Modernization Theory and the Ironman Triathlon
Jeremy Peressini
The University of Calgary, Faculty of Kinesiology
Kinesiology 503.44, Sport and Movement Culture: Theory and History
Brown, Douglas, Ph.D.
April 21, 2003
Social Significance of Modernization Theory
There is a tendency among experts in the field of sociology to overlook the contributions that could be made to general cultural theory by studying the social institution called ‘sport’. To use the interpretation of Douglas Brown (personal communication, Jan 21 ’03) the idea that examining the social parameters of sport can be used to expand theories of broader social trends is a contentious thesis whereas the opposite is mainstream thinking. Consider the writings of Pierre de Coubertin. It becomes evident from his plethora of written theses that he regarded modern sport, particularly rowing, as poignant vehicles of social reform and change. According to Brown (1999) he wrote, for example, of the concept of ‘utilitarian gymnastics’ as a physical education program aimed at the lower-middle-class and promoted rowing as a legitimate component. Though he conceded an elitist tendency in rowing clubs he none the less reasoned that the sport had an acceptable role in the life of the lower class. In practice Coubertin’s apparently high ideals were really grounded in a system of class-based privilege and paternalism that sting by today’s standards. “His notion of an ideal sport was inseparable from a concept of society where paternalistic instinct was rooted in class distinction…” (Brown, 1999). Does this contradiction between ideal and practice undermine any contention that Coubertin’s social rhetoric was any more than rhetoric alone? Or is it really a window from the microcosm to the macrocosm; evidence of the pervasiveness of that era’s social hierarchy and an example where notions of class privilege underscored all major social institutions and movements? Though the era of Coubertin-style modernization has by most regards long since passed this issue has not lost any relevance with regards to discussions of culture and sport in the present day. As an institution, sport is dynamic and continues to change with the emergence of new trends and styles, the triathlon for example which is the focus of this discussion. It can be seen from evaluating the present state of triathlon that it is currently in a post-modern state of development. Given that triathlon unlike its sub-disciplines is a latter 20th century phenomenon this microcosmal event could be regarded as reflexive of the status of the culture in which it was created-one where traditional barriers are coming down and making for new ways of organizing social institutions.
Modernization Theory
Conceptually, modern sport is essentially a highly organized and developed multidimensional kind of physical behavior; multidimensional for its social conscience in that it attempts to counteract the injustice of modern society. Guttman (BLANK) has offered the seven forms that can be taken by evidence of modernism. Firstly, and perhaps the most fundamental from the need to define just what ‘sport’ is as a distinct human behavior that interacts with other phenomena but is none the less a discrete practice itself, is secularism. The modern game of Lacrosse, originally a ritual of North American Indians, is a prime example of this (Kidd, 1996). Religion and ritual exist are endeavors in their own right with certain physical activities tied to them inexorably. Such activity derives its original reason for existing and the importance of its continuance in religious terms. But behavior that could be considered legitimate sport even if it does have a shared background with religious practice has its own reason for continued existence and is able to develop along different lines than the social institution in which it was created. Secondly, the controversial notion of equality. In its general sense the notion of equality is not only defined in terms of social class and stature, but perhaps ethnicity, gender, age, religious belief, etc. As a broad social trend that originates mostly in the 19th century, the ideology of equality has succeeded in transforming a broad range of human institutions, though perhaps to varying degrees depending on one’s level of skepticism, including politics, education, and economics. With regard to sport, though women are no longer sanctioned for athletic participation (Kidd, 1996) and most sports have a women’s division, history has yet to judge the extent to which equality has established itself here. There are numerous examples of gargantuan gender disparity gone uncorrected even as late as the decade of the 1980’s and later. Consider the absence of an Olympic marathon event for women until 1984, for example, or Olympic women’s hockey until 2002. The next form of modernization, specialization, is perhaps the most obvious feature distinguishing individual sports from team sports where players are assigned specific roles such as quarterback in football or goalie in hockey. Other more abstract forms of specialization could include the formation of elite categories in individual sports that separate competition based on level of overall skill as is the case in short-course triathlon. Coubertin’s numerous texts on the supposed physiological and psychological benefits of rowing are an early example of rationalization in modern sport (Brown, 1999). Though the importance of rationalizing sport behavior is by no means obvious one particularly controversial theory is offered by Bourdieu (1993). Essentially, Bourdieu traces back the creation of organized sport activity to English public schools of the Victorian and pre-Victorian era. Sport was a means to an end for these ‘total institutions’. It was a convenient way of discharging their full-time responsibility duty towards their charges and of permitting what he describes as healthy and non-destructive ‘venting’ of frustrated violent motivations. Sport was a ‘symbolic conquest of the masses and therefore competing for the symbolic conquest of youth’ (Bourdieu, 1993). This kind of orientation based on class struggle could be taken to mean that in the modern day, touting the physiological value of sport is an attempt to control the masses by creating a broad-based behavioral trend. On that note, consider the jogging boom of the 1980’s that was largely based on a popular rationalizing book written by the legendary track and field coach Bill Bowerman. The next characteristic of modern sport, bureaucratization, has become a particularly visible in team sports. Along with bureaucracies such as the N.H.L., N.F.L., C.F.L. there are formal organizational structures some of them broader-based legislating bodies such as the I.O.C. and government departments of nation states such as Sport Canada. Lastly, the quantification and record-keeping characteristic of modern sport has firmly entrenched itself into many present-day sports even to the point of mass-production and distribution. Consider for example the popularity of trading cards, periodicals such as Sports Illustrated, and even recruitment of newspaper, television and radio mediums with daily statistical analyses and discussions.
