identified himself as 'a fascist and proud of it.'"



     The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on

     October 3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults

     -- within the U.S. military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had

     progressed far beyond the need for patsies like Oswald. They were

     now able, Brussell asserted, to hypnotically program assassins.



     "Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With

     drugs, sex, and violence, they strip any semblance of moral

     thought. They are perfect for use in creating killers. The United

     States military, Brussell found, was using them." (27)



                      ---------------------------------



     NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER



       1. One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p. 5-6

       2. The Secret War Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p. 71

       3. Ibid., pp. 73-74

       4. Ibid., pp. 75-76

       5. Ibid., p. 77

       6. Ibid., p. 78

       7. Ibid., pp. 79-80

       8. Ibid., pp. 82-83

       9. Ibid., pp. 84-85

      10. Ibid., pp. 85-86

      11. Tragedy and Hope, Prof. Carrol Quigley, p. 827

      12. Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 100-102

      13. The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark Silk, p. 249

      14. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp. 99-102

      15. Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects on

          the Cold War, Christopher Simpson, pp. 191-192

      16. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, p. 103

      17. Ibid., pp. 112-113

      18. Blowback, pp. 40-41

      19. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp. 42-43

      20. Blowback, pp. 54-55

      21. Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp. 151-152

      22. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 135-136

      23. Ibid., pp. 151-152

      24. Blowback, p. 159

      25. Ibid., pp. 187-189

      26. Ibid., pp. 192-193

      27. Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp.

          101-104



             --------------------------------------------------



                           RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON



     In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard

     Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of

     World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles.



     The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can

     only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career

     also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:



     "According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,'

     Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the

     navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi

     documents." The documents in question revealed the wartime record

     of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the

     Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership

     with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies

     had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during

     the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi

     party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the

     ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"



     The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up

     his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as

     an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil

     interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link

     to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian-

     American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken

     a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up

     worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of

     the captured Konti records."



     According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the

     young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard

     Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return,

     Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional

     campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)



     Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman

     congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles

     considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that

     confidential government files showed that one of Foster's

     foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The

     Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a

     tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany,

     apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be

     useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful anyway,

     despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection in

     1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)



     After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen

     Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph

     McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the

     charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.'

     When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was

     Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell

     Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence

     community.



          "The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did

          not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting

          Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office

          of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had

          systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre

          networks that had worked first for the SS, then the

          British, and finally Dulles.



          "The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them

          to the United States less for intelligence purposes than

          for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became

          to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli

          intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the

          phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the

          Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In

          the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who

          infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.



          "In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign,

          the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put

          it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who

          arrived in the United States after World War II. Like

          similar migrant organizations in several Western

          countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant

          number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had

          been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders

          during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported

          the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest

          means of getting back into power in their former

          homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its

          first operation (1951/1952).'"



     The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had

     acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim

     Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a

     party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the

     members of Hitler's political organization went to the

     Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been

     put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were

     the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)



     This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed

     because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's

     razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the

     Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in

     1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base.



          "Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis

          against Jews in American politics was never investigated

          at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatian and

          other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for

          contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic

          bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA

          domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during

          the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's

          ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table

          financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the

          Jewish vote for the Democrats.



          "In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the

          Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists,

          hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon

          "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In

          1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration

          laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the

          SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw

          the new immigration program. As vice president, he even

          received Eastern European Fascists in the White House.

          After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found

          a new home in the United States, where they

          reestablished their networks.



          "In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential

          election, he would create a permanent ethnic council

          within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic

          Division was allowed to surface only during presidential

          campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the

          1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman

          of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian

          Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign

          structure of Republican politics, along with several

          other Fascist organizations." (4)



     The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain

     terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968

     presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the

     point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations

     and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was

     ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)



     One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor,

     described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's

     Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . .

     . was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government

     of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish

     population.



          "[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he

          approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the

          ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for

          filling emigre slots as the council was being formed

          included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.'

          The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in

          droves.



