by Richard Marsina

At the time of the migration of nations, i.e. before the end of the 6th century, we encounter in the literature of the period three terms denoting communities of people: gens, populus and natio. According to Wenskus gens (tribe) was in those times also considered to be a political body - populus (nation), although the term gens (tribe) used to be interchanged with natio, which, at that time, denoted, above all, a mere community of people of the same origin (ethnic group). Every gens (tribe) of those times is, according to Wenskus, a natio (ethnic group), but not every natio (ethnic group) became gens (tribe). Populus was above all – according to the ancient Greek model – a nation (a people) that had formed a state. Thus according to the sources from the period of the migration of nations, gens (tribe) is also natio (ethnic group), a community of people of the same origin and populus (nation) is a people that has formed a state.

The first records of Slavic political structures in the area of today's Slovakia date back to the period not long after the last stage of the migration of nations, which ended in Central and East-Central Europe in the second half of the 6th century. As to the state of the preserved, or actually not preserved, sources, since they don’t exist, we don’t know whether our territory was inhabited by a single tribe or by several tribes that would ethnically certainly be identical or very closely related and we don‘t know what they were called either. The only certain point is that they were Slavs that had moved into the territory around the middle part of the river Danube in the period of the late 5th century and in the course of the 6th century. Tribes can be considered to represent political structures as I‘ve already mentioned in the introduction, but there are no indications from the 6th century that would suggest any political life in our area. The first concrete sign of political structuring in our area are the records of the so-called empire of Samo, whose existence is usually placed approximately in the period between 623 and 658.

There are, actually, no concrete indications that would show where the core of this so-called empire that was ruled by Samo, a Frankish merchant with arms, arose. The only certain fact is that it must have been in a territory where the Slavic inhabitants were ruled by the Avarians or were in direct contact with them. This indicates that it must have been in the Danubian (or Carinthian) area. The territory of, at least, southwestern Slovakia bordered directly to the Avarian territory or was even partially occupied by the Avarians. Since the beginning of the 18th century it has been argued that the centre of the Empire of Samo lay somewhere near Bratislava. This should be, however, considered improbable, as the capital – if Samo had a single main seat – would lie a little more to the west, possibly in today‘s Lower Austria (northwards of the Danube). The so-called Empire of Samo was actually a union of Slavic tribes that arose as a form of defense against the Avarians. Later it became a defense-union against the expansion of the Frankish Empire as well and the Czech Slavs and the Slavs from the territory around the river Labe joined it (probably only temporarily), too. The Frankish king Dagobert I. did not succeed in conquering the border fortification of Samo Vogastisburg, around the year 631. Following the death of Samo, his domain ceased to exist. During the period of its existence its extent certainly wasn't constant, it was at its peak in the period when the Slavic tribes were directly threatened by an enemy. There is, however, no doubt about the fact that at least southwestern Slovakia, i.e. including Bratislava, belonged to the genuine core of the tribal union ruled by Samo.

The political structure connected with the name of Samo that comprised also a part of today's Slovakia, ceased to exist after the death of Samo (658). The political structure was once again, like before, represented by a tribe (or tribes) that had their habitations in Slovakia. The historical sources remain silent again, there are no indications about the political development in our area for more than 150 years. On the basis of later developments, it is possible, at least approximately, to reconstruct the political process in our area from the second half of the 7th century until the first quarter of the 9th century. The Avarians occupied only the southern parts of western and central Slovakia and in the more northern territories an integration of smaller tribes commenced in today's western and central Slovakia. In this period the basis of the ethnical genesis of Slovaks was formed. On the basis of later developments we can presume that the western border of this territory, that was gradually integrated under a single ruler, lay along the Small and the White Carpathians. The political (tribal or arising super-tribal) structures existing in this territory were certainly in some way dependent on the Avarians (the Avarian caganate).

