Gentrification and its effects

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Run-down, inner city areas may undergo gentrification for several reasons. Many city areas suffer urban blight, evident by abandoned factories, warehouses, buildings and vacant lots. Other than their negative aesthetic, such dilapidated areas are prone to crime, the homeless and label surrounding areas as dangerous. An example is Harlem, Manhattan, which was a symbol of urban decay but in recent years has experienced inner-city development which has raised the socio-economic status and quality of living in the area (Alleyne & Anderson 2003). Gentrification can be seen as a way of beautifying the environment, giving valuable, near-city locations functional purposes and creating safer environments.

Inner-city locations have also become increasingly desirable as the modern lifestyle demands efficiency, resources, goods and services. Availability of such demands are maximised in proportion to proximity to the city. Thus, property values of these ‘prime’ locations are forever increasing, becoming valuable investments which in turn, attract increasing numbers of gentrifiers. Old inner city locations often possess good infrastructure, such as schools, hospitals and transport and despite these qualities, much of the land in these run-down areas remains (prior to massive gentrification action) inexpensive (Cheslow 2004; Hughes 2004).

Inner city locations also often hold a certain degree of historical importance, especially regarding the architecture of the old residences which express their heritage (Kuhr 2004). Historical preservation is another significant factor accounting for gentrification processes. Indeed, Harlem is centrally located, has a fantastic transportation system, beautiful architecture and isn't expensive (Alleyne & Anderson 2003).

There are a number of social changes entailed with gentrification. These include changes in population demographics, increases in property values, rent rates, provision of goods and services, employment opportunities and a decrease in crime.

Gentrification of inner city locations involves shifts in population demographics. Centralised areas, originally associated with the poorer working class, attract middle-classes to wealthy working professionals. Freeman and Braconi (2004) present the common assumption that gentrification increases the socio-economic status of a neighbourhood. Ley (2004) suggests gentrified neighbourhoods are characterised by residents who are highly educated, especially in humanties and social sciences and tend to have an appreciation and attachment for cultural difference. This is evident from the ethnically (and sexually) diverse populations which are inclined to reside in inner city gentrifying neighbourhoods (Freeman & Braconi 2004; Hughes 2004; Kuhr 2004; Alleyne & Anderson 2003). Ley (2004) further notes these residents are often involved in artistic or intellectual pursuits and heritage preservation.

Class and ethnicity are not the only demographics altered by gentrification. Gentrification often involves building high rises or apartment blocks on pieces of land which once occupied a single large residence (Kuhr 2004). Thus, population density increases on a massive scale. Due to the close proximity to the city centre, these locations generally attract higher income earners. The demographics of a once run-down, inner-city area suffering with urban blight and holding the poorer classes as the majority of residents, changes with an increasing number of wealthier professionals.

Gentrification does not only entail social changes for residents but also businesses, which are attracted to the inner city and can successfully draw their clientele from the central business district. Norbut (2004) exemplifies this regarding medical practitioners and specialists. Medical practices are often successful in inner-city locations as working professionals can use the services as an “express office”, thus access to medical care is quick, efficient and convenient (Norbut 2004 p.17). Medical specialists prefer inner city locations as they have direct transport links, making it easier for suburban residents to travel to their establishments. This is evident in Subiaco and West Perth. Many older homes in these inner city locations have been used by medical specialists, and newly developed apartment spaces in Subiaco have been used as surgeries. Major social changes which occur as a result of gentrification include better transportation networks, more retail and service provisions and a better clientele and residential status, all of which are evident in Subiaco.

Wealthier, professional people are attracted to gentrified inner city areas who can afford rising rent rates for their businesses which in turn increase property values, allowing only those wealthier individuals to inhabit the area. Increases in professional people (numbers inflate due to the shift in population density) both living and working in the gentrified area demand the provision of more goods and services and infrastructure, such as good quality schools, restaurants, retail outlets and transportation, create employment opportunities, especially for those in the creative and information processing vocations (Freeman & Braconi 2004) and reduces crime, leading to a safer environment (Talcott 2004; Freeman & Braconi 2004; Hughes 2004). It should be noted however, as gentrification leads to such aforementioned ‘improvements’, these improvements, such as transportation networks and rises in population density, will have a significant social impacts such as increased traffic flow and congestion, frustrations of parking and one-way streets, visual and auditory pollution (Norbut 2004; Murphy 2003).