          "The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door'

          for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such

          guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National

          Front and chairman of the American Friends of the

          Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an

          organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive

          Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and

          even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to

          celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)



          "During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972,

          Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the

          ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes,

          now he held a key position as the Republican National

          Committee's nationalities director. . . .



          "The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a

          defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous

          expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington

          Post' at the same time as the November 1971 convention.

          Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the

          industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was

          never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by

          the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job.'

          It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor

          had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war

          with the United States.



          ". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern

          European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It

          is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major

          influence. After 1953, the Republican administration

          changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS

          could immigrate to the United States as long as they

          claimed only to have fought the Communists on the

          Eastern Front." (7)



     The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by

     Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the

     book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination.

     Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what

     was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with

     Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff'

     as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst,

     Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.



          "The selection of German names was no accident. Many of

          the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him

          from the University of Southern California, and the

          University of California at Los Angeles, where there

          were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new

          Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark

          side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla

          of Wagner and Hitler.



          "But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of

          the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would

          watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of

          the White House until all hours of the night, and drink,

          in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind

          ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)



          "According to several of our sources in the intelligence

          community who were in a position to know," continue

          Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican

          party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of

          Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is

          the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The

          rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will

          be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the

          Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.



          "According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political

          Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist

          organizations of World War II opened up a Republican

          party front group during the Nixon administration. The

          caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged

          by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass

          murderer from what is today called the independent

          nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union.

          But not all American ethnic communities are represented

          in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or

          Jewish heritage groups. . . .



          "The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies'

          that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought

          in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late

          1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the

          1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to

          Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)



     It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party

     Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink

     of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades

     become a matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate

     Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the

     slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign

     contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential

     election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon

     Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende, the

     democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects

     of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one

     thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the American

     people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his

     hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.



                      ---------------------------------



     NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON



       1. The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221

       2. Ibid., pp. 221-222

       3. Ibid., pp. 222-223

       4. Ibid., pp. 122-123

       5. Ibid., pp. 224-225

       6. Ibid., pp. 297-298

       7. Ibid., pp. 298-299

       8. High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward

          Livingstone, pp. 417-418

       9. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301



             --------------------------------------------------



                         GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH



     Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp

     president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon.

     And, like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting

     the Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the

     Nazis was a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six

     decades and, once again, to Allen Dulles.



     Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts

     well before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s,

     when the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were

     making their deals with the Nazis. . . ."



     THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION



          "George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake

          and maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker,

          a native of St. Louis, who founded the banking and

          investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company in 1900.

          Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the

          prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . .



          "Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial

          supporters in the United States. The relationship went

          all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the German

          industrialist, was financing Hitler's infant Nazi party.

          As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were American

          contributors as well.



          "Some Americans were just bigots and made their

          connections to Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of

          Sullivan and Cromwell because they supported Fascism.

          The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit more than

          ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany

          in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out

          of the German economic recovery. . . .



          "Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in

          funding Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond

          Beast,' Christopher Simpson's seminal history of the

          politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers,

          Harriman was another bank that specialized in

          investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill

          Harriman, a dominating figure in the American

          establishment. . . .



          "The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman &

          Company. The link between Harriman & Company's American

          investors and Thyssen started in the 1920s, through the

          Union Banking Corporation, which began trading in 1924.

          In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold

          more than $50 million of German bonds to American

          investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president,

          and the firm was located in the offices of Averill

          Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.



          "In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law,

          Prescott Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to

          help their children make a start in life, but Prescott

          came to regret it bitterly. Walker made Prescott vice

          president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that

          Walker's specialty was companies that traded with

          Germany. As Thyssen and the other German industrialists

          consolidated Hitler's political power in the 1930s, an

          American financial connection was needed. According to

          our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi

          money-laundering machine. . . .



          "In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a

          British-American investment company to become Brown

          Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush became one of the

          senior partners of the new company, which relocated to

          59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39

          Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his

          son-in-law on the board of directors of Union Banking.