After the defeat of the Avarians and the destruction of the Avarian caganate by the army of the (then) Frankish king Charles (the Great), the involvement of the Avarians ceased and a new political unit was formed – a sovereign principality, whose western border was formed by the above mentioned Small and White Carpathians, the southern border was formed by the Danube and possibly by the mountain chains in today's northern Hungary, the northern border by the Carpathians northwards of the river Váh and the eastern border by the mountains eastwards of the Lower Hron and (probably) the Great Fatra mountains. Following the intentions of the Frankish Empire the Christianization of this territory was intensified, since the territory had become an area of interest for the Empire. The first concrete and reliable written record about this principality dates back approximately to the year 828. The manuscript on the conversion of the Bavarians and Carinthians to the Christian faith that was written in the early seventies of the 9th century in Salzburg states that Pribina who had great merits as to the Christianization of the territories behind the Danube, that belonged under the Church jurisdiction of the archdiocese of Salzburg, had formerly been the ruler of Nitra, where the archbishop of Salzburg consecrated a Christian temple on the property of Pribina and this temple had become the main church of the Christianizing mission in the principality of Nitra. Pribina was probably the second (or even the third) ruler of the principality of Nitra that had been certainly formed at the threshold of the 9th century, at the latest. His principality was undoubtedly in some way dependent on the Frankish Empire. The evidence of his contacts with the Empire represents also the fact that his wife probably stemmed from the significant Bavarian Wilhelm-family. Pribina had certainly good relations with the border count Ratbod, the administrator of the eastern territory of the Frankish Empire, that bordered to the principality of Pribina. The principality of Nitra, whose written evidence stems probably from the year 828, can be considered to represent the first Slovak political structure in the area of today's Slovakia. It originated after a development that had taken about 150 years and it didn't last very long.

Probably at the same time as the principality of Nitra, the principality of Moravia originated westwards of Nitra with its core around the river Morava in today's eastern and central Moravia and in the neighbouring area of today's Lower Austria and its ruler was Mojmír. Approximately in the years 833 – 835, Mojmír succeeded in conquering and taking the principality of Nitra and Pribina with his suite escaped to the above-mentioned border-count Ratbod, whereby the sovereignty of the principality of Nitra was destroyed. Its territory became a part of the newly arisen political unit, that was during its existence called merely Moravia and only later in the historiography was named The Great Moravia. Later developments make us presume that within Great Moravia the former principality of Nitra formed an autonomous unit, a feudal duchy that was ruled by the successors to the throne of the Great Moravian dynasty and that had their own suites. On the basis of this more autonomous position of the duchy of Nitra within Great Moravia there were given greater possibilities to the regional rulers, stemming from the times of Pribina, who were not satisfied with his rule and that were, possibly even during his rule, in contact with prince Mojmír or with his authorized deputies. Pribina – possibly because of his old contacts – escaped to Ratbod, since he believed that he would help him in returning to Nitra and acquiring his former position, as he left with his whole suite, consisting of 500 people, i.e. including all family members. Ratbod had originally probably made such a promise, he introduced Pribina to the king Louis the German and Pribina received instruction in the Christian faith and was baptized, which meant that he was considered to be an important ally. Later, though, allegedly after some controversy with Ratbod, Pribina left Ratbod. The logical reason for the controversy could have been the fact that Ratbod refused to help Pribina in gaining his former position. The rejection was probably connected with the fact that Mojmir had taken up contacts with the Franks, fulfilled their requirements and reached an agreement with them. Pribina wasn’t needed (anymore). Some years after this incident there was a period when Pribina, as the prince of a Slavic principality in Transdanubia, could, if necessary, become a threat to the Great Moravian dynasty.

From the thirties of the 9th century Slovakia (the territory of today’s Slovakia) became a part of Great Moravia and it retained a certain form of autonomy there. Great Moravia was certainly also in somewhat subordinate position in its relationship with the Frankish Empire ever since its origin. After some years [sic] is prince Mojmir likely to have tried to obtain a less dependent position of Moravia. Not all the members of the Moravian dynasty shared his opinion and one of those who didn’t was probably the chosen pretender to the princely throne Rastislav. Therefore, after the arrival of the army from what at that time was already East-Frankish Kingdom in Great Moravia in 846, Mojmir I. was deposed and his successor became his nephew Rastislav who had probably committed himself to fulfill the requirements presented by the East-Frankish Kingdom: they concerned probably exactly determined payments and a commitment that Rastislav would not permit any military (robbery-aimed) actions into the territory of the Empire.