East Harlem has undergone major gentrification recently and exemplifies some of the social changes formerly discussed. Built in East Harlem is 'One Carnegie Hill', a forty-one story apartment building, which contains swimming pools, business centres, a school, concierge services, shuttle buses to the subway and even pet spas (Brozan 2004). The services and lifestyle offered by gentrification will attract a higher-income population, in turn creating a demand for increased goods and services and a rise in employment opportunities. Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn (2003) suggest gentrification in poorer areas, changing the area’s demographics, can reduce poverty and increase employment figures. One must be wary however of this idealised viewpoint and consider the effects of gentrification critically.

While the aspects of gentrification discussed above carry positive tones, there is one major drawback of gentrification widely stated throughout the literature, fears of displacement (Devertevil 2004; Talcott 2004; Ley 2004; Freeman & Braconi 2004; Kuhr 2004; Alleyne & Anderson 2003; Leventhal & Brookds-Gunn 2003).
Gentrified neighbourhoods often significantly increase property values to the point where lower-income earners cannot afford to reside in these areas. Those already inhabiting these locations may be subject to rent increases and are ultimately unable to afford to stay in their locations. Freeman and Braconi (2004) suggest disadvantaged people in a gentrifying neighbourhood struggle to stay in the area due to the positive social changes which result, such as safer streets and improvements in the built environment.
Talcott (2004) considers the gentrifying neighbourhood of Roxbury, Boston. The emergence of artists and growing public investments such as shopping centres, schools, a hotel and restaurants have replaced many vacant lots and abandoned factories. Gentrification has decreased crime rates, raised property values and as a result, increased rent prices. While gentrification is seen as beneficial for homeowners, Talcott (2004) suggests approximately seventy-percent of Roxbury residents are renters and are likely to be ‘priced’ out of the neighbourhood.
Considering the differences between the increasingly wealthy home-owners compared to the struggling disadvantaged renters in gentrified neighbourhoods, one may question whether increased gentrification will simply broaden the pre-existing gap between the rich and the poor and further stratify the population, depleting the concept of the middle-class.

Displacement has also been evident regarding small independent businesses. In Naperville Chicago, independent businesses are being displaced in gentrifying areas by large national chain stores which attract more clientele and can afford raising rent prices (Murphy 2003). Displacement does not however, always need to be viewed as a negative consequence of gentrification, it can generate positive social changes.
Recent politics in New York have centred on gentrification and displacement issues. The West side of Manhattan, known for its peep shows and pornographic stores has undergone gentrification by the introduction of zoning laws by Mayor Giuliani (Navarro 2004). The laws restricted any sex-related business from operating within five-hundred feet from churches, schools and one another. Multitudinous independent businesses were displaced from the inner city area, leaving only classier, upscale, safer establishments in operation (Navarro 2004). This exemplifies that displacement can be a positive social change, whereby an inner city area has transformed from a seedy crime-ridden area to a safer environment.

Ley (2004) suggests gentrification causes political displacement in Australia, whereby in metropolitan inner cities, a political culture has been established, that of a “white cosmo-multicultural subject”, a culture also referred to by Ley as “sophisticated internationalism”. In line with the notion of an ethnically diverse population, inner city gentrified neighbourhoods may be considered global communities. This is suggestive of a breakdown of traditional culture and its values and attitudes. Indeed gentrification of inner cities entails significant cultural changes.


Gentrification of inner city areas deeply challenges notions of Australian culture, or perhaps more accurately, the 'idealised' Australian culture. To stereotypical Australians, traditionally preferring large, spacious blocks of land away from traffic, the process of gentrification in the inner city opposes these desires, such as increasing population density on a large scale. Inner city locations also mean residents are closer to traffic and work locations where once the idea was to live reasonably far from the workplace and to broaden the gap between work and home. Gentrification processes themselves indicate the desires of the Australian people have changed where they wish to live close to the work place. Australian culture has shifted in that what was once desired has given away to convenience.
This trade-off of the quieter suburbs for the convenient inner city is not just occurring in Australia. The same pattern is found in Birmingham, where city-centre gentrification relies on higher-density plans, contrasting greatly from suburbs which originally enabled one to reside away from work, traffic and pollution (The Economist, 19 Jan. 2002, p.48).

