From the Hymns of Zarathustra to the Songs of Borbad

Iraj Bashiri

The Indo-European Background

Ancient cultures have, over the centuries, developed their own unique cosmology and mythology. A cursory look at the Bundahishn and Firdowsi's Shahname, 1 is sufficient to indicate the depth of the drama that characterizes the Iranian peoples' account of the genesis of their own culture. This, however, is not the only way to access ancient Iranian culture. We can examine the archaeological remains in Iran, beginning with Siyalk in the center of the plateau. On the basis of the artifacts discovered, we can follow the events that led to the emergence of the Iranians as a people, the formation of their society, the development of commerce and, more importantly, the introduction of the divine right of kings as the mainstay of their culture. ² This background then leads to the rise of the Achaemenian, Parthian, and Sassanian Dynasties. Still a third method combines what data is available in the present material culture with what might have logically existed in the culture centuries ago. This latter method necessarily takes us outside the local Iranian beginnings and into the world of the Indo-Europeans. Who are the Indo-Europeans?

An answer to this question was first offered in the eighteenth century when correspondences were established between a vast number of languages geographically scattered between India and Ireland. For example, the word father, with certain phonological variations, is found in all the genetically related languages descending from Indo-European. The phonemic form of the German word for father is fater, the French is pe:r, the Gothic is fadar, Latin and Greek use pater, the Sanskrit word is pitar, the Persian is pedar and the Pashto is pidar. Elementary phonology accounts for these differences, establishing *pater as the Proto-Indo-European word for father. The asterisk (*) indicates that the form is a reconstruction. Similarly, words for mother, brother, sister, and daughter in these languages yield *mater, *bhrater, *sweser, and *dhugheter, respectively.

One important word that we can reconstruct is agros, referring both to the village, which included a number of households, and to its immediate cultivated and uncultivated surroundings. Agros was the "world" of the Indo-European. Anything beyond the agros belonged to an unknown and thereby awe-inspiring world. Early in the morning the cattle were taken to pasture in the meadows beyond the cultivated fields surrounding the settlement. The man of the household counted the animals as they were entrusted to the shepherd. One of two counting systems, either a four-base system that used the twelve finger joints, or a five-base system that used the four fingers and the thumb, was employed in counting. The man repeated this procedure when the cattle returned early in the evening to make sure that all the livestock were back safely. The shepherd was usually accompanied by one or two guard dogs; dogs were among the earliest animals to be domesticated.

In the fields surrounding the village, barley was cultivated (wheat was unknown and was not cultivated until much later in the Middle East). Since the people were primarily cattle breeders and herders, their knowledge of agriculture was not as sophisticated as their understanding of animal science. Indeed their very lives depended on the milk, wool, meat, and leather produced by their livestock. Their respect for these animals, reflected in later texts, clearly underscores the value they placed on the animal kingdom.

Each village consisted of a number of families organized around the father, known as pater familias. This individual was responsible for the protection and well-being of the unit, and the family revolved around him. His wife, who came from a different family, gave up her identity with her own blood relations and formed new relationships within her man's household. The term "wife," in fact, cannot be reconstructed because this individual was referred to only as "mother," "daughter-in-law," etc.; she was never addressed via her relationship to her husband.

One of the main tasks of the pater familias was to invite the gods to a sacrificial meal. If the gods were happy with the family, they would descend and partake of the feast. The religious system of the Indo-Europeans, therefore, was quite simple. All gods lived in the sky. There was no need to erect temples in the village and, consequently, there was no word for temple. The father was the priest of the family, so there was no priestly caste distinct from the heads of the families. The people worshiped the eternal elements including water, fire, the wind, the moon, the dawn and the heavens as representatives or personifications of the deity.

Gradually the animals and plants within the agros acquired special status as totems. Sacred totems were safeguarded while evil totems were annihilated. As a result of this strict system of distinguishing sacred from evil animals and plants, a rich body of vocabulary on the flora and fauna of the agros can be reconstructed. The discovery of this vocabulary is significant for locating the original homeland of the Indo-Europeans. ³

The precise reasons for the disintegration of the Indo-European community are not clear. Perhaps in search of better pastures, the bulk of the population traveled westward, later forming the Greco-Roman and other European civilizations. A small group, known as the Aryans, also referred to as Indo-Iranian, moved south and east, settling in the northern regions of the Caspian Sea and the Aral Lake, the area of the present-day southern Russia and Kazakhstan. The Aryan community believed in abstract gods who dwelled in the sky and sent representatives to earth. A pantheon of gods, similar to the one developed by the European branch, took shape. Gods like Mithra, Varuna, Anahita, Indra, and Khshathra oversaw the deeds of mortals and meted out rewards and punishments.

Around 3,500 years ago this Aryan group also disintegrated into smaller units, its members migrating in different directions. One group, the Indic peoples, eventually settled in the Punjab in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent. There they displaced a rather advanced civilization, the material remains of which have been excavated at Mohenjo-Daro, Chanhu-Daru, and Harappa. The other branch, the Iranic peoples, settled south of the Aral Lake in what came to be known in medieval times as Khwarazm. At the time, however, this place was called Airyana Waejah or "land of the Aryans." It was in Airyana Waejah that a new Iranian cosmology and mythology grew out of the old system. Ahura Mazda, breaking away from the Asuras, formed a new pantheon and initiated His search for a prophet who would communicate his message to the people. Yama and others were tested, before Kaykhusrau announced the advent of the Prophet Zoroaster to the court of his successors.

Zoroastrianism

Attributed to the prophet of ancient Iran, the ethical religion Zoroastrianism was believed to have been communicated to Zoroaster by the supreme deity of the faith, Ahura Mazda. Our knowledge of the life and deeds of the prophet is based partially on the fabulous accounts supplied by the clergy at a later time and partially on the sacred books of the faith. A portion of Ferdowsi's Shahname, Daqiqi's contribution to be exact, is dedicated to an explanation of the events in Iranian cosmology and mythology that led to the rise of the ancient prophet.

Zoroaster⁴

According to tradition, Zoroaster (also referred to as Zarathustra) lived 280 years before Alexander the Great's defeat of Darius III in BC 330. ⁵ If Zoroaster lived for seventy years, ⁶ he could have been born anytime between BC 618 and 630. ⁷ Scholars investigating Zoroastrianism and ancient Iran, especially Mary Boyce, have placed Zoroaster's birth much earlier, around BC 1,000. ⁸ Given the textual and stylistic qualities of the Gathas, believed to be authentic renditions of Zoroaster's conversations with Ahura Mazda, the latter date seems to be more credible. According to Boyce's calculation, therefore, Zoroaster died in BC 930 or 923.

According to the Gathas, Zoroaster spent much of his youth meditating in the desert, seeking an answer to the riddle of existence. Zoroaster's search to find a way which would lead to prosperity in this world as well as in the hereafter apparently culminated in the recognition of an omniscient mind (Mazda) as the creator and benefactor of cattle, plants, and humanity. The very simplicity of the prophet's query regarding the warp and woof of the cosmos indicates the depth of his vision and promises immortality for his message:

Who was the father of Righteousness at the birth?
Who appointed their path to sun and the stars?
Who but [T]hou is it through whom the moon waxes and wanes?
Who set the Earth below in its place and the sky of the clouds,
that it shall not fall?
Who [created] the waters and the plants?
Who yoked their swift steed to wind and clouds?
Who, O Wise One, is the creator of Good Mind?
What artificer made both light and darkness?
What artificer made sleeping and waking?
Who made morning, noon, and night,
That remind the wise man of his task? ⁹

Until the end of the seventeenth century, very little was known about Zoroaster and his religion. The rediscovery of the ancient texts of the faith by the French traveler Anquetil Du Perron shed new light on the achievements of Zoroaster and revealed a new vista on our understanding of his religion. The discovery and translation of the books of the faith such as the Vendidad and the Bundahishn further opened the way to an understanding of the principles of the religion and of Zoroaster's view of our place in the cosmos and our relation to the Maker.

Cosmic and Mythic Times

The Bundahishn (Book of Creation) provides a concise view of the world, especially of the 12,000-year-long cosmic time during which the forces of Ahura Mazda and Angra Mainyu battle for the hegemony of the world. We learn, for instance, that during the first 3,000 years of the cosmic year, Ahura Mazda created the Farahvashis and conceived the idea of his would-be creation. He used the insensible and motionless Void as a weapon against Angra Mainyu, and at the end of that period, Angra Mainyu was forced to submission and fell into a stupor for the next 3,000 years.

Taking advantage of Angra Mainyu's absence, Ahura Mazda created the Amesha Spentas (Holy Immortals), along with the material world, consisting of the sky, waters, earth, plants, the sacred white bull, and Gayomart, the cosmic man. What's more, he permeated his kingdom with truth in order to prevent Angra Mainyu from reaching and destroying it. Angra Mainyu, however, through a hole in the sky, entered Ahura Mazda's creation and all but destroyed it.

When the destruction ended and Angra Mainyu tried to leave Ahura Mazda's creation, he could not. The sky, permeated by truth, had patched itself up, keeping evil permanently within itself. Furthermore, it turned out that not everything in Ahura Mazda's creation had been destroyed. Gayomart's seed, which had gone to the moon, was purified by the sun and returned to the earth at the beginning of the third 3,000-year cycle. On earth, it grew into a rhubarb plant with two stems extending from the base: Mashiya (first man) and Mashiyana (first woman). Subsequently, these two populated the earth, especially after Ahura Mazda took away the sweetness of children so that their parents did not devour them at birth. The creation of the universe is accomplished by Ahura Mazda in seven steps. First, Ahura Mazda created the sky out of shining metal. It looked like an egg, and the top of it reached the endless light. He then placed the rest of his creation within the sky. Out of the substance of the sky, he created the waters and assigned wind, rain, mist, storm, and snow as helpmates for this second creation. Third, from the substance of the waters, Ahura Mazda created the round earth, with far flung passage-ways, hills and dales. The plants were created fourth and grew in the middle of the earth to the height of one foot with water and fire assigned as the plants' helpmates. He also fashioned his fifth creation, the sacred white bull, in the middle of the earth. So that the bull might gain strength and thrive, Ahura Mazda assigned the waters and plants as his helpmates. The creation of humanity came next. He fashioned Gayomart, the cosmic man, shining like the sun; but Gayomart, as we have seen, was not to last long. He was killed by Angra Mainyu. Sleep was assigned as Gayomart's helpmate. As his last creation, Ahura Mazda fashioned fire out of truth and allowed it to permeate his entire creation.

As the supreme deity, Ahura Mazda is the embodiment of the spiritual as well as the material existence of the cosmos. He rules his kingdom through his six manifestations, the Amesha Spentas. Each manifestation takes care of certain human needs through an appropriate Yazad or Yazata (archangel also referred to as adorable one). The Yazata, in turn, relates to the individual through the individual's Farahvashi (guardian angel). According to this system, therefore, when an individual prays, the prayers are taken up by the person's own Farahvashi, who communicates those prayers to an appropriate Yazata. This Yazata, then, takes those prayers to a higher level by communicating them to the appropriate Spenta, through whom Ahura Mazda hears that individual's prayer in his soul. The number of the Amesha Spentas is six, but that of the Yazatas is finite but unknown. The number of Farahvashis is the same as the number of human beings inhabiting the globe at a given time. The following is an account of the Amesha Spentas, their role and their nature as they govern the world for Ahura Mazda.

The Amesha Spentas

The first Spenta is Vohu Manah, who essentially combines innate intellectual capacity with learning capability, offering his acquired wisdom to mankind for the improvement of his soul and mind. The animal kingdom represents Vohu Manah in this world. Asha Vahishta, the second Spenta, symbolizes truth and righteousness, and embraces the unchanging aim of creation as it evolves toward perfection. The building blocks of life, truth and righteousness, guide the world away from evil and direct it in the way of truth. Fire, the most sacred element in the faith, represents Asha Vahishta on earth. Khshathra Vairya, or holy sovereign power, concentrates on humanity as a force capable of influencing the outcome of the cosmic battle between good and evil. This power, when used freely and unselfishly, benefits the entire Ahuric creation, including the plants and animals. Representing Khshathra Vairya in the world is the sky, while Spenta Armaiti is represented by the planet earth. The divine qualities of love and devotion as well as the social welfare of humanity, animals, and plants are also a function of Spenta Armaiti. Represented by water, Haurvatat (happiness) reflects the mental and physical well-being of the individual. A healthy mind in a healthy and pure body exemplifies a prosperous warrior in Ahura's struggle against evil. Finally, Amaratat, or immortality, personifies the destination of those who have vanquished evil and crossed the Chinavat Bridge, or the Bridge of the Separator, to enter Garodman (the fourth heaven). Plants represent Amaratat in this world. In later times, the juice of the haoma plant, an intoxicant, was served to the faithful by the Magi as a foretaste of immortality. These creations are of one mind, one voice, one act, one father, and one ruler, Ahura Mazda.