Since the first half of the fifties was the feudal duke of Nitra Rastislav´s nephew Svätopluk who organized military actions eastwards of his domain and he expanded its territory in this direction. After a period of less than ten years, in the second half of the fifties of the 9th century the relations between the East-Frankish Kingdom and Rastislav worsened, because Rastislav had probably refused to remain in a position of dependence. Neither the military expedition in 855 led by the king Louis the German nor the expedition in 858 led by his eldest son Karl Oman against Rastislav brought a decisive success. As the rebellion of Karl Oman against his father Louis took place in 861, Rastislav joined Karloman and assisted him in conquering and seizing the Carinthian and Panonian Mark, as well as, in driving out of the counts Pab and probably also Pribina who were authorized by Louis the German and it is likely to presume that Pribina who remained loyal to the king Louis the German lost in the fighting his life. Later, when the king Louis the German in 863 defeated his son Karloman, Rastislav refused to help him and wasn’t even willing to provide him with an asylum. It follows from the above mentioned that prince Rastislav found himself in a relatively more independent position at this time, but he aimed his efforts at an even more independent position, also in connection with the progressing Christianization of his territory. During the rule of Rastislav there were undoubtedly people of local origin that received priestly education, but they had to do their studies in Southern Germany. The gaining of complete education required several years of studies and after returning home some of the priests of local origin were surely strongly influenced by a better-developed environment in which they had formerly lived and the local conditions seemed to be backward and inferior in comparison to that.

The motive that prompted prince Rastislav to find a teacher-bishop for Great Moravia was undoubtedly a matter of a political nature. At first, already in 861, he consulted the Roman Pope Nicolaus I. who allegedly could not fulfill his appeal, because at that time there was no priest in Rome that was able to speak a Slavic language. Then, approximately in 862, he asked the Byzantine emperor Michael III for a teacher. The emperor sent (863) from the Byzantine Empire – from Constantinople – not a bishop, but two brothers, Constantinus and Methodius, with a suite, who then set up an institution for the education of priests in Great Moravia and introduced the usage of the Slavic language in the liturgy. There could have been no immediate introduction of the Slavic language into the liturgy, because it was necessary to school the students and have them ordained, at first. This was the reason why the priests who studied in southern-German environment didn’t feel endangered seriously as to their position in Great Moravia at this stage of Constantinus´ and Methodius´ mission. Constantinus and Methodius considered their work to be finished after three and a half years (867) and went to see their students ordained. On their journey they stopped at Koce¾'s - the son of Pribina – seat in Blatnohrad. The goal of their journey was possibly Constantinople. They couldn’t return there, however, since their protector, patriarch Photios, was deposed and emperor Michael III., who had sent them to Great Moravia, was assassinated. At that time they received in Venice an invitation from Pope Nicolaus I. who had learned that they had the relics of Pope Clemens I. with them (approximately 91 – 101). They reached Rome at the end of the year 867 and they were ceremoniously welcome by the new Pope Hadrian II. Upon their appeal he approved of the translation of the liturgical books into the Slavic language in 868 and thereby formed a legal basis for the usage of the Slavic language in the liturgy.

From the political point of view there was another act of the Pope that was very significant. After the death of Constantinus (February 14, 869), who adopted the name Cyril after his becoming a monk, was Methodius ordained a bishop by Pope Hadrian II. in Rome and was later appointed a missionary archbishop and was sent as a papal legate to the countries that were ruled by Rastislav, Svätopluk and Pribina's son Koce¾. This concerned, however, the interests of the Southern-German Church province directly, since they considered Great Moravia to be its missionary territory. The explicit mention of Svätopluk in the papal letter, which certainly occurred on the basis of information supplied by Methodius, shows that, in the period of 863 – 867, Svätopluk surely played as a feudal duke an important role in Great Moravia. In the meantime, two streams of armies of king Louis the German attacked Svätopluk and Rastislav, but without a final victory. When contracting peace, there arose a controversy between Rastislav and Svätopluk, who was provided with protection by Louis the German. Rastislav tried to capture him, but Svätopluk learned about his plans and he took Rastislav captive and gave him over to Karloman. Rastislav was sentenced to death, but on the basis of the decision of Louis the German was the sentence altered to making Rastislav blind.

In the meantime, Svätopluk also got into a position of disgrace and he was taken captive and imprisoned in Bavaria, where Methodius had been held a prisoner already, as he had been captured when he tried to return to Great Moravia. There was an attempt to occupy Great Moravia, but an insurgence arose against this attempt. Svätopluk, who gained Frankish favour again, took up the task of suppressing the insurgence and was therefore put in charge of the East-Frankish army. He reached an agreement with the defendants, though, and the whole East-Frankish army got either completely defeated or the soldiers were taken captive. From the perspective of further political development it is important to note that none of the repeated military expeditions of the East-Frankish army against Great Moravia in the coming years were successful. In 874 the Forchheim peace was concluded between Louis the German and Svätopluk, and Svätopluk committed himself not to attack the territory of the East-Frankish Kingdom, but got the Frankish consent to expand his territory northwards, eastwards and southeastwards of his domain, i.e. into the territories that didn’t represent areas of interest for the East-Frankish Empire.