Interaction Between the Elements of Modernism
While Guttman’s theories perhaps satisfy an academic need to dissect and analyze the concept of modernism it somehow falls short of a complete definition. For one, there seems to be more to it than just the sum of seven independent traits. Modernism is a phenomenon produced by the interaction of its elements; equality influencing specialization and specialization affecting bureaucracy, etc. Modern team sports offer perhaps the most obvious manifestations of the relationship between specialization and another characteristic of modernization discussed below-efficiency. In hockey, for example, a player is given a specific role to play such as goalie, forward, etc. This impacts game play by reducing redundancy and allowing simultaneous missions to converge towards the common goal. It also maximizes individual talents by narrowing the athlete’s attention to a given scope of physical and cognitive proficiencies. This permits the development of this relatively small repertoire of talents to a very high degree that for practical reasons would not be practical without specialization. Of course the assignment of these individual roles is theoretically based on predictions regarding individual talent and one’s intrinsic ability to develop certain skills more than others. This too improves overall efficiency by developing maximally the simultaneous missions that occur during game play. Specialization not only influences the development of athletes (as quarterbacks, mid-fielders, pitchers, etc.) but also the administration and management of sport. This is evidenced in football, for example, in which a head coach resides as a kind of general manager at the top of a coaching hierarchy based on a fracturing of the cohesive set of elements involved in the playing of the game. This design allows the subordinate coaches, each theoretically assigned to a specific subset of skill based on their intrinsic abilities to develop that skill (coaching ability) to attend to skills separately and thereby develop each element to its own maximal extent.
Efficiency and Modernism
Apart from Guttman’s, there is a plethora of other related ideas that tend to be conflated into the concept of modernism. Perhaps one of the most significant is efficiency. Where efficiency concerns the body, this translates into highly advanced movement through space and time. The modern sport of swimming is a prime example of this orientation in action and perhaps rightly so being that it is one of the least biomechanically efficient sports. What may have otherwise been a minor event became a major source of attention for the mass media with the advent of shark-skin suits in the Sydney Olympics. Granted, as a technology it was a legitimate breakthrough in that it apparently reduced swimming times by a factor measured in the hundredths of a second in a sport where the range of finishing times is incredibly narrow. But was it actually its importance as a technological advancement that attracted media attention, or was it the fact that it was based on shark skin that held the more allure? Swimming’s efficiency-orientation is demonstrated either way. Consider an excerpt from a brief article written at the time and an advertisement by Speedo, the creator of the technology.
“Fastskin is made of…"super stretch" fabric that…compresses muscles, reducing drag and muscle vibration, and increasing productivity…includes "gripper" fabric…which mimics skin and enhances the sensory feedback for the swimmer.”
Sporting Goods Business (April 14, 2000).
“The only suit that mimics shark skin for maximum speed.”
Speedo (2003)
For an efficiency-oriented culture, the idea of advancing the movements in the water of a land mammal close to the perfection of nature’s ultimate aquatic design would be irresistible. And how fitting it is that such an innovation would occur in a sport that has already demonstrated such a high priority for efficiency. The lapped format of swimming is another example of this, the extremely close range of finishing times at the elite level, and even the bold straight navigation line painted to the bottom of lane pools.
Lapped Race Courses and Modernism
The lapped system of formatting race courses is a particularly common characteristic of modern sports. It is efficient not only for the management of vast race distances within a finite geographical area. As Coubertin himself admitted (Brown, 1999), one of the difficulties of managing a rowing race is its linear format that denies any significant spectator viewing. The lapped format’s genius lays in its ability to maximize spectator viewing throughout all, or virtually all depending on the variation of stadium design, the distance of a race regardless of the size of the distance itself. The importance of spectator viewing for Coubertin was undoubtedly as a means for developing and satisfying the popularity of the sport being watched. Moreover though, he regarded it in terms of habitus. That is, Coubertin preached at length of the beauty, perfection even, of rowing's biomechanics-that the harmonious movements of the athletes itself, or euharmonie, was one of the sport’s most valuable qualities. As such, watching closely this harmony in action was fundamental to understanding the beauty of rowing and thereby gaining what he considered to be a legitimate appreciation for it. In fact, harmonious movement was so fundamental to Coubertin’s opinion of rowing and sport in general that he considered it the paramount concern even to the point of overriding the need for brute force, strength, speed, etc. What a contrast this is to the modern Olympics with its characteristic ‘faster, higher, stronger’ mentality. However, whether the concern is for seeing harmony or brute force, being that it is the best known way of allowing invasive viewing of the movement of athletes, it becomes apparent why the lapping systems for race courses have become the design of choice in modern sports.