The Yazatas

The male and female Yazatas are ordered hierarchically just below the Amesha Spentas. The origin of the Yazatas is traceable to Aryan concepts retained by Zoroaster as well as some innovations of the prophet himself. These we shall refer to as the Indo-Iranian Yazatas and the Iranian Yazatas, respectively. The Indo-Iranian Yazatas include Mithra, Airyaman, Haoma, Verethrangha, Parendi, Rata, Nairyosangha, Apam Napat, Ushah, Vayu, and others. The Iranian Yazatas include Atar, Ardvi-Sura-Anahita, Hvarekhshaeta, Maongha, Tishtrya, Drvaspa, Sraosha, Rashnu, Raman, Daena, Chisti, Erethe, Rasanstat, Ashi, Vanghuhi, Arshtat, Asman, Zam, Manthra, Damoish, and many others. Like the Amesha Spentas, the Yazatas are abstract in nature, and like Mithra, who personifies the sunlight, Maongha, Ardvi-Sura-Anahita and Atar personify the moon, water, and fire, respectively.

According to their function on earth, the Yazatas are divided into subgroups and are assigned to appropriate Spentas, though their main task remains the same: to assist the devout. There are two major categories of Yazatas, the celestial and the terrestrial. The clearest picture of the complex relations that existed between humanity and its Maker in ancient times is attained by outlining some of the functions of these angels.

The celestial Yazatas, representing Divine Wisdom, include Daena, Chisti, and Sraosha.

Daena is the genius of the holy law of Ahura Mazda. A female divinity, Daena is the very embodiment of religion as a link between humanity and God. Although one of the least personified Yazatas, she has a "Yasht" (hymn) assigned to her and named after her.

Chisti, the divinity of religious wisdom, is good and upright. Rectitude personified, Chisti is the Yazata most desired by Zoroaster, who implores her to grant him clear vision. It is through the deeds of Chisti that the faithful hope to approach Ahura Mazda. Other Yazatas representing rectitude include: Mithra, Rashnu, Arshtat, Erethe, Rasanstat, Verethrangha, Raman, Rata, Akhshti, and many others.

Mithra, the greatest of the Yazatas, has a "Yasht" in his adoration that is eight times longer than the one for Ahura Mazda. The guardian of contracts, Mithra is the strongest, sturdiest, and most active of all the Yazatas. From pre-Zoroastrian times, due to Mithra's association with the sun, a union has been hinted at between the kingdoms of Ahura Mazda and Mithra.

Rashnu is the personification of truth. Called "the most upright," he is the most knowing, the most discerning, the most fore-knowing, the most far-seeing, the most helpful, and the most dangerous enemy of thieves and bandits. In the afterlife, Rashnu, who has a "Yasht" consecrated to him, presides over the ordeal court.

Arshtat is the female genius of truth. Cooperating with Mithra, Saraosha, and Rashnu, she is the genius of abundance in the world. Though minor, Erethe and Rasanstat are two female divinities of truth, whose epithet is "good."

Verethrangha is the angel of victory. One of the most popular Indo-European divinities, Verethrangha is the patron angel of the Iranian lands. He is invoked by armies that meet in battle. Capable of assuming different forms under different circumstances, Verethrangha adds the concept of metamorphosis to the Iranian religion.

Raman is the genius of joy in life, though the joy that Raman grants is not spiritual, but material. Raman's gift appears in the form of a rich harvest, fertile fields, wide pastures, abundant fodder and thick foliage. He works in close association with the terrestrial Yazata Vayu (wind).

Rata is the genius of charity. She oversees charity, grace, and alms-giving. Through Rata, Ahura Mazda rewards the devout and offers the faithful hope to approach His favor.

Akhshti, the female angel of peace is invoked in company with Vohu Manah, the good mind.

Sraosha is the Yazata who returned victorious from the battle with the demons to a dwelling supported by one thousand pillars. He is the embodiment of intuitive wisdom as well as of physical beauty. He is the one to whom Ahura Mazda taught his doctrines so that he may teach the world.

The number of the Yazatas is in the hundreds of thousands, and thus they all cannot be mentioned and discussed. Suffice it to say that the function of the Yazatas remains the same: whenever invoked, they assist the devout to perform their worldly and religious duties.

The terrestrial Yazatas-which include light, wind, fire, water, and earth-are the agents of Ahura Mazda who regulate the affairs of this world so that no harm is inflicted on the faithful.

Hvarekhshaeta, one of the many Yazatas who appears under the general function of light, is the genius of the sun deified. The sixth "Yasht" and the first "Niyayesh" (praise) are dedicated to him, and he is recognized by the epithets "imperishable," "radiant," and "swift-horsed." The rising of the sun, which brings purification to the earth, is glorified by hundreds and thousands of minor Yazatas who distribute the rays of the sun upon the earth.

Maongha is the moon personified. Seen and referred to as the possessor of the seed of the bull, the moon is also perceived as the possessor of water, warmth, knowledge, and healing.

Vayu, an Indo-European Yazata, is the wind deified. Because wind can be at once productive and destructive (good and evil), Vayu is created by both Spenta and Angra Mainyu. The devout always sacrifice to that aspect of Vayu that is created by Spenta. With the epithet "on high," Vayu strikes terror among all and fearlessly enters the deepest and the darkest places to smite the demons. Of strong stature, of high foot, wide chest, broad thighs, and powerful eyes, Vayu wears a golden crown and a golden necklace.

Atar is the genius of fire personified. The cult of sacrifice to the fire goes back to the Indo-European times. Many times in the Avesta, Atar is referred to as the son of Ahura Mazda. Atar is the intermediary through which the devout ascend to the realm of Ahura Mazda, and as a result, Atar is the guiding Yazata for the devout. When Mithra rides his golden chariot, it is Atar who accompanies him to show the way.

Ardvi-Sura-Anahita is the goddess of the waters, also called "undefiled." One of the few divinities mentioned in the inscriptions of the Achaemenians, Ardvi-Sura-Anahita is celebrated in one of the longer "Yashts" and in the 65th chapter of the Yasna. Besides Ardvi-Sura-Anahita, there is also an Indo-Iranian divinity of waters, Apam Napat, who seems to have been eclipsed by Anahita, the chief presence presiding over all waters.

Finally, Zam is the female angel personifying the earth, her name derived from the Avestan word for earth. The functions of Zam overlap with those of Spenta Armaiti, the Spenta who oversees the welfare of people, animals, and plants with love and devotion.

The Role of Humanity in Creation

In Zoroaster's scheme humanity plays a decisive role in the outcome of the conflict between good and evil. If someone acts according to the dictates of the faith (i.e., speaking the truth, performing acts sanctioned by the prophet, and not allowing evil to penetrate thoughts), he or she will not only automatically aid the kingdom of good but will also decrease the kingdom of evil by the same amount since the two kingdoms draw on the same force for power. If, on the other hand, the individual follows the dictates of Angra Mainyu and his archangels, he will diminish the power of good in favor of evil and, consequently, will help evil and chaos to prevail.

The principle according to which one person aids one or the other of these kingdoms is known as the free-will principle, according to which the fate of the world depends on the individual's reaction to good and evil. Zoroaster, however, blunts the force of free will with a degree of fatalism by asserting that in the end the kingdom of good will vanquish the kingdom of evil (i.e., all souls will be saved, although some will first suffer punishment for their sins).

Zoroastrianism is a monotheistic religion, emphasizing the immortality of the soul and affirming the existence of life after death. The Zoroastrian view of life after death is different from the view in Buddhism, where the soul is reincarnated in various forms before it attains a final, tranquil state. The soul of the Zoroastrian faithful is ushered into the abode of light as soon as it becomes worthy of being received by Ahura Mazda.

The Afterlife

Fascination with the afterlife reached such a degree during Sassanian times that the whole community became interested in a visual manifestation of the worth of prayer in this world; accordingly, these ancients sought a way by which they could unveil the mysteries of the hereafter. The Book of Arda Viraf documents these concerns, providing a detailed account of a seven-day journey to the nether regions, including visits to purgatory, heaven, and hell. In this account, Viraf, a respected mu'bad, lived with his seven sister-wives. One day Viraf was called upon to make a journey to the other world and return with news of the condition and fate of the departed. Since he had been chosen by lot from among seven of the most pious Zoroastrian mu'bads of his time, he agreed to make the trip. He then washed, put on new robes and prepared for the journey.

When all was ready, Arda Viraf took a strong dose of the narcotic Mang mixed with wine, lay down on a carpet and lost consciousness. While his soul traveled in the underworld, his body stayed in this condition for seven days and nights. During this time, as the mu'bads and Viraf's sister-wives watched over him, Viraf's soul initially stayed around his body for three days. At dawn on the fourth day, it began its lonely sojourn in the nether regions, first meeting with Sraosha (Surush, in later texts) and Ataro Yazata. These angels remained with Viraf as his guides throughout the journey. The first place Viraf saw was the Chinavat Bridge, three steps from where he met the angels. Separating heaven from hell, this bridge is reported to become narrow as a strand of hair for the wicked but wide and easily passable for the virtuous. Before crossing the bridge, Viraf met his own Farahvashi, the embodiment of his good and evil acts, words, and thoughts in this world. His Farahvashi was a beautiful virgin, which indicates that his deeds, words and thoughts had been good. Under the protection of the angel Mihr and with the assistance of his guides, Viraf crossed the bridge with ease and entered the abode of the "ever-stationary" Hamistagan. In this place, reminiscent of purgatory, Viraf met with those whose deeds, words and thoughts of good and evil were equally balanced. From here Viraf's guides led him to the abode of light.

During his ascent to heaven, Viraf passed the star track, the moon track and the atmosphere of the sun, and finally, he entered Garodman, the abode of Ahura Mazda. Before appearing before Ahura Mazda, Viraf was received by the archangel Vohuman (Vohu Manah), who ushered him into the presence of Ahura Mazda and other luminous deities: the Amesha Spentas (i.e., the six aspects of Ahura Mazda), the Farahvashi of Zoroaster, Kavi Vishtaspa, and the Farahvashis of other scions of Zoroastrianism in the past. Finally, Ahura Mazda ordered the angels to guide Viraf through heaven and hell.

Viraf's tour of heaven revealed a community generally conforming to his expectations. Faithful Zoroastrians were divided into four groups or castes: priests, the performers of sacrificial rites, warriors, and agriculturists. Other pious people, too, had found a place in heaven depending on their contribution to the expansion of the kingdom of good on earth and upon their adherence to the religion of Zoroaster. Hell was a lonesome place, hot and cold, gloomy and full of stench. Therein lived those who had not fulfilled their commitment to good deeds, words and thoughts, as well as those who had contributed to the expansion of the kingdom of evil. At the end of his tour of hell, Viraf was met by Angra Mainyu, the god of evil, who mocked and ridiculed those who had followed him to their destiny in his abode. Having seen heaven and hell, Viraf returned to Ahura Mazda, who extolled the religion of Zoroaster and assured Viraf of the truth of Zoroastrian principles such as the duality of good and evil and individual freedom to participate in the expansion of either kingdom, aware of the future reward that his choice would bring. On the seventh day of his sojourn, Viraf regained consciousness and asked immediately for a fast scribe to document his experience before forgetting any details.

The Kusti and the Sudrah

Being an ethical religion based on justice, Zoroastrian laws are devised to regulate human affairs so that the individual can live a prosperous life on earth and attain Garodman in the hereafter. The process of preparation for this good afterlife begins when children are between the ages of nine and fourteen. At this time the children are made conscious of their mission on earth and are taught responsibility for their thoughts, words, and deeds during every moment of their mortal life. A ceremony (nowjat) in which the children are given a belt (kusti) and a shirt (sudrah) completes this stage.