Some time before, in 873, on the basis of an intervention of Pope John VIII., archbishop Methodius had been released from his imprisonment in Bavaria and he took up the exertion of his duties in Great Moravia that were assigned to him already by Pope Hadrian II. and confirmed by John VIII. The following period was a period of a great expansion of Great Moravia, because Svätopluk extended his domain northwards into the area of the river Visla, into Silesia and Lusatia and southwestwards into the area of the river Tisa. The accusation of archbishop Methodius presented to John VIII., stating that Methodius “does not teach as the Holy Roman Church does”, had an unsuccessful outcome for the accusers. Pope John VIII. took with his bull Industriae tuae in June 880 Svätopluk and Great Moravia under his protection, set up the Great Moravian Church province with Methodius on its top and appointed bishop Wiching Methodius' first suffragan with his seat in the centre of the feudal domain – in Nitra. The position of Svätopluk and Methodius became after this step even stronger. Svätopluk became, under the protection of the Pope, an equivalent ruler to all the other Christian rulers of Europe. This reinforced his self-confidence and he got into a conflict with the Frankish Empire in the territories of the Czech lands and in Transdanubia. He fought for Transdanubia for several years with changing luck, but his rule over the Czech lands was acknowledged by king Arnulf in 890. At this time, Svätopluk´s power was at its peak and he was almost permanently at war with the Empire. There was a danger appearing in the southeast of his empire, where groups of Hungarian fighters started to show that were occasionally hired either by him or by the Frankish Empire as mercenaries in their fighting against each other. In spite of this he left to his sons, after his death in 894, the expanded empire almost intact.

After the death of Svätopluk, his empire started to shrink quite rapidly, as the nations living on the outskirts of Svätopluk former empire started to proclaim their independence (Czechs, Lusatians, Small Poland). This process was also accelerated by a conflict between his two sons, prince Mojmír, who as supposed to be the main ruler of the empire and the younger prince Svätopluk, who received as his feudal territory the eastern parts of the empire. The rivalry developed in 898 into a military confrontation, which ended in 899, when the Bavarian army freed Svätopluk and took him to Bavaria. Svätopluk´s empire started to decay gradually and Great Moravia ceased to exist as a state approximately in 906 under the pressure of the ancient Hungarians. Its last ruler Mojmír II. is likely to have lost his life either in the fighting or during his flight.

A new political situation originated after the arrival of the ancient Hungarians into Danube hollow. Their military units appeared sporadically in Danube hollow in the eighties of the 9th century already and as we’ve already mentioned, both Svätopluk and the Frankish empire made use of their military service in their fighting against each other. According to the Hungarian historiography prince Arpad crossed the pass of Verec with the main Hungarian military units in 895 and started the occupation of Danube hollow. The conclusion of the treaty between the ancient Hungarians and Svätopluk, according to the so-called tale about the sale of the country for a white horse (etc.), places the Hungarian historiography in the year 894, when Svätopluk was still alive. Some positive basis of the mentioned tale cannot be generally excluded. It cannot be, however, interpreted – even if it was concluded – in the way the Hungarian historiography has done ever since the Middle Ages. As regards the time of the conclusion of the treaty (if it has ever existed), it could have been concluded by the younger brother of Prince Mojmír II., duke Svätopluk, who ruled the eastern territories of Great Moravia (probably from Nitra) in the period between 894 – 898/9.

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It cannot be excluded, at this point, that already Svätopluk I. had given some limited permission of settlement in the southwestern part of his empire to a smaller group (groups) of ancient Hungarians for their military assistance. Then, during the rule of duke Svätopluk (after 894), it could have been more continuous areas in the thinly populated southwestern part of Svätopluk´s empire, in the area of the river Tisa. Even if such treaty, mentioned by Hungarian medieval chronicles, was concluded, it could have concerned only the determined areas in the southeastern part of Svätopluk´s empire and not the whole of Danube hollow. We know, after all, that in 899 not even Transdanubia was occupied by the ancient Hungarians. It was only medieval Hungarian chroniclers, some centuries later, that ascribed the alleged treaty a broader meaning. The fact that the ancient Hungarians gradually occupied the whole of Danube hollow did not follow from a partial treaty (or partial treaties – permissions), nor was it connected with it (them). It followed from the overall political and military situation, when after overcoming the initial resistance, the ancient Hungarians didn’t face any substantial resistance of the local military and political structures. If suppositions and presumptions are to be taken into consideration, a more significant reason for the claim of the heritage of Great Moravia could be the marriage of Arpad´s son Zoltán (Zholt) to the daughter of the Great Moravian ruler, if such a marriage ever existed.

