It is a party, a gathering, a sensory event; the rave scene is one of the newest and increasingly popular music cultures for young adults around the world. A "rave," in the vernacular, "refers to a party, usually all night long, open to the general public, where loud 'techno' music is. played and many people partake in a number of different chemicals" (Hilker, 1994). Another part of the "concept of raves is built upon sensory overload - a barrage of audio and very often visual stimuli" is used to heighten people into altered states of mind and body (Hilker, 1994).

A variety of attendants in these parties can be seen by their taste in music, style of dancing, clothing, and choice in drug. Those who enjoy the "hardcore" music seem to attend for that reason only: the music. Another type of rave attendant, "jungleists," enjoy listening to the music and dancing. The "candy kids" are categorized as kids who eat candy, run around, smile a lot, hand out stickers, and wear bright clothes (Andrea, 2000). The "candy kids" also employ a set of ideals that have been shortened to the acronym PLUR. PLUR stands for, Peace, Love, Unity, and Respect (Andrea, 2000). Other ravers share these ideals. However, a phone interview with Harrison, a twenty-year-old male, who recently moved from the bay area to Los Angeles, California, described a different attitude within the music culture. His depiction of the scene implied that the popularity and negative publicity of the scene has incited divisions within the music culture. The "candy kids" have become the much publicized drugged out stereotypical rave attendees, thus giving the scene a bad reputation. Because the "candy kids" are a cliché, an elitist attitude has developed within some rave subcultures and in turn, the scene has separated.

The scene is comprised of various music styles, rhythms, and "party" goers. A rave is what you make of it. The number of people at an event may range from the mid fifties to thousands of partiers. The mere size of the event and the people who gather for it, dictate the classification of such a gathering. The rave scene has gathered speed throughout the past decade, as larger groups of people are attending and more venues are setting up parties. On any given month, in any given week, on any given night, a rave or multiple raves can be found around the world. The use of the Internet has aided the propagation of rave information and invitations to such parties increasing attendance.

Within the rave music scene, there is a hierarchy of "party" goers. It seems the culture has evolved into a melting pot of music styles and fashions. The scene is no longer limited to "hardcore" ravers. Bad publicity and a few unresponsible ravers, who do not follow the ideals of PLUR, disturbed it. Publicity has increased shut downs and propagated outsiders negative views of the scene. The outside opinion of the scene displays a view comprised of drugs, sting operations, loud music, and law enforcement shutdowns. These opinions have publicized negative propaganda as opposed to expressing the heart of the music and the feelings created by going to the party. With continued publicity of certain rave subcultures (for example the "candy kids"), the "true" ravers see an influx of kids that have no idea what the scene is. The flashy newcomers have made the scene "trendy," about the drugs and escape from "the real world," rather than the music. Within the culture, the elitist attitude now overshadows the original PLUR idea --- presently the so called "candy kids" are the only ones who uphold these ideals.

The rave scene does not seem to have a single origin. As documented in On Peace, Love, Dancing, and Drugs: a sociological analysis of rave culture, the so called "rave culture can be traced back as far as you want to trace it. It pulls energy from many different directions" (1997). No specific origin exists. There have been evolutions of certain beats and types of sub-cultures within the rave scene. Some cities are attributed with
galvanizing certain scenes. For example, Detroit is considered the birthplace of the "techno" subculture "as Chicago is to house and the UK is to jungle" (Chinn, 2000). These metropolises and other music cultures have spawned the progression of sounds that, as stated previously, make up the energy of the scene (On Peace., 1997). Some attribute the rise of the rave scene to "the acid house explosion during the so-called 'Summer of Love' and the rise to power of Detroit techno" which began to attract club-goers to "a harder form of music" (Learner, 1997). The music of the rave culture is classified by its collection of various world beats, sampling, and synthesized sounds. Each DJ strives for innovation in his or her music as well as an energy that compels the ravers to elation. The music is one tool for attaining harmony within the scene. Music, friends, light shows, the ideals of PLUR, the variety of the partiers, and drugs (to some extent), comprise aspects that draw many ravers to the scene.