Overview of Modernism
Moreover, there is also an implicit yet vaguely defined romanticism associated with modern sport and tending to influence what constitutes modernism. Coubertin believed that as a form of discipline and contemplative action when done properly rowing was reflective of social progress, part of the ideal life as it were. It is as if organized, bureaucratized, modern sport with all its efficiency is one way that a culture can evidence its attainment of harmony and perfection. Or, since modern sport sees itself as a resistance to existing social injustice, modernism is a type of ideology that exists within an imperfect social milieu with the mission of creating social perfection. Consider, for example, Guttman’s (BLANK) theory of bureaucratization in modern sport. Perhaps the connotations associated with bureaucratization are more important than the denotation alone; the implication of a rational, sober, and organized social structure and way of life.
History of Triathlon and Ironman
The History of Swimming, Cycling, and Distance Running
One of the distinguishing features of the sport of triathlon is its relatively recent invention. Whereas its component disciplines have long since established themselves as modern-day sporting institutions in their own right triathlon is more or less a latter 20th century phenomenon (HickokSports 2003, Tinley, 1986, Ifrance.com, 2003). Modern competitive swimming traces its roots back to 1837 and the front crawl or freestyle stroke used in triathlon existed in a rudimentary form in the Athens Olympics of 1896 (Wallechinsky, 2000). Overarm sidestroke, invented in 1895, was the first rudimentary form of front crawl-style swimming. It evolved to include a flutter kick and into the modern front crawl that is swam today by the turn of the century and was used to set a world record in 1902 (The Canadian Red Cross Society, 1995). Similarly cycling traces its roots back to the early 20th century and was also an event of the 1896 Athens Olympics (Brown, 1991). Distance running and the marathon is arguably the most ancient of the three triathlon disciplines. In fact, while bike technology and aerodynamics continued to change the sport of cycling through the 20th century, distance running, for example the distance of the marathon, has remained relatively unchanged since long before the era of the modern Olympics. (Wallechinsky, 2000)
History of Triathlon
Conversely, 1921 was the date of the earliest three-disciplined multi-sport event (triathlon) known to have occurred (HickokSports 2003, Ifrance.com, 2003). Held in Marseilles, France and called ‘Course Des Trois Sports’ (distances of 7km., 5km., and 200m. in the cycling, running, and swimming disciplines, respectively), while it technically signaled the birth of triathlon it was a rather unremarkable event in that it is seldom acknowledged as the first bonefide triathlon. Rather that honor is typically bestowed upon the various early multisport races held by the San Diego Track Club (S.D.T.C.). Even the International Triathlon Union (I.T.U.) recognizes the S.D.T.C., not the Course des Trois Sports, as the birth of the triathlon (International Triathlon Union, 2003). The earliest S.D.T.C. multi-sport event was the David Pain Birthday Biathlon originally held in 1972 (Tinley, 1976). One of the sport’s earliest elites, the winner of the 2nd Ironman Triathlon in 1978 Scott Tinley, recalls how the first David Pain Birthday Biathlon was hardly an athletic event and much more a social occasion for the S.D.T.C. It did however evolve quickly into a legitimately contested race and to include a cycling leg by 1974 and hence become what by today’s standards could be considered the first triathlon since the 1920’s. This would come to be known as the Mission Bay Triathlon and is probably the more legitimate mother of triathlon in the way that it seemed to spawn other triathlons in quick succession unlike the Course Des Trois Sports. (Tinley, 1986)
History of Ironman and the Growth of Triathlon
According to HickokSports (2003) and Tinley (1986) the Ironman distance of triathlon, a sub-discipline that persists to the present day in its original form, rather remarkably was established a mere 4 years following that. The concept was created by John Collins and John Dunbar, both members of the ultra-elite S.E.A.L. division of the U.S. Navy. It was meant at least partially as a contest between fellow S.E.A.L. officers. Some aspects of S.E.A.L. training apparently lend themselves to the concept of triathlon particularly the transition from swimming to running. The peculiar distance was the result of pre-existing sports events that served as blueprints for its multi-sport concept-that is, the Waikiki Rough Water Swim (3.8km.), Around-Oahu Bike Race (180km.), and Honolulu Marathon (42.2km.). In 1978 the size of the competing field for the first ever Ironman was limited to a total of 12, all of them men. Numbers in 1979 were again low for the next Ironman, though this was the year of the first finish by a female triathlete. 