The notion of convenience becoming the deciding factor in location choice is echoed by Norbut (2004) who suggests people want to live where they work and want to be able to shop where they live. Thus, inner city locations are ideal places to reside for working professionals. Close to the city, such areas usually have good pre-existing infrastructure. It also indicates that increasing numbers of people residing within the inner city, increases provisions of goods and services. There is also a growing demand for efficiency and being in close proximity to ones requirements. People today desire locations which are not only close to goods and services but also offer a variety of goods and services on their doorstep. This is evident in Perth by the growing number of multi-story shopping centres (such as Westfields) scattered throughout the suburbs (both north and south), replacing the need for the average suburban to travel into the city.

Harlem and East Harlem demonstrate how gentrification can entail cultural changes. East Harlem, once the capital of jazz and African American culture has been introduced to retail outlets such as Starbucks and Disney (Alleyne & Anderson 2003). The culture, authenticity and uniqueness of the old Harlem have been replaced by modern brands and companies. Up-market companies have been introduced at the expense of culture. Alleyne and Anderson (2003) allude to the opinions of the locals who suggest the historical value of Harlem has been totally erased. Similarly, South Plainfield, New Jersey, has also been said to have met its cultural death, by increases in traffic and an influx of large national companies, characteristic of gentrification (Cheslow 2004).
While it may be a slight dramatisation, one cannot help but cogitate notions of “McDonaldisation” and “Coca-culture”. Excluding some residential sites which are involved in historical preservation, extreme gentrification may arguably serve homogeneity.

Another cultural change also occurs as a result of gentrification, mixed land uses. As evident with One Carnegie Hill (Brozan 2004), no longer are different activities held in separate venues and away from the place of residence, all are within close proximity. Recreation, leisure, and employment all share the same geographical space. Modern societies, especially in Australia, usually have the problem of urban sprawl and yet gentrification allows, or rather creates, a condensation of time and space. The presence of mixed land uses, where functions of adjacent buildings often differ, is a major characteristic of inner city gentrification which entails major cultural changes.

Wu (2003) discusses Kakaako, Hawaii which has, and continues to undergo gentrification. Kakaako, once heavily associated with strip clubs and auto shops, now offers various additional functions, including residential sites, businesses and a farmers market (Wu 2003). Such variety attracts diverse people and draws hinterland populations into urban settings. Hughes (2004) discusses how mixed land-uses and gentrification in New London, United States, attract a variety of people. Crocker House, a former hotel now offering apartments, retail spaces and office spaces, is home to college administrators, casino workers, teachers and artists (Hughes 2004).
Perth also has gentrified areas incorporating mixed land-uses. The East Perth Redevelopment Authority (see www.epra.wa.gov.au) have developed the area incorporating high density residential areas, with ground floors occupied by cafes, restaurants and offices, local parks and reserves, beauty centres and fashion, education and a newsagent. Northbridge too provides a mix of functions, including clubs and pubs, cafes and restaurants, authentic food shopping, residential areas and small showrooms (www.epra.wa.gov.au).


Mixed land-use is a characteristic of gentrification which entails a cultural change, especially in Australia. The idealised (and perhaps traditional) concept of Australian living centres on spacious blocks of land on which to reside and broaden distances between home and work is reversed. Activities and events, such as shopping and entertainment (movies, pubs, etc) are no longer segregated from one another. Gentrification has condensed time, space and place, eliminating distance, a once quintessential aspect of Australian culture.

Navarro’s (2004) study of the gentrification of New York City and its upscale gentlemens clubs also entail a cultural change which should be briefly considered. Gentrification of places once considered seedy, dangerous and perverted to safer, classier establishments has been reflected by shifts in population behaviours. Prior redevelopment and renewal, these places were considered (generally) male-only private spaces. Gentrification has allowed both sexes to visit these spaces and feel welcomed in their environments. Gentrification has transformed the private sphere into public space and altered traditional cultures and accompanying values to be more inclusive of the wider population.


Many old, run-down, inner-city areas have undergone gentrification for a variety of reasons. Significant social and cultural changes are entailed in gentrification processes which affect not only the immediate city user, but the wider community.

References


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