Both items bestowed in the ceremony have symbolic value. The kusti is a hollow, cylindrical string made from the wool of a sheep. The warp of the kusti consists of seventy-two and the weft of a single, unbroken thread. On each side of the kusti, there are three tassels, each of which ends in four strands. Each of these various parts of the kusti is symbolically rich and central to an understanding of the intent of the faithful person wearing it. The wool, for instance, represents innocence, the minuteness of the thread reflects the composition of the earth from minute particles, and the twisting and doubling that goes into the making of the body of the kusti represent the connection between this world and the unseen. Similarly, the hollow of the kusti represents the void between the two worlds, the seventy-two threads the seventy-two chapters of the yasna, ¹⁰ and the six tassels at the ends the following six Zoroastrian commandments: 1) observation of the fundamental principles of good thoughts, good words, and good deeds; 2) observation of the gahambars; 3) praying five times a day; 4) celebration of the rapithawan (vernal) feast once a year; 5) celebration of the twelve monthly jashans; and 6) celebration of death rituals for the souls of the departed (on the 19th day of each month and during the last ten days of the year).

After the kusti is woven, it is turned inside out, which expresses the hope that at resurrection the material world will be turned into a paradise, and before the cylinder reaches the tassels, the weave is loosened to indicate that heaven is accessible to all. Finally, the three tassels on each side suggest the six gahambars (seasons of the solar year), the final knots symbolize universal brotherhood, and the twelve strands on each end the twelve signs of the zodiac. ¹¹

The kusti is tied around the waist over the sudrah, a white garment with symbolic values of its own. With its white color, the sudrah reminds the faithful that they should keep their body and mind pure. The back of the sudrah informs the faithful that many are inferior to him and that they must be protected and shown generosity. At the bottom of the back, on each side, there is a triangle sewn into the cloth with the one to the left suggesting that the faithful must study the sciences and arts necessary for harnessing the mineral resources of the earth. The triangle to the right reminds the faithful that the animal kingdom is under human protection.

The front of the sudrah indicates that many have preceded the faithful and that the will of the ancestors must be carried out. Like in the back, two triangles are sewn to each side of the front. On the left, one triangle indicates that the sacred elements of earth, air, water, and fire must remain undefiled and that wastelands must be cultivated and watered. On the right, the other triangle indicates that beneficial animals must be nourished while the harmful must be destroyed. The sleeves of the sudrah are very short to signify that man's life on earth is short. Whereas the left sleeve reminds the faithful to be judicious, moderate, and dignified, the right sleeve urges the faithful to have an occupation and to teach the young an occupation.

In the top center of the front, under the "V" of the neck a small "bag" called gireban is sewn. Through an opening on the top of the gireban, the faithful symbolically store righteousness, earned daily by practicing the commandments.

Children are also made aware of the importance of purity and of the laws governing the exposition of corpses in the dakhmas, rituals surrounding coming in contact with defiling agents, especially dead bodies. Marriage and procreation are considered duties, so the disregard of the institution of marriage is deemed detrimental to the enhancement of the kingdom of good. Honesty, truth, charity, and hospitality are recognized as virtues, as are tilling the soil, breeding cattle, and tending dogs and oxen.

Certain ancient Zoroastrian beliefs like next-of-kin marriage were performed by the nobility to prevent mixing noble and common blood; they are alien to Christians, Jews, and Muslims. Certain other laws like restricting abuse of water and mineral resources are advanced for their time.

The Zoroastrian calendar is quite elaborate with months and days assigned to patrons and a number of designated festivals. Prominent among them are the Nau Ruz (new year), Mihragan (the day consecrated to Mithra) and the gahambars (festivals connected with the six seasons of the year). The days on which the dead are remembered are of special significance.

Persepolis, A Zoroastrian Showcase

It is impossible to walk through the ruins of Persepolis and not see the symbolism relating to the triad of gods that were worshiped at the time. Like the symbolism of the kusti and the sudrah, the architectural remains of Persepolis tell their own story. The most prominent symbol, of course, is that of Ahura Mazda, hovering over the head of the ruler.

Ahura Mazda's astrological sign is the planet Jupiter. Wind and air symbolize his elemental aspects as do the sky his location and birds, especially eagles, his animal nature. The head of the eagle appears atop many of the columns still standing in the structure. In human form the deity appears as a perfect man with a long, trimmed beard. Cypress and lead represent his plant and metal worlds, respectively. Of colors, Ahura Mazda favors azure, turquoise blue, and green. Turquoise, lapis-lazuli, and emerald are his favorite jewels.

A similar set of values represents the god Mithra, another of the gods of the triad. Mithra's astrological sign is the sun. Light symbolizes his elemental aspect as does the earth his location and lions and horses, his animal nature. The human form of the deity is a youth resembling a crown prince carrying a bow and three arrows. The palm tree, lotus blossoms, and sunflowers represent his plant nature, while gold symbolizes his metal world. Of colors, Mithra favors red, yellow, orange, gold, and purple. Ruby is his favorite jewel.

The goddess Anahita's astrological sign is the moon. Water, snow, rain, hail, and dew symbolize her elemental aspect as do the rivers and seas her location and bulls, rams and other horned animals, her animal nature. She appears as a tall, slim, beautiful lady resembling a queen, wearing a diadem. Lotus blossom represents her plant nature while silver symbolizes her metal world. Anahita favors the color white with pearl as her favorite jewel.

Achaemenian artists used these aspects of the triad in choosing the appropriate colors, ornaments, and motifs for the palaces. The most ingenious combination of these aspects, however, is the bird-like being that hovers above the king's head in the Achaemenian friezes. Prominent features of the bird are the spread out wings and the tail. The bird, of course, is the eagle, symbolizing Ahura Mazda. Often the human body of Ahura Mazda is added above the wings. On the two sides of the body, there are two tails. Examined closely, they are the tails of lions, symbolizing the sungod Mithra. Below the wings, on the two sides of the eagle's tail, are another set of two tails. These tails, however, are those of two bulls, symbolizing the goddess Anahita. The body of the eagle is usually a circle, representing the farr. ¹²

The Achaemenians made extensive use of these symbols, and they appear in many combinations, especially in the form of griffons, in the decoration of their places at Susa and Pasargadae. The head, wings, and claws of the eagle are usually attached to the body of a lion with the horns and tail of a bull.

The Achaemenians

The correct dynastic line of the Achaemenians is still to be determined. The reasons for the indecisiveness include a number of similar names mentioned by the later Achaemenian monarchs regarding their own ancestry, ancient reports of Western historians, and a lack of reliable evidence that could firmly and properly assign the very early rulers their places in the dynastic line. The eponymous ancestor of the Achaemenians is Hakhamanesh or Achaemenes, whose name is a compound of hakhi (friend) and manesh (disposition, temperament) meaning "devoted to friendship." Achaemenes was an overlord or clan chief, not a king, though he could have been lord of a domain in the early decades of the seventh century before Christ. He might have been a vassal of the king of Media and might have mobilized the combined forces of Parsumash and Anshan against Assyria in BC 681. The title of king is used for the first time in relation to the son of Achaemenes, Teispes or Cheshpesh. Teispes I was followed by Cambyses I, and Cyrus I, whom we know of only through later references. We have slightly more information about Teispes II, Cyrus II, and Cambyses II, who follow them. The Achaemenian Empire begins with the son of Cambyses II, Cyrus III the Great. He is followed by his son Cambyses III the Conqueror of Egypt. With the death of Cambyses III, this line of the dynasty comes to an abrupt end.

Teispes II

Teispes II ruled over Anshan and Elam, both located in the present-day Khuzistan province of Iran. In the hostilities between the Elamites and the Assyrians, he remained neutral. Teispes II had two sons, Cyrus and Ariaramnes, between whom he divided his kingdom at his death. It is not clear from the sources whether Ariaramnes actually ruled, even though he referred to himself as king of kings in an inscription unearthed at Hamadan: Ariaramnes, the Great King, King of Kings, King in Persia, son of Teispes the King, grandson of Achaemenes. Saith Ariaramnes the King: This country Persia which I hold, which is possessed of good horses, of good men, upon me the Great God Ahura Mazda bestowed. By the favor of Ahura Mazda I am king in this country. Saith Ariaramnes the King: May Ahura Mazda bear me aid. ¹³ Arsames, who followed Ariaramnes, also considered himself Iran's king of kings as is evident from his inscription at Hamadan: Arsames, the Great King, King of Kings, King in Persia, son of Ariaramnes the King, an Achaemenian. Saith Arsames the King: Ahura Mazda, great god, the greatest of gods, made me king. He bestowed on me the land Persia, with good people, with good horses. By the favor of Ahura Mazda I hold this land. Me may Ahura Mazda protect, and my royal house, and this land which I hold, may he protect. ¹⁴

The denial of kingship to both is documented in a statement by Darius I about his own rule being the ninth in the line of the Achaemenian kings. ¹⁵ If that is the case we are either speaking about a different line of kings, or we should deny two of the earlier kings their kingship. No matter how this dynastic puzzle is resolved, however, there is no doubt about the great significance to be attached to the line of Ariaramnes in relation to the rise of his grandson, Darius I, and in conjunction with the survival of the Achaemenian line.

Cyrus II

Cyrus II, the grandfather of Cyrus III the Great, could have ruled over both Anshan and Parsumash. And after the fall of Elam to Assyria, he could have become a vassal of the Assyrian king. The appearance of his son, Arukku, carrying tribute to the court at Nineveh is evidence that some kind of relationship existed. Submission to tyrannical Assyrian rule, therefore, cannot be totally ruled out.

Cambyses II

Cambyses II (Old Persian, Kambujiya) ruled Anshan for one year: from BC 600 to 559. He succeeded his father as the ruler of Anshan and married the daughter of Astyages. Cyrus III the Great was born of that marriage.

Cyrus III the Great

Cyrus III the Great (Cyrus) ruled for twenty-nine years: from BC 559 to 530. Born sometime between BC 585 and 575, in either Media or Parsa, he was the son-in-law of Astyages, the Median king and overlord of the Persians. As the first great leader of the Achaemenian Dynasty, Cyrus rebelled against Astyages, the last king of Media, and defeated him in BC 550. By shifting the power from Media in the northwest of present-day Iran to the Khuzistan and Pars provinces to the south, he established the noble house of Achaemenes among the ruling houses of his day, especially Lydia, Babylonia, and Assyria which, at the time, was ruled by Media. 16 They had now to contend with Cyrus rather than with the Median kings.

After the consolidation of his power in Pars and Media, rather than close to home, Cyrus decided to attack the kingdoms on the fringes of the now defunct Median domain. Therefore, he subjugated Armenia and conquered Lydia around BC 547 before taking on Babylonia in BC 539. When the time came, however, Babylonia fell without resistance. This most easy but famous victory, celebrated throughout the land, was documented in the Chart of Cyrus, inscribed on a clay barrel: (one line destroyed) ... [r]ims (of the world) ... a weakling has been installed as the en� ¹⁷ of his country [the correct images of the gods he removed from their thrones, imi]tations he ordered to place upon them. A replica of the temple Esagila he has ... for Ur and the other sacred cities inappropriate rituals ... daily he did blabber [incorrect prayers]. He (furthermore) interrupted in a fiendish way the regular offerings, he did... he established within the sacred cities. The worship of Marduk, the king of the gods, he [chang]-ed into abomination, daily he used to do evil against his (i.e., Marduk's) city ... He [tormented] its [inhabitant]s with corv�e (lit., a yoke) without relief, he ruined them all.

Upon their complaints the lord of the gods became terribly angry and [he departed from] their region, (also) the (other) gods living among them left their mansions, wroth that he had brought (them) into Babylon (Su.an.na.ki). (But) Marduk [who does care for] ... on account of (the fact that) the sanctuaries of all their settlements were in ruins and the inhabitants of Sumer and Akkad had become like (living) dead, turned back (his countenance) [his] an-[ger] [abated] and he had mercy (upon them). He scanned and looked (through) all the countries, searching for a righteous ruler willing to lead him (i.e., Marduk) (in the procession). (Then) he pronounced the name Cyrus (Ku-ra-as), king of Anshan, declared him (lit, pronounced [his] name to be(come) the ruler of all the world. He made the Guti country and all the Manda hordes bow in submission to his (Cyrus') feet. And he (Cyrus) did always endeavor to treat according to justice the black-headed whom he (Marduk) has made him conquer. Marduk, the great lord, a protector of his people/worshipers, beheld with pleasure his (i.e., Cyrus's) good deeds and his upright mind (lit., heart) (and therefore) ordered him to march against his city Babylon (K�.dingir.ra). He made him set out on the road to Babylon (DIN-TIR) going at his side like a real friend. His wide-spread troops-their number, like that of the water of a river, could not be established-strolled along, their weapons packed away. Without any battle, he made him enter his town Babylon (Su.na.na, sparing Babylon (K�.dingir.ra) any calamity. He delivered into his (i.e., Cyrus's) hands Nabonidus, the king who did not worship him (i.e., Marduk). All the inhabitants of Babylon (DIN-TIR) as well as of the entire country of Sumer and Akkad, princes and governors (included), bowed to him (Cyrus) and kissed his feet, jubilant that he (had received) the kingship, and with shining faces. Happily they greeted him as a master through whose help they had come (again) to life from dead (and) had all been spared damage and disaster and they worshiped his (very) name.