1979 though became pivotal for the development of Ironman and triathlon when it was chosen as the topic for a major article published in Sports Illustrated. Perhaps not coincidentally, Ironman entrants increased to 108 in 1980, which was also the first year the event was reported by the A.B.C. network on the ‘Wide World of Sports’ program. What followed was a steady increase in popularity reflected in registration numbers to the point where two national governing bodies were founded by 1982 and later merged into a single bureaucracy, the United States Triathlon Association. The concept of a world championship, and the international bureaucracy necessary to support such a contest came into existence in 1989 with the International Triathlon Union (I.T.U.), which exists to the present day. With the I.T.U., the design of competitive organized triathlon, to that point mostly restricted to the Ironman format (3.8km., 180km., 42.2km.), was officially expanded. The first world championship triathlon in 1989 was designed with distances of 1.5km., 40km., and 10km., in the swim, cycle, and run disciplines, respectively. Since this first official change, the format of triathlon continued to expand throughout the 1990’s with the advent of various other distances both shorter (‘sprint’ distances as they are called) and longer (known as ‘ultra-Ironman’ and ‘ultra-man’). (HickokSports, 2003, Tinley, 1986)
The disciplines in the shortest format, called the sprint triathlon, are 500m., 20km., and 5km. The next official format, now called Olympic after its debut as an Olympic event in the 2000 games held in Sydney, adheres to the design of the original world championship (1.5km., 40km., 10km.). Any of the formats, including Ironman, longer than the Olympic distance fall under the umbrella of ‘long-course’. The half-Ironman, literally half the distance of Ironman in its three disciplines, is an example of long-course, though other formats also exist. The 2003 World Cup (Ibiza, Spain), for example, is organized into 4km., 120km., and 30km. disciplines (International Triathlon Union, 2003, Mundial ITU, 2003). Ironman exists still in its original format though the Hawaiian event is no longer the only race with the peculiarly long distances of 2.4km., 180km., and 42.2km. Events in that format are now held throughout the globe with the Hawaiian race serving as the official World Championship.
Present state of the sport
Growth Rate of Ironman Participation
As what could be a reflection of a growth in public interest, participation in Ironman has grown exponentially throughout the sport’s first two-and-a-half decades. The most populous venue in the present day, the Ironman Canada (I.M.C.), boasted a final tally surpassing 2, 000 registrants (for the first time in the year 2002-compare this to a scanty 15 competitors for its debut in 1982 (Ironman Canada Triathlon Inc., 2003). Competition in the Hawaiian Ironman during the same year was limited to 1, 532 (Ironman Triathlon World Championship, 2003). At its present level, the public interest in Ironman seems to have approached its peak level of feasibility where administration itself appears to have become the limiting factor. That is, the practical concerns of hosting nigh 2, 000 moving athletes at once, among them highway closures and delays, individual safety during the mass swim, and the infrastructure of transition zones and related facilities. At the turn of the millennium, registration at a typical Ironman venue no longer increases from year to year by the factor it once did during the explosive growth period of the 1980’s and early 1990’s. Compare for example a growth in size of 2% between the 2001 and 2002 Ironman Canada events (1, 985 entrants for I.M.C. in 2001 and 2, 032 in 2002) compared to 17% growth between 1988 and 1989 (693 and 812, respectively). In the World Championship too, participation increased 1, 178% between 1980 and 1987 alone (108 and 1, 381 participants, respectively) compared to 3.4% between 1991 and 2000 (1, 379 and 1, 427, respectively). (Ironman Canada Triathlon Inc., 2003 Ironman Triathlon World Championship, 2003)
The Age Group Category
All Ironman venues are accessible to the general public-general registration-with the sole exception of the World Championship in which non-professional athletes win entrance primarily by age-group competition and, secondarily lottery at various long-course events. Public access to and registration at a regular Ironman event is hence limited and controlled only by the registration cap determined by the hosting ability of the venue-the ability to accommodate the size of the competing field. There is an apparently high demand for entrance to Ironman far in excess of supply through general registration as is evidenced by the maxed-out size of events in the present-day. After general registration reaches its maximum, age-group competition (mainly) and lottery is used to allocate a small number of reserved entries, as it is used in the Hawaiian venue, via age-group competition at other triathlon races (short-course and long-course). Age-group competition, while gender-specific, is for the most part gender-equal in that equal access is given to equivalent age-groups and the rules of competition are, more or less, written for all competitors regardless of gender. That is, assignment of reserved entries to competing age groups depends not on gender but on the size of the more dense ones receive the most slots. Lottery and general registration similarly do not account for gender or for that matter any other criterion such as skill, age, nationality, etc. While not a discriminating factor age and gender are however variables used to organize the competing field officially, except in the professional category. In this way, all entry through lottery, age-group competition, and general registration is grouped by gender and age hence creating a broad, non-selective field of competition. This is the first and most populous category known as age-group.