          "Walker also set up a deal to take over the North

          American operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover

          for I.G. Farben's Nazi espionage unit in the United

          States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents,

          propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians

          to see things Hitler's way. The holding company was

          Walker's American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the

          offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In an

          elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in

          American Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet

          another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen

          Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors

          of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and

          Prescott Bush. . . .



          ". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense,

          retired marine general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown

          Brothers, Harriman for having the U.S. marines act like

          'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to exploit

          financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .



          ". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that

          Walker's 'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range

          of pro-Nazi propaganda efforts both in Germany and the

          United States.' Walker did not know it, but one of his

          American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle

          on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our

          best sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent . .

          . [and] kept up the pretense of being an ardent Nazi

          sympathizer, while reporting to Naval Intelligence on

          the shipping company's deals with Nazi intelligence.



          "Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the

          authors, "Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The

          lawyer he hired had considerable expertise in such

          underhanded schemes. It was Allen Dulles. According to

          Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first

          relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June

          18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the

          firm as 'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing

          stock.'



          "As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey

          had completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's

          Nazi client, I.G. Farben. By the end of January 1937

          Dulles had merged all his cloaking activities into one

          client account: 'Brown Brothers Harriman-Schroeder

          Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on whose

          board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the Rockefellers of

          Standard Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for

          their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another

          problem for Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities

          Custodian Accounts.'



          "If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding

          companies Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with,

          he did not do a very good job. Shortly after Pearl

          Harbor, word leaked from Washington that affiliates of

          Prescott Bush's company were under investigation for

          aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . .



          ". . . The government investigation against Prescott

          Bush continued. Just before the storm broke, his son,

          George, abandoned his plans to enter Yale and enlisted

          in the U.S. Army. It was, say our sources among the

          former intelligence officers, a valiant attempt by an

          eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.



          "Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when

          the U.S. government charged his father with running Nazi

          front groups in the United States. Under the Trading

          with the Enemy Act, all the shares of the Union Banking

          Corporation were seized, including those held by

          Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy

          nationals. Union Banking, of course, was an affiliate of

          Brown Brothers, Harriman, and Bush handled the

          Harrimans' investments as well.



          "Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the

          whole story of the intricate web of Nazi front

          corporations began to unravel. A few days later two of

          Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland American

          Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment

          Corporation -- also were seized. Then the government

          went after the Harriman Fifteen Holding Company, which

          Bush shared with his father-in-law, Bert Walker, the

          Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American

          Corporation. The U.S. government found that huge

          sections of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on

          behalf of Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the

          German war effort." (1)



     EDWIN PAULEY



          "Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush

          could not get away from Dulles's crooked corporate

          network, which his grandfather and father had joined in

          the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found that the

          influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even

          when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman

          on his own, he ran into the pirates of Wall Street.



          "One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the

          Democratic party later became George Bush's partner in

          the Mexican oil business. Edwin Pauley, a California oil

          man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert agents in the

          Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big

          business' Democrat. . . ."



     Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the

     Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic

     convention in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman appointed

     him the "Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the

     Soviet Union and Britain."



     Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman

     appointed Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied

     Reparations Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as

     "industrial and commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference,

     'where his chief task was to renegotiate the reparations

     agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one historian noted, the 'oil

     industry has always watched reparations activities carefully.'

     There was a lot of money involved, and much of it belonged to the

     Dulles brothers' clients."



     At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,



          "the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out

          of Europe for their clients as well as for their own

          profit. They didn't want the Soviets to get their hands

          on these assets or even know that they existed. Pauley

          played a significant role in solving this problem for

          the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's

          industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by

          the West's forces. As Washington's man on the ground,

          Pauley managed to deceive the Soviets for long enough to

          allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi

          assets out to safety. . . .



          "Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles

          brothers' Nazi assets, then moved into another post

          where he could help them further. After successfully

          keeping German assets in Fascist hands, Pauley was given

          the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and determining the

          amount of its war debt.' Again, it was another job that

          was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and

          intelligence operations." (2)



     After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an

     independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he

     founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes

     to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.



          "Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive

          offshore petroleum reserve and in 1959 became involved

          in a dispute with the Mexican Government, which

          considered the royalties from the wells to be too low.