I am Cyrus, king of the world, legitimate king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four rims (of the earth), son of Cambyses (Ka-am-bu-zi-ia), great king, king of Anshan, grandson of Cyrus, great king, king of Anshan, descendent of Teispes (Si-is-pi-is), great king, king of Anshan, of a family (which) always (exercised) kingship whose rule Bel and Nebo love, whom they want as king to please their hearts.

When I entered Babylon (DIN-TIR) as a friend and (when) I established the seat of the government in the palace of the ruler under jubilant and rejoicing, Marduk, the great lord, [induced] the magnanimous inhabitants of Babylon (DIN-TIR) [to love me], and I was daily endeavoring to worship him. My numerous troops walked around in Babylon (DIN-TIR) in peace, I did not allow anybody to terrorize (any place) of the [country of Sumer] and Akkad. I strove for peace in Babylon (Ka.dingir.ra) and in all his (other) sacred cities. As to the inhabitants of Babylon (DIN-TIR), [who] against the will of the gods [had/were..., I abolished the corv�e which was against their social standing. I brought relief into their dilapidated housing, putting (thus) an end to their (main) complaints. Marduk, the great lord, was well pleased with my deeds and sent friendly blessings to myself, Cyrus, the king who worships him, to Cambyses, my son, the offspring of [my] loins as well as to all my troops, and we all [praised his great [godhead] joyously, standing before him in peace.

All other kings of the entire world from the Upper to the Lower Sea, those who are seated in throne rooms, (those who) live in other [types of buildings as well as] all the kings of the West land living in tents, ¹⁸ brought their heavy tributes and kissed my feet in Babylon (Su.an.na). (As to the region) from ... as far as Ashur and Susa, Agade, Eshnunna, the towns Zamban, Me-Turnu, Der as well as the region of the Gutians, I returned to (these) sacred cities on the other side of the Tigris, the sanctuaries of which have been ruins for a long time, the images which (used) to live therein and established for them permanent sanctuaries. I (also) gathered all their (former) inhabitants and returned (to them) their habitations. Furthermore, I resettled upon the command of Marduk, the great lord, all the gods of Sumer and Akkad whom Nabonidus has brought into Babylon (Su.an.na) to the anger of the lord of the gods, unharmed, in their (former) chapels, the places which made them happy.

May all the gods whom I have resettled in their sacred cities ask daily Bel and Nebo for a long life for me and may they recommend me (to him); to Marduk, my lord, they may say this: "Cyrus, the king who worships you, and Cambyses, his son, ... " ... all of them I settled in a peaceful place... ducks and doves,... I endeavored to fortify/repair their dwelling places... (six lines destroyed). ¹⁹

In Lydia, Cyrus treated the defeated king Croesus with kindness. And upon his entrance into Babylon, as we have seen, he touched the hand of Marduk, the Babylonian god who had been outshined by the moon god, Sin. He even went as far as proclaiming himself an appointee of Marduk, a practice that Darius I used later in relation to Ahura Mazda and himself.

Cyrus headed a semi-nomadic people. He sought to establish a prosperous kingdom by bringing the peoples of many nations together and by creating a sense of harmony in the land. Peoples of the defeated nations, especially those who recognized the value of stability for trade, supported him.

Cyrus expanded his rule by capturing the key domains of his time, countries that were on the trade routes and which had gathered much wealth, especially in grain and gold. To the west he now had access to Lydian gold, which he could use to provide funds for his wars of expansion. But his troops also needed provision. Access to the fertile lands of the Nile was the answer to that problem. He could even garnish his gains with ivory from Ethiopia and build lavish palaces to replace his nomadic tents. To the east, Cyrus extended Iranian rule as far as Capisa, north of present-day Kabul and, in the northeast, as far as the city of Cyropolis, hoping to establish relations with the kingdoms in the Far East.

When he was sixty-one years old, Cyrus was killed in battle, in BC 529, fighting in the east against the Massagetae of Scythia. Queen Tomyris, whose son had been killed by Cyrus, had Cyrus decapitated. Then she, reportedly, dipped the severed head in human blood and said, "Cyrus, have your fill of blood!" Cyrus's body was carried to Parsa and buried in a humble tomb at Pasargadae, at a place called Murghab.

Cyrus administered his kingdom wisely. He continued the administrative practices of the Medes in the heartland and did not introduce drastic changes in the cultures and lifestyles of the other newly acquired lands. He respected the gods of the other nations and based his rule on tolerance. As a token of his generosity, Cyrus freed 40,000 Jews from captivity in Babylon. They were allowed to take all their valuables, including 5,400 silver and gold utensils with them. For this act, Cyrus was loved and venerated by the Jews, and his name was immortalized in the Torah (cf., Ezra 1:14; Isaiah 45:13).

Among the ancient world figures, Cyrus rivals Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar. He is recognized as a conqueror of the hearts of his subjects. He ushered in an era of tranquillity and prosperity blessed with justice where before only Assyrian tyranny had ruled. Although a decisive ruler, Cyrus did not kill any kings or sack any lands. Rather he befriended defeated monarchs and rebuilt temples left in ruin by conquerors before him. "Even is his boyhood," wrote Xenophon, "grown men were captivated by Cyrus's wisdom, resilient spirit, guilelessness and physical beauty." ²⁰ Cyrus combined sagacity and statesmanship with valor and a zeal for world conquest. He was a determined and steadfast man who put wisdom ahead of the sword. ²¹

Cambyses III

Cambyses III (Cambyses) ruled for eight years: from BC 530 to 522. He was the eldest son of Cyrus III from the daughter of an Achaemenian nobleman. During Cyrus's lifetime, Cambyses was, for eight years, the crown prince and the governor of Babylonia. At the time of Cyrus's death, Cambyses, the Regent of Babylonia, was fully informed about the top decisions that his father had made. He was aware, for instance, that his father intended to invade Egypt and to annex Ethiopia to Persia. After his accession to the throne, therefore, Cambyses implemented Cyrus's plan and captured Egypt. He also planned some conquests of his own which included annexation of the Oasis of Amon and of Carthage. In reality, however, he succeeded only in annexing northern Ethiopia before his supplies ran out and he was obliged to return to Egypt. Cambyses was also responding to news arriving from Iran that his brother, Smerdis, had usurped the throne in the heartland.

Cambyses was a very different king from his father. He did not rule wisely. Indeed, according to Darius, after Cambyses restored order and assumed the rulership of Iran, unknown to the members of the court and the public, he had his rebellious brother, Smerdis, eliminated. This deed then plagued him throughout his stay in Egypt, especially when a Magian named Gaumata-perhaps the only person knowledgeable about Smerdis's death-usurped the throne. In northern Ethiopia at the time, the attempt by Cambyses to return to Iran and restore order was aborted by his mysterious death en route to Iran. Whether he was killed or committed suicide due to his maniacal tendencies remains a question. He died, however, in the summer of BC 522 in Egbatana (Syria), Syria.

Cambyses lacked many of Cyrus's virtues, especially his tolerance. He mocked the religion of the Egyptians and destroyed their temple. He even stabbed the sacred Apis bull at Memphis, an act for which the Egyptians never forgave him.

Darius I the Great

Darius I the Great (Darius) ruled for thirty-six years: from BC 522 to 486. He was born in BC 550, most likely in the eastern regions of the present-day independent republics of Central Asia. His name is a compound of dara (possessor) and vohu (good), meaning "he who is innately good." He was the son of Hystaspes of the line of Achaemenes. Upon the mysterious death of Cambyses III, he rushed from Egypt to the Persian heartland. Aided by a party of six noblemen, he eliminated the pretender Gaumata and, at the age of twenty-eight, assumed the rulership of Iran. In Egypt, he had commanded the Immortals and had served as the king's spear bearer and bodyguard.

While Cyrus III and Cambyses III both carried the divine right (farr) to rule, Darius was not so endowed. His claim to the Achaemenian throne, therefore, needed divine sanction. To gain Ahura Mazda's benevolence and the support of the Persians, he fought nineteen battles during the same year. His bas-relief, commemorating his efforts for the unification of Iran, speaks for itself: Saith Darius the King: "This is what I did by the favor of Ahura Mazda in one and the same year after that I became king. XIX battles I fought; by the favor of Ahura Mazda I smote them and took prisoner IX kings..." ²² And to further establish his legitimacy, Darius married Attosa, Cyrus the Great's daughter.

After Elam, Media, Assyria, Parthia, Margiana, and Scythia joined Persia and formed the Persian Empire, Darius's stance changed from consolidator to expansionist. To the east he captured the Indus valley and pushed the Scythians as far back as Sughdia. To the west, he crossed the Bosphorus and the Danube, pursuing fleeing Scythians deep into European territory. Nonetheless, even though the Scythians fled before his army and even though Thrace and Macedonia fell to his commanders, Darius did not extend his rule beyond his reach-not until all the necessary elements for a major war with the Greek city-states were in place. Instead, Darius concentrated his energy on administration. He knew that through administration he could provide a successful defense for the East and that a good and just administration would produce a grateful citizenry. This latter, he thought, was instrumental in not only gathering a good force together but feeding it as well. About his efforts in promoting trade by connecting ancient sea routes, he says the following: I am a Persian. From Persia I seized Egypt. I commanded this canal to be dug from the river, Nile by name, which flows in Egypt, to the sea which goes from Parsa. Afterward this canal was dug as I commanded, and ships passed from Egypt through this canal to Parsa as was my will. ²³

In his quest for a just and efficient administration, he raised the number of satrapies to twenty. ²⁴ Each satrapy was administered by five royal appointees with the following charges:

a satrap or governor, chosen from among the Persians of royal blood;
a secretary, equipped with an independent army able, if necessary, to unseat the governor;
a tax collector;
a military general; and
an informer, who kept the sovereign informed of all goingson in a particular region.

The satrapies were connected to the center by the Royal Road. On this road, 1,677 miles in length, 111 stations were in operation, each able to provide fresh horses to the chapar or the messengers of the king. In seven days, the messengers covered the distance between Sardis and Susa, usually crossed by the Silk Route caravans in the course of three months.

In addition to following Cyrus's lead and allowing his subjects to retain their languages, religions, and cultures, Darius also reformed the tax system so that the farmers paid a tax relative to the yield of their land rather than a fixed amount. He introduced coinage (darik) and banking, improved agriculture by building qanats ²⁵ and canals, and instituted a system of wages for the various tasks requiring hired labor at the court. ²⁶

In BC 499, the time of tranquillity and construction gave way to a time of war when, the Ionians set fire to the city of Sardis in Asia Minor (Anatolia). This attack, in addition to several Greek uprisings in Persian-held domains, convinced Darius that the time had come to curb the excesses of the Greek city-states. The armies, Greek and Persian, met at Marathon in BC 490. Darius's armies, commanded by Mardonius and Datis, did not withstand the joined forces of the Greek city-states. Accepting defeat, Darius returned to Persia. There, before he died at Persepolis in BC 486, at the age of sixty-four, he chose Xerxes, his son by Attosa, to succeed him.

Persepolis was the crown of this religious and humane king's building projects. It was built as a showcase to meld the peoples of the vast empire together. Foreign dignitaries who arrived in Persepolis to congratulate the king on the occasion of the Nau Ruz, could appreciate the contributions of their people to the empire. Babylonian bricklayers, Median and Egyptian goldsmiths and designers, and carpenters from Ionia and Caria had worked together, building and decorating the palace with cedar from Lebanon, ivory from Ethiopia, turquoise from Khwarazm, and gold from Lydia.

The internal problems of the empire, however, were not easily masked by such shows of splendor. Breakaway satrapies, like Babylon and Egypt, had to be brought back into the fold. And, of course, this feat was not easily achieved due to the encouragement and support that those satrapies received from the Greek city-states. ²⁷

Xerxes I

Xerxes I ruled for twenty-one years: from BC 486 to 465. After Darius's death, Xerxes, the eldest among the four children born to Attosa, became king. His twelve years of governorship of Babylonia distinguished him among the other claimants, including Artabazanes.