The Professional Category
The only access to Ironman participation aside from the age-group category (general registration, lottery, age-group competition) is through professional competition which is the second category (though to be accurate age-group has a subdivision for individuals with certain physical proportions called 'clydesdale', entry into which is optional, and a third category for wheelchair-athletes). Surprisingly, the criteria of the professional division is not only voluntary but technically not even skill-based. According to the I.T.U. (International Triathlon Union, 2003) there are over 100 national governing bodies, even a national elite age-group team in Canada, but membership therein does not make professional status mandatory at an Ironman. There are two distinctions between the professional and age group categories. One is different rules of competition and the other is prize money (Ironman Canada Triathlon Inc., 2003). Even with an overall top-10 finish (money is awarded to all the top-10 performances) a competitor from the age group category is not eligible for cash prizes. In Ironman Canada 2001 for example, the third best all-category female performance belonged to Esther Wolsey. Despite this, she was ineligible for the $4, 300 prize awarded to the 3rd place professional woman. Professional registration is unlimited at regular Ironman venues. Conversely professional access to the World Championship is severely restricted and based exclusively on competition: first at other long-course events around the world, secondly from the World Championship of the previous year (a finishing time in the top-10 of the professional category in the athlete’s gender) (Ironman Triathlon World Championship, 2003). As with age-group competition, professional competition is by most means gender-equal. Access to the World Championship is based on the same criteria, and (discussed below) drafting and wet suit rules address the pro men and women together separately from the age-group category but not separate from each other. Over the history of the sport, these annual Ironman events constituting the round-robyn of professional and age-group competition have been organized at venues located in almost all the major nation-states: Canada, Germany, France, Australia, Japan, Austria, South Korea, South Africa, Brazil, Spain, New Zealand, Malaysia, Switzerland, Britain, and several in the U.S.A. (Texas, California, Florida, Montana, Lake Placid).
The Age Group Category of Ironman-Evidence of Ultra Equality
The development and present status of the short-course designed triathlons, sprint and Olympic distance, differs from that of Ironman in many regards. Perhaps the most striking difference is the size of the typical competing field which is much smaller than in Ironman. Compare a competing field of 133 in the 2002 I.T.U. World Cup to 1, 532 in the 2002 Ironman Triathlon World Championship (though technically all 133 competitors were in the elite category in the former and only 111 in the professional category of the latter) (International Triathlon Union, 2003, Ironman Triathlon World Championship, 2003). Moreover, what differs is the way that Ironman and short-course segregates competition. Competition in short-course is staggered into various waves of gender, age, and skill: male elite (all ages), female elite (all ages), and the various age-groups, raced individually and separated by gender. Ironman does not account for gender as a discrimination factor for entry and competition is only technically, not physically, separated by age, gender, and category (professional, age-group, and wheelchair). What has resulted from this is the distinctive mass-start of the Ironman with a simultaneous gun for all age-groups, all genders, and all categories (including wheelchair).
The categories of Ironman are intriguing from the modernization perspective. What is perhaps most striking is the equality of the age group category, the likes of which it could be argued exist nowhere else in the entire institution of sport. Even at the highest level of competition, the World Championship, athletes of novice ability are permitted to compete on the same course at the same time as the sport’s elites. Though there are technically two races being contested (to be accurate there are four: pro men, pro women, age group including clydesdale, and wheelchair) there is nothing physically blocking one kind of athlete from the other. In some cases (Esther Wolsey, I.M.C. 2001 for example) athletes from the professional and age group categories actually do race side-by-side with near-equal results. Though this is perhaps not surprising considering that skill level is not actually the basis of the professional division and while an Ironman has yet to be won overall by an athlete from the age groups there is nothing in the rules meant to prevent it. This scenario almost came to fruition once again in the 2002 Ironman U.S.A. Lake Placid where Jackie Hatherly led not only her age division (women 35-39yr.) but also the pro women’s category for virtually the entire race and was only overtaken by a professional in the latter stages of the marathon (Ironman USA Lake Placid, 2003). Conceding that elite athletes do reside in the age group category, however, the vast majority of non-professional athletes in Ironman are not elite caliber. This fact has allowed the mass media to capitalize on the arduous drama of the sport, for example the late competitor who struggles into the dark night. This media attention made possible by the openness of age group competition has undoubtedly been no small factor in the exponential growth in Ironman competition too. And ultimately what has resulted is a kind of, for lack of a better word, ‘spectator’ division. A category characterized by a person fairly well-educated and more or less versed in the rationalizing semantics associated with participation in cardiovascular activity and physically fit, though to varying degrees and usually nowhere near as conditioned as any professional. With respect to the Ironman Canada for example according to the race director the average household income of a competitor is in the range of $75, 000 - $90, 000 (U.S.D.) and 60% of registrants have some form of professional training (personal communication with Dave Bullock Apr. 4 2003). For this kind of competitor, after spectating at Ironman or volunteering and being exposed through the mass media what better way to experience this drama than by actually being physically immersed into it? The vast majority of age group athletes do not attempt Ironman with intentions of winning either the race or even their age group. A mentality has developed where merely doing this event, merely finishing it especially, is glorified and becomes an end unto itself. Perhaps it is significant also that one is only legitimately entitled to being called an ‘Ironman’ after having done an Ironman event, and after having done one successfully for that matter. By that logic much of the age