          "According to our sources in the intelligence community,

          the oil dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by

          Mexican politicians. Hughes and Pauley were working for

          the CIA from time to time, while advancing their own

          financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil fields.

          Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who

          invented an intelligence money-laundering system in

          Mexico, which was later refined in the 1970s as part of

          Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one point CIA agents used

          Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a

          business cover at the same time Pemex was being used as

          a money laundry for Pauley's campaign contributions. As

          we shall see, the Mexican-CIA connection played an

          important part in the development of George Bush's

          political and intelligence career. . . .



          "Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought

          all the threads of the Mexican connection together. He

          was Bush's business associate, a front man for Dulles's

          CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA director then], and originator

          of the use of Mexican oil fronts to create a slush fund

          for Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .



          "Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had

          been a committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since

          1960. It should be recalled that Nixon tried to conceal

          his Mexican slush fund during the Watergate affair by

          pressuring the CIA into a 'national security' cover-up.

          The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate.

          Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work

          for Nixon that they could never extricate themselves.

          According to a number of our intelligence sources, the

          deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico catapulted him into

          political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of Richard

          Nixon, who was then running for president of the United

          States. . . .



          "The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to

          Richard Nixon, who as vice president had supervised

          Allen Dulles's covert planning for the Bay of Pigs

          [invasion]. For years it has been rumored that Dulles's

          client, George Bush's father, was one of the Republican

          leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and

          later convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice

          president. There is no doubt that the two families were

          close. George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.'

          Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt at

          politics, during his unsuccessful run for the Senate in

          1964, and turned out again when he entered the House two

          years later.



          "After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a

          general house cleaning on the basis of loyalty.

          'Eliminate everyone,' he told John Ehrlichman about

          reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush will do

          anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's

          account, the president told him that 'the place I really

          need you is over at the National Committee running

          things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed George Bush as

          head of the Republican National Committee.



          "It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the

          'ethnic' emigres a permanent part of Republican

          politics. In 1972 Nixon's State Department spokesman

          confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic

          groups were very useful to get out the vote in several

          key states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican

          National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo

          Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups

          Council into the party's official ethnic arm. The groups

          Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were the emigre

          Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. .

          . .



          ". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in

          several respectable newspapers, Bush continued to

          recruit most of the same ethnic Fascists, including

          Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach program when

          he first ran for president.



          "According to our sources in the intelligence

          community," state the authors, "it was Bush who told

          Nixon that the Watergate investigations might start

          uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the Republican

          party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote

          Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after

          Bush did so, Nixon resigned.



          "Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president

          upon Nixon's resignation, but he was appointed U.S.

          ambassador to the UN. Nelson Rockefeller became vice

          president and chief damage controller. He formed a

          special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's

          investigation of the intelligence community. The

          Rockefeller Commission into CIA abuses was filled with

          old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination] hands

          like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back in

          the 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the

          Crusade for Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist

          'freedom fighters' program." (3)



     In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research

     organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the

     subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass

     media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical

     stories reported in America's alternative press that raised

     serious questions about the Republican candidate, George Bush,

     dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his

     Presidential campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites

     with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)



                      ---------------------------------



     NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH



       1. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361

       2. Ibid., pp. 362-364

       3. Ibid., pp. 365-371

       4. The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News That Didn't Make

          The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen,

          Director., pp. 230.



             --------------------------------------------------



                                 CONCLUSION



     If, before you finished reading this publication, you ever

     wondered why the U.S. federal government refuses to consider the

     medicinal and industrial value of cannabis hemp, despite

     widespread and growing support from the public, medical experts,

     industry leaders, and a growing number of state legislators across

     this nation . . . you now have the answer.



     For the past several generations, Americans have been     [Image]

     systematically deceived about the true nature of

     cannabis hemp. Many Americans have died - victims of

     political murders. Millions have been imprisoned, their children

     and their property taken away, their futures destroyed. The

     history of my own state - Kentucky - and others as well, have been

     "sanitized," rewritten, our heritage deleted, our citizens

     defrauded and impoverished to bury the truth.