Xerxes was born around BC 519. At the time of Darius's death in BC 486, he was thirty-seven years of age. As a first order of his rule, he quelled rebellions in Bactria, Egypt, and Babylonia. He dealt with Egypt and Babylonia personally and, after they were brought into the fold, stripped them of their autonomy. Even the statue of Marduk that had been installed in the city of Babylon by Cyrus the Great was taken away from the kingdom of Babylonia.

Like his father, after returning tranquillity to the land, Xerxes took measures to strengthen the Persian army. He intended to march on Greece and subdue the Greek city-states once and for all. He spent four years marshaling forces, digging canals, cutting roads through woods, and holding diplomatic negotiations with Greece's neighbors. Then, in the spring of BC 480, he brought his army to the Hellespont, from where he intended to lead them to Athens. It took seven days for his army of between 360,000 and two million to cross the Hellespont on a bridge made up of warships. At one point, when the sea was stormy, Xerxes ordered the sea to be whipped three hundred lashes to calm it down.

Although there were some initial setbacks, Xerxes won the battle of Thermopyle against the Greek city-states. That made him the only Persian monarch ever to march triumphantly into Athens. Having burned the Acropolis, Xerxes decided to return to Iran. But the war raged on and quite unwillingly he found himself drawn into a naval confrontation at Salamis. It was a confrontation that he knew he could not win because he faced Themistocles, the naval commander who had defeated his father at Marathon. But the army had to fight.

The battle at Salamis went badly for the Persians. Xerxes withdrew his troops and, fearing that he might become stranded in Europe, headed for the bridge of boats that he had left in place at the Hellespont. The command of the army and of the administration of the new satrapies in Europe was relegated to Mardonius and other commanders.

Xerxes died in BC 465, at the age of fifty-four. He achieved his goal of capturing Athens, but he failed to stem the tide of Greek incursions into the lands of the East. ²⁸

The End of the Empire

Xerxes was the last great king of kings of the Achaemenian Dynasty. After his death, the empire continued its slow move downward, and patterns leading to its disintegration emerged. The less ambitious and incapable monarchs who followed failed to exploit the satrap system to instill stability in the vast empire. In fact, at the very moment when the king of kings needed these combined forces to repel the advances of the Greek city-states in Asia, the satraps were raising banners of rebellion, each trying to carve out kingdoms of their own from the moribund body of the empire.

The main concern of the throne during those dark days remained Greece, which pushed the Iranians out of Europe and remained impervious to all oriental intrigues. Furthermore, with the help of Greece, some Persian satrapies-Egypt and Syria in particular-declared themselves independent while others entertained similar plans. Iran, too, played the sabotage game, pitting Athens against Sparta. But the strategy was abandoned due to its prohibitive costs.

Darius III, the last Achaemenian emperor, was the grand-nephew of Artaxerxes II. He had to be recalled from his satrapy in Armenia to assume the rulership of Iran. He ruled for six years: from BC 336 to 330. Incompetent, cunning, and indecisive, Darius III could not withstand Alexander of Macedon's advance. He was defeated at Issus, and again at Gaugamela (BC 331). He fled before Macedonia's advancing army to Central Asia, where he was murdered by one of his own satraps in BC 330. With Darius III's death, the Achaemenian Empire came to an end.

The Achaemenian Empire, which lasted for over two centuries, underwent the three usual phases of rise, decline, and fall. Its rise was meteoric, its decline illusory, due to the gradual decay that set in toward the end of Xerxes I's reign, and its fall was tragic as monarch after monarch failed to recapture the farr that had brought the dynasty its many victories and untold glory.

What was the secret of the early Achaemenians that eluded their heirs? Except for Cambyses III, even though he conquered Egypt and northern Ethiopia, the early Achaemenian monarchs distinguished themselves as wise statesmen who employed excellent managerial and military techniques. They used their might for the common good, always seeking means that would elevate the empire's prosperity and the nation's well-being. During the first eighty or so years of the empire, Iran was a real world power to contend with. It was a unified realm even though its people belonged to many nations who had been allowed to use their own local languages, worship their own gods, and promote their own lifestyles. Outwardly they were Medes, Persians, Babylonians, and Egyptians, but inwardly they all were loyal subjects of the same king of kings to whom they brought tribute and for whom they fought battles. What's more, the early Achaemenian era was fiscally sound. The Achaemenians coined the first Persian money called Darik, introduced a uniform tax system, and standardized the weights and measures used throughout the empire. Discouraging slave labor in the construction of their palaces-as opposed to serfdom whereby the individual was tied to the land and could be bought and sold-the Achaemenians paid wages to men, women, and children who contributed to the construction of roads, bridges, and many magnificent buildings at Susa, Pasargadae, and Persepolis. As is evident from the following list drawn up during the reign of Xerxes I, the wages were paid in shekels: ²⁹

12 men each
3 shekels 3/4 shekel

11 boys
2 1/2

11 boys
1 3/4 & 1/8

13 boys
1 1/4

15 boys
1/2 1/8

78 women
2 1/2

12 girls
1 3/4 & 1/8

18 girls
1 1/4

20 girls
2 1/8

In addition, even though native Persians were exempt from taxes, the taxes were moderate and fair for the rest of the population, based on the yield of the land and geared to the individual's ability to pay.

The governmental structure of the Achaemenian Empire embraced all levels of society and provided incentive to produce. It was based on the Zoroastrian concept of universal rulership. The monarch, appointed by Ahura Mazda, was the chief source of law, order, and guidance. He dispensed his authority throughout the empire by means of an assembly of notables. The membership of this assembly varied from king to king and even included some members, like the satraps, who rarely appeared at the court. The membership of the assembly included, but was not limited to, satraps, the chief administrator, chief religious personages, military garrison commanders, and advisors. Each member contributed in a unique way to aspects of the king's stewardship of the empire, and for this reason, all these positions and many others at the court and in the satrapies were filled with individuals of Persian blood whose loyalty to the throne was beyond question.

The satraps played a major role in the governance of the empire. They acted as minor kings in otherwise independent kingdoms. In some cases, they coined their own money, levied their own taxes, and appointed most of the satrapy's administrators. Only the surplus tax was sent to the treasury of the great king. In addition, the satraps had their own armies, which they fielded when necessary in support of the king. During the rule of the early monarchs, when security was tight and transgressions were punished outright, the satraps rarely entertained the thought of rebellion or of unseating a reigning monarch.

The administration of the Achaemenian Empire was sophisticated. It consisted of various offices, each dealing with specific aspects of the social, political or economical needs of the realm. The most important office at the Achaemenian court was the office of the chief administrator. This office, in addition to the supervision of the governing apparata of the state, oversaw the collection of taxes, as well as the allocation of the same for state and royal projects. The chief administrator carried out his duties with the help of many lower level bureaus. For instance, one bureau sent supervisors to the satrapies to oversee the division of the taxes. It was the responsibility of the chief administrator to make sure that the taxes levied were divided equitably among the satraps and the king of kings. Another bureau took over the allocation process as soon as the taxes and the reports of the previously discussed bureau were filed at the court. Another major office in the administration was the office of the chief scribe. All communications, local, national, and international were processed at this office. The offices of the chapar and the "eyes and ears" of the king also worked in tandem with this office. The chief scribe, who was also the postmaster, was privy to much information that was not usually at the disposal of the other members of the assembly of notables.

The religious affairs and, to a great extent, the judiciary duties of the Achaemenian Dynasty were in the hands of the Magi, a priestly family of the Medes that had retained its status after the change of dynasty. Under Cyrus the Great, the Magi became very powerful. Gaumata, alleged to have usurped the throne while Cambyses III was in Egypt, was a Magi. Darius sought to curb the influence of the Magi in the administration, but apparently he did not succeed in establishing a direct link between the monarch and Ahura Mazda. The Magi continued to remain strong and influential.

The Magi believed in the principles of good and evil, promoted next-of-kin marriages, and exposed their dead to the elements rather than burying them, as was the custom of their Achaemenian overlords. Being a closed society, the Magi had made their profession hereditary. The responsibilities of the Magi at the Achaemenian court included officiating sacrifices, interpreting dreams, and studying astrology. They also dabbled in medicine, guarded the tombs of the Achaemenian kings, and participated in coronation ceremonies. Some even became advisors to kings.

At the Achaemenian court, in theory, the king was the chief judge and lawgiver. Often, however, he relegated his judicial capacity to senior wise men of the court, freeing himself to attend to the more pressing national and international problems. In practice, the laws were legislated by the Magi who, in the early years of the empire, had the exclusive right to judicial duties. Punishment was commensurate with the nature of the crime with lesser crimes resolved by administering a set number of lashes or fines of a certain amount of gold. Treason, adultery, murder, burning the dead, entering the king's quarters without permission, sitting on the king's throne in his absence, or insulting the members of the royal family were punishable by death.

The military commanders also played a vital role in keeping law and order and, along with the "eyes and ears" of the king, prevented the satraps from inciting rebellion or creating chaos in the land. They commanded their own squadrons, stationed within the satrapies; rather than to the satrap, however, the military commanders were responsible to the monarch and to his appointed secretaries only. The military commanders contributed to the Immortal guards and, consequently, served the prime minister by commanding the elite core of one thousand that guarded the king. As the first units to enter the battlefield, the military commanders' forces were the most reliable; in fact, they were the main executors of the king's offensive and defensive strategies.

Finally, the advisors played a political as well as a social role in the governance and the administration of the empire. To begin with, there were only seven influential families in Iran at any given time. The king's family was one, albeit the most influential, of these families. The king rarely made decisions without consulting the heads of the other families and, usually, chose his wives from among their daughters. Emissaries to foreign courts, envoys to convey special messages to the satrapies, and arbiters in support of the king's interests world-wide were chosen from among the members of these families.

The social structure of the Achaemenian Empire, too, was a reflection of the Zoroastrian universal order. The smallest societal unit was the family, but not all families shared the same size and status. As we have seen, the king's family-including a harem, an untold number of attendants, eunuchs, and workers-was the most important. The six families were the next in the hierarchy. The families of the satraps, administrators, priests, and commanders formed the rest of the fabric of the upper echelon of the Achaemenian society.

Each family was part of a clan, a lineage, and a tribe. Whether the chief of a tribe was included among the ruling elite decided the potential of that tribe's receiving land grants. If the tribe was included, where in the hierarchy it was placed would further define the roles that its members would play at the lineage, clan, and family levels. Future rights and opportunities available to each family were thus filtered through an invisible selective process. What made this complex scheme work without creating a great deal of unhappiness was the divine quality attached to Iranian rulership. At the beginning, Ahura Mazda had selected the king (cf., Qayomart) and, as the omnipotent ruler, the king had assigned responsibility to the satraps, nobles, and the rest of society, down to the bondsmen. Divine appointments were beyond mortal questioning.

Rights and privileges were awarded by the king in the form of land grants. Major contributors to the throne received large land holdings, which were then divided by the great families into smaller parcels and distributed among lower-level families for management. The process continued until there was no more land to be distributed. Those with land then hired the landless peasants to oversee the tilling and management of their parcels of land for a set share of the yield. The actual tilling, however, was done by serfs and bondsmen who were bought and sold with the land.

The sound fiscal economy which was mentioned earlier had two sides: a consumer side and a producer side. While the governors and administrators formed the consumer side of the Achaemenian economy, producers were the field workers, serfs, prisoners of war, and other bondsmen who, for obvious reasons, had failed to garner a piece of land to till for themselves. The gap between the haves at the top of the pyramid and the have-not serfs and bondsmen at the base was filled by a third group of skilled workers, artisans, and traders. This diverse group, which often incorporated barbers, stonecutters, bakers, and builders stimulated the economy by transforming agricultural and livestock products into food and consumer products, paving the way for setting up industrial enterprises.

The later Achaemenians, beginning with Xerxes I after his defeat at Salamis, abandoned the practices that had brought their ancestors glory and their nation prosperity. They no longer either headed their armies in battle or examined the quality or the suitability of the men who were sent from the satrapies for duty in the army of the king. Drawn more to harem intrigue than to the arena of world politics, the last monarchs relegated major decisions to incompetent flatterers and, when needed, imposed their will through intimidation and cruelty. Not surprisingly, they no longer enjoyed the loyalty and respect of their subjects. Furthermore, the enormous expenses that they incurred from waging pointless wars put a heavy burden on the treasury and, consequently, on the public. More importantly, their actions were detrimental to the well-being of the middle class that had been created by the earlier rulers in order to stimulate the economy and keep the administrative wheels of the empire lubricated. Under the last Achaemenians, the economy became stagnant, the satrapies became unruly, and the peasantry became destitute. In addition to all this decline, there was no one who could guide the empire.