group field really is a kind of ‘spectator’ albeit one about to cross the proverbial spectator-competitor line. The classical definition of the word spectator is “one who watches without taking an active part” (Webster’s, 1974). Thus perhaps from the ‘active part’ clause, spectator is not the most accurate word to describe the status of the 17hr. Ironman-athlete. This kind of individual is more a spectator in the abstract sense of the word; one who is not active in the actual competition for a top placing, money, or prizes but who is none the less an active witness. Perhaps it is a case of spectating from the inside, so to speak. Then again, maybe the slow age-group category athlete is a hybrid, a blending of the idea of a competitor with that of a spectator. The importance of this matter is in how it relates back to modernization theory-which is somewhat troubled by the notion of equality. By Coubertin’s way of thinking all competitors are equal but not universally equal, equal within one’s social class. Short-course triathlon for example physically separates different groups each internally equal. But Ironman takes equality to a degree that could only be considered bizarre by most standards. In fact this kind of equality resembles more the style of organization that a post-modern sport would take by the fact that it erodes the barriers that usually separate groups. It uses the style of dividing competitors into different groups for a purpose that was not originally intended. Just what underlying intentions do exist behind the way categories are created in Ironman is not entirely clear but it is not an express attempt to separate different levels of skill as it is in other sports such as short-course triathlon. It seems more a way to separate a group that is competing with the goal of high performance and winning money from the group competing, usually, for the more altruistic motivation of just experiencing the event. Simultaneously, this system addresses and allows for the idea that competition can exist even among the latter kind of athlete.
Drafting, the Triathlon Bike, and the Efficiency Ideal of Modernism
The rules of Ironman and short-course differ also. Perhaps the most significant difference of this kind is drafting regulations. Essentially the term ‘drafting’ refers to the deliberate practice of traveling near within the side or rear vicinity, called the ‘draft zone’, of a moving object. Wind resistance and drag is significantly reduced within the draft zone and this gives the rear traveler a competitive advantage. For safety reasons drafting is a legislated practice in the short-course format with specific rules and regulations, but it is not a prohibited so long as it abides by these codes of conduct. Drafting is prohibited however in long-course World Championships and in Ironman (International Triathlon Union, 2001) (Ironman Canada Race Society, 2003). Rules regarding the bicycle draft zone are maticulate and detailed as is evidenced by a quote from the rule book of the 2003 Ironman Canada:
‘A maximum of 15 seconds will be allowed to pass through the zone of another competitor…Marshals will issue 5-minute time penalties for drafting and blocking violations…The front edge of the bicycle wheel will define the centre of the leading 3 meter edge of the rectangle (the draft zone).’
Ironman Canada 2003 Athlete Information Book
From a competitor’s point of view draft zone prohibition is doubtless the most significant technical difference between the two formats. To be practical, supervising the immense distance of the Ironman cycling discipline against drafting is a formidable task. Somehow this has not discouraged Ironman from adhering to its non-drafting mentality, nor has it been influenced by the popularity of the practice in not only short-course triathlon but in the sport of cycling also. Interestingly, the rules of drafting address competitors according to category: age group and professional, not withstanding the wheelchair category (Ironman Canada, 2001). Perhaps because age group is not entirely a competitive class of athlete, regulations are less restrictive relative to the professional category. That is, the official dimensions of what constitutes the imaginary draft zone in which it is only permitted to travel for 7 specific reasons are smaller with regards to the age group category (3 meters by 7 meters) than the professional category (3 meters by 10metres). (Ironman Canada Race Society, 2003)
Efficiency and the Triathlon Bike
Though the use of triathlon bikes is permitted in both short course and Ironman, it has become especially prevalent in the former. According to Empfield (N.D.), though almost visually indistinguishable except for a modified handlebar assembly, small differences primarily in geometry are the basis for distinguishing what is considered a triathlon bike and what is considered a road bike. In general, triathlon bike geometry is designed specifically for an aerodynamic, maximally efficient, rider position. There are two categories of ‘aero position’, skeletal and muscular. The basis of any aero position is, primarily, the horizontal upper body position. On a road bike, the rider grips semi-circular handle bars (‘drop’ bars) that drop down from the main handlebar assembly with the hands-this is considered a muscular aero position. The design of the triathlon bike is essentially a technological advancement of this concept. It theoretically better accommodates the attainment of a horizontal upper body by modifying geometric ratios in such a way that the entire assembly is designed to be ridden in that style preferentially. Moreover, with a piece of technology called, appropriately, ‘aero bars’ the design of the triathlon bike is seemingly an attempt to abolish outright any non-aero position. Though there are various designs, the aero bar essentially eliminates the drop bar and replaces it with two forearm-length long bars mounted directly onto the main handlebar assemblage attached to soft pads. This design essentially forces the rider to either ride fully upright, which is maximally inefficient, or fully horizontal, which is maximally efficient, in what is called the skeletal aero position (by leaning down and allowing all the upper body weight to rest entirely on the forearms which are bent at the elbow and resting on mounted soft pads). For added efficiency gear shift calipers are even mounted to some styles of aero bars, one on each, theoretically allowing for gearing without falling out of the aerodynamic body position even for a small moment in time. Rules regarding bike design do not address the geometry or aero position issues of triathlon bike design in either short course or Ironman, and use of either style is by no means exclusive to one or the other. But perhaps because of the immense distances involved and the heightened concern for energy expenditure and efficiency, the use of triathlon bikes by professionals and elite age group athletes in Ironman is more common than in short course.