     And if, before you finished reading this publication, you ever

     wondered why the U.S. federal government would train and finance

     Central American death squads; or why, while waging the so-called

     "war on drugs," the U.S. federal government would operate cocaine

     and heroin smuggling operations around the world, bringing in tons

     of drugs to places like Mena, Arkansas; or why the U.S. federal

     government would "spread democracy" throughout the world by

     assassinating democratically elected politicians - both at home

     and abroad - replacing them with right-wing dictators and training

     their secret police in the latest techniques of torture,

     terrorism, and mind control; or why the U.S. federal government

     would conduct deadly medical and radiation experiments on

     unsuspecting citizens - including pregnant women, the mentally

     impaired, and children . . . you now have the answer.



     The last question is "what are we going to do about it?"



     BIBLIOGRAPHY (By section)



          INTRODUCTION



             o The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to

               American Politics - Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and

               L. Harmon Zeigler - Duxbury Press, CA. 1972

             o The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed - By Anthony

               Sampson - The Viking Press, NY. 1977



          U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS



             o Facts and Fascism - By George Seldes (Assisted by Helen

               Seldes) - Sixth Edition - In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943

             o Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American

               Money Plot 1933-1949 - By Charles Higham - Delecorte

               Press, NY. 1983

             o Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for

               Themselves - By George Seldes - Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ.

               1976

             o Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make

               Them Accountable - By Morton Mintz & Jerry S. Cohen -

               Viking Press, NY. 1976

             o The Plot to Seize the White House - By Jules Archer -

               Hawthorn Books, 1973

             o It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's

               Favorite Conspiracy Theories - By Michael Litchfield/The

               National Insecurity Council - EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992

             o The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage

               Betrayed The Jewish People - By John Loftus and Mark

               Aarons - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1994

             o HEMP & the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No

               Clothes - By Jack Herer (Editors: C. Conrad, L. & J.

               Osburn, E. Komp , and J. Stout)

             o H.E.M.P. (Help Eliminate Marijuana Prohibition), CA.

               1995

             o One Thousand Americans - By George Seldes - BONI & GAER,

               NY. 1947

             o Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do: The Absurdity of

               Consentual Crimes in a Free Society - By Peter

               McWilliams - Prelude Press, CA. 1993

             o A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky - By

               Professor James F. Hopkins - University of Kentucky

               Press, Lexington, KY. 1951

             o Spooks: The Haunting of America - The Private Use of

               Secret Agents - By Jim Hougan - First Bantam Edition -

               William Morrow and Co., NY. 1979

             o The Sovereign State of ITT - By Anthony Sampson - Stein

               and Day, NY. 1973

             o Democracy for the Few - By Michael Parenti - Fourth

               Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1983



          THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER



             o Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time -

               By Carroll Quigley, Second Printing - Wm. Morrison, NY.

               1974

             o The American Establishment - By Leonard Silk & Mark

               Silk, First Discus Printing - Avon Books (by arrangement

               with Basic Books), NY. 1981

             o The New Germany and the Old Nazis - By T.H. Tetens -

               Random House, NY. 1961

             o Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and Its Effect

               on the Cold War - By Christopher Simpson - Weidenfeld &

               Nicolson, NY. 1988

             o Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet

               Intelligence - By Mark Aarons & John Loftus, First U.S.

               Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1992

             o Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA

               Terrorist Connection - By Jonathan Vankin - Bantam

               Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc., NY. 1992



          RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON



             o High Treason: The Assassination of President John F.

               Kennedy and the New Evidence of Conspiracy - By Robert

               J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, Berkley

               Edition - Berkley Books, NY. 1990



          GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH



             o Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News - And Why -

               By Carl Jensen - Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993



     ------------------------------------------------------------------



        Dedicated to the principals of an open discussion of the issues.



        Copy and distribute freely. Please credit direct quotations where

                                  appropriate.



          R. William Davis - Founder and Director, The Elkhorn Project



            "Restoring Kentucky's Proud Heritage and Bright Future"



            All email responses should be directed to: randy@ka.net



                               Hemp for Victory!



                                   Thank you



                                       ®



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