Another circumstance speaks for our interpretation of the tale about the sale of the country for a white horse (etc.), namely the fact that the Hungarian historiography itself supposes that the ancient Hungarians occupied in the years 895 – 899 only that area of Danube hollow which was east of the Danube, i. e. just up to the Danube. Just then, after the death of the king and emperor Arnulf, with whom they had contracted treaties, they took Transdanubia, which represented at that time a border-area of the East-Frankish Kingdom and subsequently started to move northwards and further westwards. On the whole, it can be contended that as regards the genuine Great Moravia they occupied only its eastern part, i. e. the area of today’s Slovakia and just marginally shifted the frontier of the former eastern part of Great Moravia westwards, reaching the river Morava. Since the first quarter of the 10th century the area of today’s Slovakia belonged into the sphere of interest of the ancient Hungarians and its southern parts were already occupied by them. During the first stage the ancient Hungarians didn’t endeavor to form a state and the occupied territories were divided among the prince and the dukes of a tribal union. The comparatively largest part of the territory was taken by the ruling Arpad-family, whose domain comprised Nitra, as well.

According to Gy. Györffy Nitra became already during Arpad´s lifetime the seat of a feudal duke from the ruling family and was inhabited by one of the Arpad princes. It was certainly a continuation of the tradition from the previous period of time when Nitra was a seat of a feudal duke in Great Moravia. The holders of the feudal duchy with its seat in Nitra was at first Arpad´s son Üllö and then Arpad´s grandsons Tevel and Takshon, all that in the first half of the 10th century, because in 947 became Takshon a prince (a grandprince). Later became the holder of the feudal duchy in Nitra Takshon´s younger son Michael, while his elder brother Gejza became a prince.

Approximately from 970 until 1042 was the feudal duchy of Nitra administered by the descendants of Gejza´s son Michael, who was killed at a fairly young age (976 – 978?). The feudal duchy was administered by Michael’s sons Ladislav the Bald and Vazul, but for a short time (approx. 995 – 997) also by Gejza´s son Stephen until he ascended the throne after his father. During the time of the military expansion led by Boleslav the Brave, was the holder of the feudal duchy of Nitra probably Ladislav the Bald. After him, approximately since 1021, was the administrator of the feudal duchy of Nitra Stephen´s son Imrich and after his death (1031) the younger brother of Ladislav the Bald Vazul. The situation started to develop in a different way during the rule of king Andrew I. (1046 – 1060), who was the son of Vazul and in 1048 invited his brother Belo from Poland and put him in charge of the administration of one third of the kingdom (15 counties), which covered the north (today’s Slovakia) and the east of the Hungarian kingdom, with the respective centers in Nitra and Bihar. Feudal dukes played an important role and were significant rivals to the ruling kings. Despite the fact that the eastern part of the feudal domain was – as to the territory – larger, the economically more important and politically clearly more significant part of the feudal domain was southwestern Slovakia (Nitra territory). Approximately in the half of the 11th century the relationship between the Hungarian Kingdom and the German Empire had not been settled yet and the German Empire was still trying to drag the Hungarian Kingdom into a position of some dependence. Thus, during a lot of military attacks of the imperial armies, southwestern Slovakia was one of the most endangered areas. The territory of Nitra bordered, however, also to Poland and to the Czech lands and therefore the administrators of the feudal duchy had the possibility to peacefully develop the relations with these countries and could even receive some help from them, which several times really happened.

Duke Belo took up the administration of the assigned territory, over which he ruled independently, with a lot of vigour and he even started to strike his own coins that had a higher value than the royal coins. He was originally likely to be a successor to the throne. As Andrew I., however, had his five-year-old son Salomon crowned in 1057 and engaged to the ten-year-old daughter of emperor Henry III. a tension arose between the brothers and it led to an escape of feudal duke Belo I. and his family to Poland in 1059. He returned in the autumn of 1060 together with his son Gejza and military assistance that was supplied by the nephew of his wife, the Polish prince Boleslav II. the Brave (or the Generous). He strengthened his army with military units from his feudal domain (the territory of today’s Slovakia and eastern Hungary) and finally forced Andrew I., together with his German supporters, to withdraw. Following the death of Andrew I. in captivity, Belo became the Hungarian king.