Neither Cyrus III nor Darius I reared sons who could match them in statesmanship and wisdom. They nevertheless kept their children involved and informed of the affairs of the empire, grooming them for the future kingship of the realm. Ultimately, rather than educating and promoting their next-of-kin for leadership, the later Achaemenian monarchs eliminated all claimants to the throne. They also killed the generals, nobles, and would-be supporters of those claimants. Were it not for the extended and improved system of communication, the sophisticated governmental and administrative structures outlined above, and the tolerance exercised by the early monarchs, the empire would have collapsed much sooner than it did.

Alexander III the Great

Contacts between Iran and Western cultures took place in early antiquity. The best known, of course, were the wars waged by Darius the Great and Xerxes I against the Greek city-states. Continuation of these hostilities ultimately led to the invasion of Asia by Alexander of Macedonia in BC 334, when an incompetent king, Darius III, ruled a weak Persian Empire.

Known as the son of Zeus and the true son of Achilles, Alexander ruled for thirteen years: from BC 336 to 323. He was born in Pella, Macedonia (now in Greece), in BC 356 to Philip II, king of Macedonia, and Olympias, the daughter of the king of Epirus. Throughout her life, Olympias refused to accept that Philip was Alexander's father. "Alexander's real father," she insisted, "was Zeus."

From childhood, Alexander's attention was drawn to politics and the military. His early training at the hand of his mother's uncle, Leonidas, provided him with a healthy body, as well as a strong will. At the age of thirteen, he was turned over to Aristotle who, for three years, taught him zoology, medicine, astronomy, philosophy, logic, poetics, ethics, and politics. Aristotle also taught the young prince much about the world of his time, especially about the Persians. Aristotle taught Alexander that the enslaved Persians, ignorant of etiquette, the arts, and sciences, were waiting to be liberated from the tyranny of their kings.

Alexander received his military training from his father. King Philip, in semi-formal sessions, taught Alexander the art of warfare. But more importantly, he fully involved the young prince in the affairs of state, allowing him to put his theoretical knowledge of politics into practice. Often Philip sent Alexander as his representative to important negotiations with the southern Greek states. It was with Alexander's aid, for instance, that Philip finally garnered the title of the Supreme Commander of all Greek forces poised to liberate the Greek domains long held by the Persians on the eastern coast of the Aegean Sea in Asia.

Philip was killed in BC 336. Having eliminated all rivals with the aid of his mother, Olympias, the twenty-two-year old Alexander was elected by the army as the new king of Macedonia. He also retained Philip's title of the Supreme Commander of all Greek forces which at the time were being trained and organized for a war against the Persian "barbarians." The main motive of the Greeks in this invasion, besides economic and political gains, was vengeance. Under Xerxes I, the Persians had marched into Athens and set fire to the Acropolis. The Greeks now wanted to humiliate the Persians.

At this time the Persian Empire consisted in the east of what are today the independent republics of Central Asia, Afghanistan, and part of Pakistan. In the center was present-day Iran and to the west was most of the contemporary Middle East, including Egypt and Asia Minor. Out of the twenty satrapies into which the empire was divided, Egypt had been the most troublesome for the Achaemenian monarchs, even for Darius and Xerxes.

In the three battles that ensued, the armies on both sides were tested for organization, strategy, and loyalty. At the heart of Alexander's army was the cavalry, which consisted of approximately 6,100 riders out of a total personnel count of 65,000. ³⁰ After the cavalry had driven a wedge into enemy lines, the infantry phalanx with their long spears and shields took over. The loyalty of the Greek troops was to Alexander, their general and god-king. The Persian army, always superior in number of warriors, was commanded by the Persian nobility. In that army, blood ties and closeness to the king and his satraps determined and secured each commander's rank and sphere of activity; ability and experience were of secondary, often even tertiary concern. Furthermore, a considerable number of the Iranian armies' fighting men, including the famous commander Memmon, were Greek mercenaries who continuously exerted less effort than they had been paid for.

In addition, the Greeks had gained much knowledge about and insight into the Persians' way of life from contacts with Persian and other traders who frequented their coasts. Using this knowledge, the Greeks had evaluated the military might of Persia carefully, had studied her land mass for strategic points, and had learned about her war tactics and weaponry. This information further enabled the Greeks not only to devise new and better tactics but also to forge appropriate weapons with which to penetrate the ranks of the Persians, who relied instead on their superior numbers and ignored these aspects of their military.

The first battle between Alexander's army and the forces of Darius III was at the Granicus Rriver in BC 334. The Persian defenders, in spite of the advantage of the strategically important heights they commanded, failed to implement their main plan to eliminate Alexander in a melee. On the contrary, two thousand of their troops were captured and dispatched to Macedonia as prisoners of war, while the rest of the army withdrew to the east, to Issus. Alexander marched victoriously into Sardis and, on his way to Issus, loosened the Gordian Knot in Central Anatolia. ³¹

Darius chose Issus for his decisive battle with Alexander because it was placed strategically at the junction of Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Egypt. He intended to prevent Alexander from entering either Mesopotamia or Egypt. But that, too, was not to be. The Persian defeat at Issus was more disastrous than at Granicus-Darius's family and his entire entourage fell into Greek hands. From now on, Darius had to negotiate for ceasing of hostilities against his nation while pleading to Alexander for the life and well-being of his family. He went so far as to offer to cede most of the lands to the west of the Euphrates to the invader. Nevertheless, Alexander rejected the offer.

At the risk of Darius's regrouping and coming at him in full force, Alexander decided to dispossess Persia of Egypt before heading for Mesopotamia and the Persian heartland. Between Issus and Egypt, however, was Tyre, and its defenders were not ready to surrender to Alexander. It took a seven-month-long siege before Tyre surrendered. After this most spectacular victory of his military career, Alexander entered Egypt, where he was received with open arms. There he founded a city that still bears his name: Alexandria. He consulted the oracle at Amon-Re to confirm his vision of the world. While the Greek oracle at Delphi had already confirmed that he was the son of Zeus, Amon-Re confirmed that he was also the son of the god Amon and that he would conquer the whole of the known world. Alexander left Egypt in BC 331.

Alexander was adored by the men in the military. To them he was the tactician who never erred and the general who never lost a battle. He knew when to rest his soldiers, when to strike the enemy, and-more importantly-where to get food for his host. In addition, his troops always received handsome purses for their efforts in battle, money that they could send home for their loved ones or invest for the future of their children and of Greece.

The last battle between Darius III and Alexander took place on the plain of Gaugamela, near what is now Mosul, in present-day Iraq. Again the Persian army was routed-and for the last time. After this victory, the gates of the cities of Babylon, Susa, Persepolis, and Ecbatana were thrown open to the conqueror. Darius III fled, leaving behind his entourage and his harem, while Alexander marched into one of the most exquisite sights in antiquity, the ceremonial palace of Persepolis with its Apadana and the hundred-column Hall of Xerxes. Alexander stayed in Persepolis long enough to make sure that the gold furnishings and the precious stones that had decorated the doors and walls of the palace (10,000 mules and 6,000 camels carried the load) were on their way to Greece. At the end, before leaving for Susa, Ecbatana, and Ray, he sacrificed the palace to the gods as a symbol of his great devotion and as a signal to the Persian satraps, notables, and mu'bads that the might and glory of Persia was now a thing of the past. The pillaging of the city and the rape of women and girls ensued the burning of Persepolis.

After Persepolis, Alexander pursued Darius relentlessly until word finally came that Bessus, one of Darius's own satraps in Bactria, had killed the monarch. Alexander was also apprised that the same Bessus had proclaimed himself the new king of Bactria. Bessus was hunted down and, upon being captured, was executed at the hands of Persian loyalists for the murder of Darius. Bactria, with its capital at the city of Bactra, received special consideration and became the center for dissemination of Hellenism in Asia. Before Alexander now stood the Hindu Kush and, beyond it, the fertile river valleys of the Oxus, the Jaxartes, and Zarafshan. Alexander headed for Sughdia where he refurbished the city of Samarqand around the year BC 328. Having reduced Central Asia, Alexander now was ready to invade India and complete his conquest of the rest of the world.

In India, the monsoons put an end to Alexander's grandiose plan of world conquest. Tired and uncompromising, his commanders and soldiers refused to go any farther into Asia. Promising that he would return to finish the task, Alexander agreed to return to Babylon by way of the Gedrusian desert in present-day Baluchistan. Over two thousand men, women, and children died of thirst, snake bite, and sheer exhaustion during this long and arduous march. Shortly after that, Alexander himself died suddenly in Babylon in BC 323, at the age of thirty-two. His embalmed body, placed in a golden coffin, was sent to Alexandria, Egypt, for public display and burial.

An extraordinary individual, Alexander rejected the norms of his time. Although Aristotle had taught him that the Persians were uncouth barbarians devoid of civilization, in practice he sought to understand the Persian culture and, more importantly, forge a new union in which Greeks and Persians could shed the ignorance and the hatred of the past and rid themselves of isolation and hostility. To achieve that new world, Alexander set out to repopulate the old world with offspring of mixed Greek and Persian marriages. Fusing the educational efforts of the two cultures, Alexander had concluded, required a new set of family values. Leading the formation of the future family unit, therefore, Alexander himself chose a Persian bride, Roxane (Roshanak), and 10,000 others for his soldiers and generals. He also facilitated the instruction of 30,000 youths from the best Iranian families in Greek language, customs, and military science. Furthermore, Persian soldiers were included in the infantry while Persian satraps and commanders were retained at their previous posts. The addition of the regal robe of the king of kings of Persia to his wardrobe and the donning of the purple silk robe, which was exclusive symbol of kingship and which he wore very well, completed his advocacy of tolerance and cooperation, the hallmarks of the new empire.

Alexander's demand that they should obey him as they would have a Persian monarch did not sit well with Greek generals who had fought with him at Granicus, Issus, and Gaugamela. Refusing to prostrate themselves before Alexander, they tried instead to reach him and hold him in their arms in the manner of Greek commanders. Adhering to the long-standing tradition of Persian kingship, however, Alexander discouraged all personal proximity, signaling his adoption of the Persian regard for the sanctity of the royal space around the throne. Kneeling (proskynos) and kissing the ground before him were the options left to those who visited Alexander. Furious at Alexander's new ways, Cleitus, who called Alexander an "effeminate general," echoed the sentiments of most Greeks who regarded the young ruler a bastard. In retaliation, and at the cost of great personal distress, Alexander killed the general for his insolence.

Alexander's sudden death deprived him of a chance to make arrangements for a successor. The army chose Alexander's half-brother Philip III and his unborn son, Alexander IV, to succeed him, but neither choice guaranteed the unity necessary for the success of Alexander's cultural fusion program. Real power was divided between Antipater in Greece and Perdiccas in Asia with many other ambitious generals-Antigonus and Seleucus among them-vying for power. Of those able commanders, Antigonus finally eclipsed the rest and emerged as the future ruler of Europe and Asia. Seleucus and others temporarily obeyed him.

While Alexander had used the military might of Greece to forge political and cultural unity among the peoples of Europe and Asia, Antigonus used the military to eliminate those of Alexander's commanders, especially Ptolomy and Seleucus, who aspired to form powerful dynasties of their own. Out of the struggle that ensued, Alexander's empire emerged divided, torn between the Macedonian monarchy headed by Antigonus in Europe, the Ptolemaic monarchy in Egypt and southern Syria, and the Seleucid monarchy under Seleucus I in the East.

The Seleucids

The founder of the Seleucid Dynasty is Seleucus I Nicator (conqueror), whose father, Antiochus, ³² was one of Philip II's commanders. After the capture of Susa, Seleucus became one of Alexander's trusted generals, commanding several thousand warriors. He also proved his value in the battle on the Hydaspes River in India. Like Alexander, he had an Iranian wife, Apama, whom Alexander had chosen for him. ³³ At the time of Alexander's death, he commanded the cavalry. In the struggle for succession that ensued Alexander's death, Seleucus defeated Antigonus, captured Babylonia in BC 312, and marched into Media and the lands to the East. The East, at the time, besides present-day Iran included four other provinces (i.e., the satrapies of Bactria and Sughdia, Kabulistan and its environs, Herat and Sistan, and Qandahar and Baluchistan).