The counter-intuitive way that Ironman regulates drafting and the way that the triathlon-style bike has become so popular is fascinating. From the fact that unlike competitive cycling and unlike even short-course triathlon, the rules of Ironman prohibit drafting does not especially point to any conspicuous concern for efficiency. Quite the opposite, even for the way it complicates administration with the need to police a cycling course of immense distance it seems a very inefficient use of resources. This makes the use of the triathlon bike in Ironman all the more surprising being that it represents a tangible kind of obsession with efficiency. It squeezes together the shoulder blades, aggravates the lower back, and complicates matters even to the point that it requires a significant adjustment period before the average rider becomes at all comfortable. The anti-drafting rules of Ironman essentially encourage a competitor to become maximally efficient on an individual basis-to become an ‘Ironman’ entirely on one’s own efforts. This is also evidenced by rules in Ironman addressing the giving and receiving of any kind of external aid, which is strictly forbidden. Technical aid, emergency bike repairs for example, is illegal unless given by race officials, as is any other kind of tangible support including food, medical aid and clothing (Ironman Canada Race Society, 2003). Just as the creation of divisions based on motivation not skill is an original use of a modern sporting trend so too does it appear that the concept of efficiency is given a new application (post-modern) by the rules of Ironman.
Wet Suits, Efficiency, and Modernism
Another significant difference between Ironman and short-course is rules regarding the wearing of a wet suit. Because the swimming discipline of triathlon is typically held in open water hypothermia and general discomfort due to the cold was common during the early years of the 1980’s. Though wet suit technology did exist in that era it was primarily used for the purposes of deep sea diving. This changed as the technology gradually adapted to accommodate the needs of a speed swimming and it is now a common piece of equipment in modern triathlons. Though it may have been developed merely for combating the cold, however, the wearing of a wet suit is important enough to warrant the attention of rule-makers such as the I.T.U. (International Triathlon Union, 2003) because of how it affects performance. By increasing buoyancy, a wet suit increases efficiency and thereby speed. In fact, the wet suit changes buoyancy and efficiency to the point that it has resulted in a fundamental shift of swimming technique. The flutter kick’s contribution to horizontal body position has been severely minimized even to the point of being obsolete. Non-kicking front crawl, as it might be called, has thereby become increasingly common in triathlon. With regard to Ironman, as with drafting, rules regarding the wet suit address athletes relative to their category. Again perhaps because it is not entirely competed rules regarding the age group category are less severe than in the professional in that the range of water temperature considered appropriate for swimming in a wet suit is broader. (International Triathlon Union, 2003) However narrow this range might be for professionals in Ironman though, it is even more prohibitive in short course triathlon. Because of this the wearing of a wet suit is not as common a practice there than in Ironman (the swim course of the 2002 World Cup of short-course triathlon for example was non-wet suit). (International Triathlon Union, 2003)
With a technology originally designed for safety being used for efficiency Ironman once again asserts its strong post-modern character. What is more, it shows how the actual use of a technology can not only change the extent of the impact it was designed to create but can have a entirely different use all together never intended, in this case the non-kicking front crawl. It is evidence of a mentality that is obsessed with and takes the concept of efficiency to lengths never before imagined.
Ironman, a Post-Modern Archetype
Post-Modernization Theory
Michel de Certeau has written of the fundamental ways that people inevitably find novel meanings in existing formal structures-tactics, as it were. That is, the sometimes transitory interventions made with regards to conventional purpose. This concept essentially underlies the theory of post modernism. Modernization is a rigidly defined by a set of ideals that are concerned with the elements of a way of life that is starting to lose some of its prevalence at the turn of the millennium. That is, the ideology of modernism traces back its roots to such notorious founding fathers as Pierre de Coubertin who’s influence on it, as progressive as it may have been for that era, was indicative of an outdated value system by today’s standards. Sports of the modern style tend to be efficiency-based. Granted, the symbolic value of efficiency may still persist today changed only by a heightened concern for it, but modernism’s other core values have lost some of their significance. Class-distinction for one and gender-bias for another. The concept of disinterested practice as the defining characteristic of elite-style amateurism seems to have lost most of its value also. The theory of post modernization is essentially based on this trend of shifting value-systems. For de Certeau, this was evidenced in the way the actual functionality of a city does not abide by its blueprints and is not entirely visible from a high overview. Rather, the real way that a complex organism such as a city operates is determined by the billions of ongoing momentary interactions of its inhabitants and its identity resides in the way that structures are used not by the way they ought to be used. In this way, where existing organizational structures are constantly being used or perhaps abused with novel uses, he reasons that the concept-city is being slowly decayed.