During the reign of Belo I. (1060 – 1063) the holder of the feudal domain was his eldest son Gejza. As the still not adult eleven-year-old Salomon, the son of Andrew I., ascended the throne after the death of Belo I., the tension between the new king (the clique that controlled him, actually) and the dukes escalated, even though Gejza was willing to remain loyal to the king, if he’d confirm his feudal domain (one third of the kingdom). Salomon relied on the help from Germany and Gejza on the help from Poland. There was no fight, however, because on January 20 1064 king Salomon and duke Gejza contracted a treaty in Rába (Györ), according to which Gejza remained the holder of the feudal domain. New conflicts between the king and dukes Gejza and Ladislav originated six years afterwards, when Salomon made efforts to deprive them of their feudal duchies. The fights ended on March 14 1074 with a victory of the dukes at Mogyoród, while the dukes received help from the duke of Olomouc Oto. The military units from Nitra (agmina Nitriensium) played an important role, since they held back and fought back the attack of the main military units of king Salomon. Not even the intervention of king Salomon´s brother-in-law (then already) the German emperor Henry IV. was of much effect and duke Gejza became in fact the Hungarian king (1074 – 1077).

The administration of the duchy – one third of the kingdom – was ceded to his brothers Ladislav and Lampert. After the death of Gejza I. became Ladislav I. the king (1077 - 1095) and the duchy was administered by his youngest brother Lampert. Ladislav did not, however, cede the feudal duchy to his brother with full political, military and economic power that he and his eldest brother Gejza had possessed in the time of their administration of the feudal duchy, but he provided him only with a high rank and income that would cover the expenses of his court. Even if, in the terms of territory, this did not represent any limitation, in the terms of power this actually meant a restriction of the competence of a duke. Duke Lampert is most likely to have agreed upon this new position of his.

After the death of Ladislav I. Gejza´s son Koloman ascended the throne (1095 – 1116). He gave the duchy – one third of the kingdom – to his younger brother Almosh, but he restricted his actual power, as well. Duke Almosh wasn’t satisfied with his position. It could have been so because of the fact that king Ladislav I. originally intended to make Almosh his successor and Koloman was to be a clergyman, because of his physical handicap (he was hunchbacked). In spite of this, Koloman made his way through and with military support from Poland he seized the Hungarian royal throne. Duke Almosh initiated an insurgence against his elder brother in 1098 already. Their armies that encountered each other at Vrákonyi refused to begin to fight and the brothers, the king and the duke, agreed upon the preservation of status quo. After following conflicts with his brother, duke Almosh escaped to Passau in 1105 and asked emperor Henry IV. for help. Upon the intervention of the emperor, king Koloman accepted the return of Almosh, but the administration of the mentioned third of the kingdom was not given to him, not even formally. At this point the institution of the feudal duchy – one third of the kingdom - ceased to exist for almost two centuries (with short interruptions). Almosh endeavored, however, with the help from emperor Henry V. and the Czech duke Svätopluk, to obtain a more significant position in 1108, but he didn’t succeed in it. Duke Almosh was the last member of the Arpad family that held the position of a duke in the mentioned third of the country.

The cessation of existence of the feudal duchy in its former form was, without any doubt, connected with the new orientation of the policy of the Hungarian Kingdom, as well. In the 11th century was the main interest of the Hungarian Kingdom to reach a permanent position of independence as to the German Empire that repeatedly tried to enforce a position of a more permanent dependence of the Hungarian kingdom on it, even with the help of some domestic pretenders to the throne. After the death of the last member of the Trpimirovic dynasty in the Croatian Kingdom (1087), the policy of the Hungarian kings Ladislav I. and Koloman in the nineties was aimed at a permanent acquisition of the Croatian Kingdom. A suitable impetus was the invitation of the Croatian queen Ilona who was the widow of the last Croatian king Zvonimir and a sister of Ladislav I. A personal union of the Hungarian and the Croatian kingdoms was finally and definitely formed in 1105.

The feudal duchy with its seat in Nitra was the last political structure of higher rank in the area of Slovakia. The feudal duchy was not directly connected with some extraordinary position of Slovakia or Slovaks, but it was a feudal domain of the Arpad family, destined for princes, the successors to the throne. It is important from the point of view of the history of Slovakia, because it covered a large area of today’s Slovakia. After the cessation of existence of the feudal duchy there was no other political structure of higher rank in the territory of today’s Slovakia. The whole territory of Slovakia was divided into 11 compact counties and 7 divided counties that were directly administered by the central administration of the Hungarian kingdom

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