Like Alexander, Seleucus was resolute, brave, and benevolent. He was also a builder, constructing more than sixty cities, including one capital city on the Tigris called Seleucia on the Tigris and another on the Orontes, in Syria, called Antioch. In time, these cities became two of the most powerful commercial centers of the region. Unlike Alexander, Seleucus regarded the conquered peoples as inferior to Greeks. Consequently, his royal road that connected main centers of commerce did not contribute to the expansion of Greek culture into the eastern provinces as had been Alexander's wish. In fact, Seleucus's policies created friction between the indigenous population and the new rulers, resulting in hostility and division at a time that his kingdom was in need of unity and harmony.

In administration, Seleucus left the practices of the Achaemenians and Alexander untouched with the exception of fiscal matters. His only minor concession in this regard was the division of the empire from twenty into seventy-two satrapies, allowing non-Greek elements a slightly higher degree of influence in the governance of the state. But even this concession was not genuine in that many of the newly formed satrapies had been projected to be sacrificed for the creation of stability for the rest of the nation. This new move saw the light when, in BC 305, in the course of a visit to the East and in the context of his battles with the rulers to his west, Seleucus I made a deal with Chandragupta, the king of India. He agreed to give up the territories to the south of the Hindu Kush (i.e., the present-day Afghanistan and Baluchistan), in exchange for 500 elephants to be used in battles against his adversaries in Mesopotamia.

Like all the other dynasties of the past, the Seleucid Dynasty had its strong and weak points. The strength of the empire rested in its vast domain and its well-organized network of Greek cities, especially Seleucia and Antioch. Its weakness lay in its lack of a national identity. It could not persuade those with ethnic and national affiliations, especially the Iranians, to rally around the king. Unlike the Achaemenians who trusted the Iranians and Alexander who relied heavily on the Greeks, the Seleucids, because they had imposed their rule, did not enjoy the support of the ethnic and nationality groups they ruled. For this reason, the more their power became consolidated in the region, the more it became apparent to them that they needed the loyalty and the trust of their subject nations.

A solution to the loyalty problem had been tested in Egypt where Greek rulers had reintroduced the concept of a deified king. Thinking that the solution might resolve their problem, the Seleucids adopted the plan. The strategy did not work. Rather than unify the peoples, the concept of a god-king, as opposed to divine kingship, created discord and division for obvious reasons. The Egyptians were used to being governed by gods such as the sungod Re while the Persians were not. Neither the legendary kings of Iran-Kayumars, Kayka'us, and Kaykhusrau-nor the historical monarchs-Darius and Cyrus-had considered themselves God. They had spoken strongly about their being appointees of Ahura Mazda, but not Ahura Mazda Himself. Jamshid, the only legendary monarch to be so disposed, lost his farr simply because he tried to reach the stars and the abode of God.

Nevertheless, after the death of Seleucus I, Antiochus I Soter (the savior) firmly established himself as god in BC 281. Statues of his divine person were placed in all the Greek cities of the empire, and the kings who succeeded him also chose similar titles: Theos (god) and Epiphanes (appearance of god), for instance. But neither the deification of the king nor the saturation of the cities of the empire with Greek citizens imported from Europe could fill the vacuum created by a genuine national identity crisis. In fact, by BC 256, under Antiochus II, a united East, comprised of Bactria, Sughdia, and Merv had come into existence. This confederation successfully fought the Seleucids and established the Greco-Bactrian kingdom in the East. Within a few years, Parthia and Hyrcania also broke away, driving a wedge between Seleucia on the Tigris and the newly formed Bactrian kingdom in present-day northern Afghanistan. The move by Parthia not only curtailed Greek interests in the East but also jeopardized the territorial integrity of Bactria, which fell victim to the Yueh-chih nomads once it was isolated. The demise of Bactria brought Parthia prosperity and allowed it to expand westward into Seleucid territory.

The breaking away of Bactria and Parthia was not so much due to the strength of those satrapies, although strength was a factor in the equation, but more due to the weakness of the Seleucid Empire under Antiochus II. As mentioned, the Seleucid Empire lacked national unity, a shortcoming that did not go unnoticed by the Western powers still vying for their shares of Alexander's Eastern gains. In order to reach their ends, therefore, the Western powers followed policies that aimed at a gradual strengthening of the restive Eastern provinces of the former empire. They continued supporting those satrapies until they overcame the Seleucids and gained their independence.

Taking advantage of the next two weak rulers, Seleucus II and Seleucus III, the Parthians appeared on the Euphrates rapidly expanding their domain. However, their advance was not only stopped there suddenly, but they were pushed back by Antiochus III the Great (BC 223-187) who once again expanded the Seleucid Empire as far as India. This dramatic change of events returned the Parthian kings, if only temporarily, to their past positions, namely the governance of the satrapies for the Seleucids. Emboldened by this victory in the East, Antiochus III, upon his return to Antioch, invaded the lands to his west. He intended to annex Macedonia and, in the process, revive the empire of Alexander, but at Magnesia, Rome, stepping forward to protect the interests of the Western world, dealt Antiochus III a fatal blow. Following the accord reached at Apamea, Antiochus III gave up all his possessions in Asia Minor, and, of course, he lost all the prestige that he had recently gained in the East. Predictably, the Parthians regained their lost territories and reestablished their rule as the heirs of Achaemenes.

The rise of Cyrus the Great is important both for his establishment of an empire and for bringing peoples as distant as Lydia and Cyropolis together. Building on Cyrus's accomplishments, Darius exposed the cultures that Cyrus had nurtured to his own brand of Zoroastrian thought and Ahuric order and took that way of life to Europe. He intended to form Iranian colonies in Europe that, once interconnected, would lead to the establishment of the Ahuric order and the worship of Ahura Mazda throughout the world. Darius's plan, however, did not succeed. As we have seen, Darius was defeated at Marathon by the Greek city-states, and his vast empire gradually disintegrated.

The Iranians' determination to conquer the West was fueled by their duty to preserve and expand the Ahuric order set forth by Ahura Mazda as the only way for salvation for humanity. In this effort they followed the deeds of such greats as Kaykhusrau, who had defeated the Khaqan of China and reestablished Mazdaism in Turan. With a divinely appointed warrior-king like Darius at the head of a huge army, the Iranians were certain of victory over the disparate armies of the Greek city-states.

But the city-states were neither disunited nor weak; they drew strength from their long-standing experience with democracy and from institutions based on a rational approach to governance and administration. In addition to allowing social mobility and political freedom, the Greeks used their knowledge of the sciences to create superior weapons, as well as command viable military and naval forces. The West's defeat of the Persians at Marathon, and later at Salamis, had enhanced their opportunity to improve their defenses. It even had encouraged them to a change of strategy from a defensive attitude against the East to an offensive stance. The League of Corinth in BC 337, in which all Greek city-states except Sparta had participated, was a direct outcome of the new attitude born of the West's trust in the invincibility of democratic institutions.

Alexander of Macedon, the commander of the Pan-Hellenic forces, utilized the power that the democratic institutions and the technological progress of the time afforded him and became not only the ruler of the greater part of the world of his time, but also the founder of the type of empire that Darius had hoped to establish. After achieving victory in all fronts, and in order to promote Hellenism, the roots of which rested in Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, Alexander created small Greek-ruled enclaves in present-day Iran, Afghanistan, and Central Asia, and he trusted those small kingdoms to a mixed leadership of Eastern and Western rulers. Before long, Greek rule and Alexander became beacons of hope for a world in disarray; they were looked to not only for leadership but also for the establishment of new societal norms.

Alexander's task was enormous-in some ways more taxing than providing strategy, provision, and incentive for his large army in Asia. He had to rule two very different domains. Though united under the alliance of Corinth, one was still not fully devoid of anti-Macedonian sentiments, and another had been divided even under its own king of kings. Iran under the last Achaemenians was a kingdom fraught with struggle for power and intrigue. Could Alexander, even temporarily, tolerate the excesses of divine rulership while creating a medium that promoted democracy? His decision on the nature of the new order was crucial to the future of the two nations as well as of the world as a whole.

Alexander knew for certain that had it not been for Darius's defeat at Marathon in BC 490, Greeks would not have had the opportunity to live their lives in freedom and nurture their culture to what it was during his time. There was no question, therefore, that Greek institutions were central to his overall strategy. Why had the superior armies of Iran been defeated twice by smaller numbers of Greeks? A study of the defeats of Darius and Xerxes revealed that the Persian kings had been burdened with an enormous amount of responsibility, much more responsibility than one individual could carry. It was in the nature of divine kingship that only the king possessed the required insight into the inner workings of the cosmos, and only he could uphold the primordial Ahuric order. Put differently, Darius and Xerxes were defeated not so much because they were lacking in ability, but because they were handicapped by the very force that had made them kings of kings. How could the same individual chart military strategy, deploy troops, and provide for an enormous army while, single-handedly, attending to internal intrigue and international diplomacy as well?

Alexander did not have to go far for an answer. Rather than being permeated with the will of a deity, Greek culture promoted personal choice, freedom, and mobility for all. The individual had the right to participate in all affairs and contribute to the shaping of future events. Affairs of state were discussed in the open among those knowledgeable, and solutions to complicated issues were arrived at in general meetings and after reaching a consensus. The elected leaders' sense of nationalism, patriotism, and valor uniquely qualified them for their responsibilities.

As can be seen, bringing together these divergent philosophies-distinct as capitalism and communism-and offering the new empire a cause around which its multi-lingual and multi-cultural peoples could rally was not an easy task. Yet Alexander solved the problem with the same ease with which he undid the knot at Gordium. To borrow a much-quoted axiom and make it suit the times, he laid the foundation of an empire that was Persian in form but Greek in content. This strategy which did not sit well with some proud Greeks, did not do well for the Iranians either.

Capitalizing on the good will of those who trusted him, Alexander began the implementation of his Hellenization program while still in Central Asia. There, as well as in Afghanistan and Iran, he built garrison cities, water works, bridges, and fortifications, giving substance to Darius's wish to create a communication network that would unite the world of the time, and he laid the foundation of a unified culture.

The divisions among the peoples of Asia and Europe, however, were too deeply set to be easily breached. Like the Greeks, the Iranians, too, were skeptical of Alexander's designs for their homeland. The Zoroastrian mu'bads, our main local source of information, for instance, held Alexander responsible for the destruction of Iranian culture. Referring to him with the epithet gijastag (accursed), they blamed him for the destruction of their temples of fire and the burning of their most valuable copy of the Avesta. Their hatred for Alexander became even more intense in subsequent years as Ahura Mazda was gradually eclipsed by Zeus, Mithra by Apollo, Verethrangha by Heracles, Ashi by Nike, and Armaiti by Demeter. ³⁴ The mu'bads sought ways whereby they could influence events and avert the impending destruction of their faith, but the task was not easy, especially as long as Parthian princes continued to import Roman ways into Iran through their frequent and lengthy stays in Rome.

The romantic and the traditional saw yet a different Alexander. Identifying the Macedonian with such illustrious Iranian saint-figures as Kaykhusrau, they imagined him searching for the fountain of youth in regions that only their fertile imaginations could create. In his ceaseless search for the elixir, King Iskandar encountered countless difficulties and strange creatures, including talking trees and talking snakes. He even met people with ears so large that the owners used them as blankets to rest upon. Within a short time, the Iranian story tellers took Alexander so deeply into Persian culture that little of his Macedonian identity remained.

Alongside the mu'bads and the romantically oriented were many Iranians who were impressed with the Greeks' attitude toward trade, travel, and adventure. They appreciated the way that the Greeks had employed proficiency in mathematics, medicine, geography, history, and the arts to improve aspects of life still in primitive stages in their own land. But what was perhaps the most intriguing aspect of Greek culture was the Greeks' philosophical approach to religion and to the nature of the deity. Before long, many Iranians found themselves listening to Greek music and poetry, attending Greek theater, and imitating Greek paintings and the plastic arts. It was also with the help of these same people that Alexander built roads and cities and promoted diversity as far and wide as he did. Knowing that Alexander had been subjected to at least four known conspiracies, all with the aim of stopping his liberal stance in relation to the conquered peoples, ³⁵ these like-minded Persians believed in Alexander's sincerity and in his quest for a true fusion of the cultures of East and West. After all, Alexander had liberated those in the middle of the Iranian pyramid of power-the merchants, craftsmen, and bureaucrats-and had pushed the frontiers aside, ushering commerce and the flow of new and vibrant ideas into Iran by both land and sea. The equity and justice that permeated society and the prosperity that was in such stark contrast to what had transpired under the recent kings and satraps, were the results of the liberal measures of the new ruler.