However, increased publicity and access has spurred tensions between "hardcore," "jungleists," and other rave subcultures. The idea that the scene is plagued by kids following the trends and ideas broadcasted by media has segregated the older "true"/ "hardcore" ravers from the newer "trendy" ravers. The segregation of the "new" versus "old" is displayed by Harrison's responses to the rave ("party") scene. He seems to be a recent addition to the scene, in conventional ideology, a mere two years. Yet, he can distinguish between the trendy popular appearance of rave society and the kids who have been part of the scene for a while.

He notices the difference between the people who attend because it is the "cool" thing to do and the ones who attend for other reasons. Expressing the elitist views held by many of the "hardcore" ravers and "jungleists," Harrison stated "The jungleists don't like the candy kids because the candy kids do drugs and muddle the floor. Hardcore people don't like the jungleists or the candy kids." He continued, "The hardcore people think they are better, and in some ways they are; they don't do drugs and are there for the music." These hierarchical views seem to have infested the scene. The "candy kids" embody the stereotypes set forth by bad publicity, bringing in droves of newcomers who attend parties in order to be part of a newer scene, of something different. The hardcore people attend for the sounds that they hear (Harrison). They are not caught up in the image of being a raver. Though each raver feels that he/she is part of the scene, the reactions of other members ("hardcore" and "jungleists") seem to prove that not all types of people are there for the same reason, or equally welcomed. "The hardcore kids are there for the music. A lot of the hardcore people are straight edge and dress in black trendy/ party wear clothes, nice clothes not that high school 'trendy' Hurley wear," Harrison explained. The term straight edge refers to a person's specific position on the use of drugs. Those that are straight edge do not partake in the use of artificial stimulation that the "typical" raver, as portrayed by media images, seems to use. The "hardcore" kids want to hear the music, their music. Harrison honed this idea when he commented, "jungle and hardcore kids stick to the
mosh pits and specific trance, hardcore, or jungle rooms." He implied that it was bothersome when other kids, especially the "candy kids," entered those rooms and changed the vibe.

His view seemed biased and "anti-candy kid," even though he has only recently entered the scene. Perhaps, becoming an insider does not depend on how often you go or when you started going to "parties," but your reaction to the scene. The elitist attitudes seem to influence most sub cultures, aside from the candy kids, as "candy kids" depict what is popularly portrayed as the rave attendee. One raver described a "candy kid" as, "a raver with such a positive vibe that he/she feel she needs to turn himself or herself inside out and wear his vibe. The typical Candy Kid will be wearing many candy necklaces with toys attached to them, many bracelets, perhaps a huge plastic toy wallet chain, bright colored clothing, excessive amounts of body glitter, tons of stickers, a kid's backpack full of toys & candy, pants made out of faux fur, big bell bottoms, big overalls, and sometimes eye makeup" (Andrea, 2000).

This is the stereotype that has come to symbolize the rave scene participants. It is not that these kids do not enjoy the music or go because they love the scene, they still represent what many outsiders consider the "true" raver, and what many insiders consider the "trendy" raver; not the real raver. As most new comers enter the scene, they strive to mimic the "candy kid image," the "trendy" image. I myself was caught up in the "candy kid" appearance when I attended my first raves. Soon the image faded and I wore what I felt like wearing, enjoyed the music for the pure energy it supplied (without the drugs), watched the amazing light shows because they were intriguing, and found comfort in following the ideals of PLUR. These features of the rave scene are the most powerful parts of the parties. For some of us the elitism is not worth the effort it requires to feel and act upon those prejudices. Some of us still attend because we like the music and see that people have fun in different ways. For some ravers, dressing up and being someone they are not is part of their metamorphosis into a raver, a persona that they cannot express every day.

If you follow the ideals, Peace, Love, Unity, and Respect, no matter who you are or who you encounter, you have a fun time at the "parties." Though many of the newer kids attend the raves and use it as a way to escape, do drugs and "puddle on the floor," as Harrison explained; the real ravers are there for the music and the elation they attain through listening to the beats, watching the light shows, and feeling the power from thousands of people jiving together to one sound in one setting. This is what it is to be a true raver.