Triathlon and Post-Modernism
Modernization is a kind of concept-city. It is a blueprint for the organizational structure of sport that is being gradually chipped away by post-modernism trends in sport. Triathlon, Ironman in particular, is a prime example of this process. Its historical development is a story that might at first resemble simple modernization. There is gradual bureaucratization with development of the I.T.U. There is a certain element of equality also, with female participation starting relatively early in its development (1979), and secularism once it became less a festive social occasion (the 1972 San Diego biathlon) or esoteric event (the all-Navy S.E.A.L. 1978 Ironman) (HickokSports, 2003, Tinley, 1986).
But in its present state, consider the way Ironman abolishes the traditional way that sport segregates competition into multiple levels: elite, non-elite, professional, amateur, male, female, national caliber, international caliber, etc. Even short course triathlon has inherited this disposition towards segregation to some degree in the way that competition is staggered into various waves of athletes, albeit these waves often compete on the same course at roughly the same time. But the massive all-encompassing design of Ironman is a drastic departure from this. Where else in sport, besides marathon possibly, is competition of all the various categories mixed together physically and temporally? Ironman not only mixes together the various athletic classes but shies away even from the creation of a legitimate ‘elite’ category. By practice the winners of Ironman have always been in the professional category but this has no basis in the rules of the sport in which the basis for declaration as a professional, which is voluntary, is technically only a financial matter. What is more, non-professional elite caliber athletes do exist and are starting to challenge for overall titles (Ironman Canada Race Society, 2003, Ironman USA Lake Placid, 2003). Such a scenario is nothing less than nightmarish by Coubertin’s standards.
Consider the peculiar orientation Ironman takes towards efficiency. In much the same way that it is valued by the modern archetype it too is a concern for Ironman but not in quite the same way. The triathlon-style bike common to Ironman is a kind of technological monument to efficiency not only functionally, through its geometry, but highly visually too, with a conspicuous-looking handlebar assemblage. Anti-drafting policies seem at first counter-intuitive to this efficiency mentality but are actually just part of an overriding concern for a particular style of efficiency, that of the individual not the group. And that is precisely what post modernism is, an unpredicted departure from an existing style of organization. Another example of such an a departure is the non-kicking front crawl made possible by the use of wet suits. There again the actual value of a technology designed for a given purpose, protecting from the cold, became its contribution to another matter altogether, buoyancy and efficiency.
Lastly to the idea of its post modernism there is the way that Ironman removes one of the most fundamental sport barriers of all. Ironically, though there is a trend now of increasingly top-level performances coming from the age group category the vast majority of the non-professional division even at the World Championship is not elite-caliber. With respect to the athletic accomplishment of any person to undertake an Ironman, there is almost more differentiating this event as it experienced over 8hr. by a high performance athlete, and the 17hr. or longer endured by the amateur athlete, than there is common ground. For one thing, the significance given to any objective measure of performance is completely mute, for example overall time or placing. It has become popular and glorified to undertake the Ironman merely for the momentousness of the achievement irrespective of any objective quality. This state of affairs, it could be contended, is an unusual blending of spectator and competitor. Albeit, this is not a spectator in the traditional sense of the word, but rather one that is witnessing a more or less prestigious sporting event like no other spectator in history has been able to-a kind of spectating from within.
Conclusions: the Social Significance of Post-Modernism
The fundamental idea of Ironman is nothing if not a fascinating insight into human behavior. It seems to depart from virtually all the norms of accepted and legitimate use of the body. By its very design the sport seems to defy not only what is practical but even possible. Perhaps the public fascination with the Ironman is in some way or another a self-gratifying attempt to test just what potential does exist in the human machine through a contest that challenges pre-conceptions of human limitations with its extreme difficulty. And maybe this helps to explain why Ironman has developed along the lines of a post modern archetype, that is why it challenges the barriers that are characteristic of other sports. Alternately, perhaps the post-modernism of this sport is highly reflexive of the era in which it was born-one where the significance of rigid class structure and conservative styles of organization has been eroded. And this stream of thought, of using the microcosm of sport as a means of advancing general cultural theory in the macrocosm, is after all the true significance of a discussion of modernization theory in the first place. What resonating effects the Ironman experiment could have on these other sporting phenomena is an intriguing thought. Years from now it will be fascinating to see just what the future is for a sport that is in so many ways already ahead of its time.
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