Although Alexander did not assign an heir to his vast empire, his program of fusion of cultures was not abandoned. The generals who followed him, in spite of the intense struggle for power that consumed their time, carried out Alexander's wishes by building Greek centers wherein Greek power was preserved. They also followed Alexander's economic program as a result of which Iran, for instance, could export clothing, ornaments, drugs, precious stones, carpets, seed corn, lead, and pedigreed dogs. But none of these, not even the return to the ease and comfort of the earlier days, gave Iranians cause to rejoice. The root cause of the Iranian scorn rested in Alexander's policy for change for Iran. In his egalitarian society, Alexander had placed the interests of the Greeks first, promoting the superficial but attractive aspects of Iranian culture. The discriminatory nature of this treatment did not reveal itself until toward the end of the Parthian era. At that time it became obvious that Aramaic, the language of the Achaemenians, had given way to Greek and that the fundamental tenets of Zoroastrianism had ceded to Greek interpretation. Subsequent rulers, especially the first Sassanian monarchs, reacted very strongly against this trend. The later Parthians' reaction to Hellenism is reflected in their collection of the text of the Avesta, while the Sassanians reestablished Zoroastrian orthodoxy and strengthened the ancient social order.

The Parthians

Very little information remains about the longest ruling house of Iran, the Parthian Dynasty, which for some five hundred years held sway over most of the lands previously ruled by the Achaemenians. What information exists is culled from the writings of Western writers like Appian of Alexandria, Athenaeus, Orosius, Justinian, and Poseidonius, who often mix the political history of Parthia with that of the unstable Seleucids, resulting in a distorted picture of the role of both dynasties during this period of Iranian history. The difficulty is compounded by the fact that the Sassanians systematically erased all vestiges of Parthian Iran by defacing monuments and remodeling statues. The Sassanians even reduced the Parthian era by two centuries to avert an apocalypse foretold by the Prophet Zoroaster. All this, of course, belongs to the future.

Geographically, the original home of the Parthians was east of Ecbatana and Ray and west of Herat, the present-day province of Khurasan. The neighboring states of Parthia were Sistan to the south, Merv and Khwarazm to the north, Herat to the east, and Hyrcania (present-day Gurgan) to the west. Linguistically, the Parthians belonged to the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family. They spoke an Iranian language, the remnants of which are extant in Parthian Middle Persian.

Culturally, the Parthians were from the nomadic peoples of the steppe. Love of the hunt and hard drinking were among their distinguishing characteristics, as was use of the bow and arrow, especially as a lethal weapon. Once on a swift horse, the Parthian archer did not have a match. Historically, Parthia was acquired by Cyrus the Great as a part of his initial thrust east, and it remained in the empire until the defeat of Darius III and the fall of the empire. Parthia surrendered to Alexander without a fight.

As mentioned in relation to the political history of the Seleucids, during the rule of Antiochus II, Diodotus, the satrap of Bactria, rebelled against the Seleucid ruler and pronounced himself the king of Bactria. Shortly afterwards, Parthia, too, rose against Antiochus II at a time when the Seleucid ruler was engaged in the west, fighting a war with Egypt. In subsequent decades the Parthians, unlike the Greco-Bactrians, who were easily overrun by the Yueh-chih, consolidated their territorial gains and expanded their domain considerably until it reached from Herat to Babylonia and Assyria. The architects of the burgeoning Parthian Empire were Mithradates I and Mithradates II. ³⁶ The former, like Cyrus the Great, founded the empire while the latter, like Darius, consolidated his predecessor's gains by organizing the military and reforming the administration. ³⁷

Striking out of Parthia proper, Mithradates I quickly annexed Media, Persis, Babylonia, and Assyria in the West and Herat, Sistan, and Gedrosia to the East. Understanding the strategic value of Seleucia on the Tigris for trade and for the cultural hold it created on Seleucid possessions in general, he built the garrison city of Ctesiphon across from it. In time Ctesiphon became Parthia's fourth and most powerful center, holding the expansionist aspirations of Rome at bay.

Mithradates I died in BC 137. At his death, Parthia consisted of Parthia proper, Hyrcania, Media, Babylonia, Assyria, Elam, and Persis. Phraates II and his uncle, Artabanus II who followed him, barely held the empire together. Expansion to the west that had been a most likely scenario at the death of Mithradates I, was no longer possible due to the invasion of the Yueh-chih nomads who, having overrun the Greco-Bactrian kingdom to the east of Parthia, now threatened Parthia as well. Under Mithradates II, however, the situation changed again. Mithradates II pushed the nomad invaders away from Parthian borders all the way to Sughdia, recapturing all lost territories, including Merv, Herat, and Sistan. He also consolidated Parthian power in the West. After Mithradates II, the survival of the Parthian Dynasty was assured. Henceforth the question was one of territorial expansion, the degree of economic and political might, and especially friendly or hostile stance vis-�-vis the West.

The history of Parthia, with its turbulent relations with the lingering Seleucid Empire and with Imperial Rome, is long, involved, and recursive, so it cannot be covered in the space allowed here. That history, however, can be somewhat generalized and divided into three main phases with each phase building on the activities and ideological trends of the previous phase.

The first phase dealt with the expansion and the consolidation of the Parthian Empire as the Parthian capital moved from Nisa to Hectampylos to Ecbatana and, eventually, to Ctesiphon. During this phase, as the fortunes of the Seleucids waned until their empire was totally eclipsed by Rome, the empire of the Parthians waxed, making them a formidable power in Mesopotamia. A main feature of this phase was the existence of friendly relations between Rome and Parthia that reached their zenith during the rule of Augustus Caesar, when many Persian princes were the guests of the Roman court. At that time Greek language and Greco-Roman culture permeated Iran to such a degree that for some Iranians, the Iranian past became all but a dream.

The truce between Rome and Parthia was motivated by commercial as well as political concerns. Both nations regarded the Seleucids as usurpers of their natural rights and both strove to weaken Seleucid hold on the lands between the Mediterranean Sea and the Euphrates by implementing policies that undermined Seleucid interests in the region. These anti-Seleucid policies eventually resulted in the collapse of the Seleucid Empire.

Phase two was a continuation of the first phase only in the sense that cordial relations between Parthia and Rome were honored. There was, however, a major difference. As rivals, Rome and Parthia intended to dispossess each other of territory that had been held by their predecessors. Rome, as the inheritor of the legacy of Alexander, regarded the Parthian feudal lords expendable and consequently looked upon Syria and Egypt as future Roman territory. The Parthians considered themselves the rightful descendant of the Achaemenian kings. Syria, Egypt, and Asia Minor, they believed, were rightfully theirs. Meanwhile, however, they followed the dictates of diplomacy and adhered to a policy of coexistence. Phase three began with open Roman hostility against Parthia in BC 53. Using Syria as a springboard from which to invade and conquer the Parthian Empire during his pro-consulship Crassus invaded Iran. But he did not succeed since both he and his son were killed in a major battle at Carrhae. Surena, the Parthian commander, returned from Carrhae, carrying Crassus's Roman eagles with him. The growing hostility between Rome and Parthia also sounded the death knell for Hellenism which had flourished in the region since the time of Alexander. Throughout the Seleucid era and into the Roman Empire, Hellenism had been allowed to flourish in both the Seleucid domains and in the cities held by the Parthians. That process was now to be halted, and in its place the culture of Iran as it had been promoted under the Achaemenians was to be reestablished. To implement the new policy, Vologeses II (AD 148-192) broke the truce with Rome and replaced the Greek language with Parthian Middle Persian. He also ordered that the Avesta, the sacred book of the Zoroastrians, especially the Videvedat or Vendidad or Videvedat (defense against demons), be organized and codified.

The de-Hellenization process, of course, was not easy. It had taken Hellenism a long time to penetrate Iranian culture; it would take just as long to put a meaningful end to it. Due to a scarcity of communication, the rural areas had not been affected greatly. In the reforms of Vologeses II, therefore, the urban centers, especially those with overt affiliation with Seleucid and Roman sympathy, were targeted. In these centers, the use of the Greek language was banned and the phrase philhellene was dropped from the coinage. The statues of Greek gods, which by now had blended into the religious landscape of ancient Parthia, were toppled and, once again, Ahura Mazda, Mithra, Verethrangha, Ashi, and Armaiti were revered. This process gradually weakened Rome's strong cultural influence; and restored Zoroastrianism its prestige as the sole religion of Iran. To assure that Rome would honor Iran's wishes and stay at a safe distance, xenophobia was added to religious fervor. By the time that the Parthian power was eclipsed by Sassanian might, Hellenism had already been overtaken by Zoroastrianism.

At its zenith, the Parthian Empire consisted of Parthia proper centered on Ctesiphon, as well as a number of domains over which it had direct jurisdiction. Parthian satraps were sent to these regions to collect taxes and administer justice. Parthia also exerted influence over and provided security and support for a number of other kingdoms from which it received tribute.

The power of the king under the Parthians was much more limited than under the Achaemenians. Administratively, the king followed the traditional tribal law and ruled by consensus. Government consisted of two houses-a Royal Council and a Council of Elders. The former was populated by adult males of the royal house, the latter by experienced male elders and religious personages of Parthian blood. Major decisions, such as the appointment of a new king, took place in a Supreme Council in which select members from both the Royal Council and the Council of Elders participated.

Membership in the Supreme Council was a Parthian right and the royal house had very little influence on most of those making the decisions. The king had to satisfy three requirements for kingship: Parthian blood; competence in rulership, administration, and soldiery; and being the elder son of the reigning king. If these three requirements were not met, the Supreme Council would consider other eligible individuals close to the crown, going down the line, if circumstances required, as far as the king's uncles. After a king was appointed, however, the situation changed. The all-powerful king, in order to secure his position, usually eliminated those Council members who had either voted against his election as king or who now disagreed with his policies as king.

The degree of power invested in the nobles as a class at this time is also unprecedented in Iranian history. The nobles could dismiss a king or replace him with a king of their choice. They could do so, because the king's military was superior to each individual satrap's army but insignificant compared to the power of the combined forces of the satraps. Indeed, the great wars that the Parthians fought against Rome during the second phase of their rule were fought by the contingents contributed by the nobility. The powerful house of Suren, for instance, must have played a role reminiscent of the legendary houses of Sam and Vise in Firdowsi's Shahname.

The Parthians continued the Achaemenian practice of next-of-kin marriages as when Cambyses III married his own sister, as well as many of the other Achaemenian traditions and traits. They treated their captives with respect and remained faithful to their word. Although to a lesser degree than for the Sassanians, Zoroastrianism played a unifying role-the very role that the Seleucids had hoped deification of their emperors would play for them.

The Yueh-chih, the Kushans, and the Saka

Built in the third century before the Christian era, the great wall of China was intended to keep the nomads roaming to the north, in the Gobi desert, away from the sedentary population of China to the south. The northern nomads, known as the Hsiung-nu, were of Turko-Mongol origin. They had short, stocky bodies, as well as characteristically Mongolian large round heads, broad faces, wide nostrils, bushy mustaches, and slit eyes. ³⁸ In the main, they were cattle herders and livestock breeders, moving with the herds between summer and winter quarters. As individuals, they were ferocious warriors who tied the severed heads of their first victims to their saddles and who used the skulls of their enemies for their drinking cups.

By the middle of the third century, the Hsiung-nu had become united into a formidable confederation of tribes. In search of new pastures, they left the Gobi for China, the present-day Kansu Province, and its fertile plains to the west of the Yellow River. When confronted with the massive wall of China, its fortifications, and defense capabilities, the Hsiung-nu satisfied themselves with the capture of the easier regions to the west of the river, populated at the time by the Indo-European Yueh-chih. This is the first time that the Turko-Mongol peoples of Upper Asia come into contact with the Indo-European peoples living farthest to the east of their original homeland, wherever that homeland might have been in Europe, Asia Minor, or the Urals.

The Yueh-chih were no match for the Hsiung-nu. Under pressure, the Yueh-chih divided themselves into two groups, the Lesser and the Greater Yueh-chih. The former followed the Yellow River to its source in the Tibetan uplands, where the Lesser Yueh-chih became assimilated into the Tibetan culture. The Greater Yueh-chih crossed the Gobi desert and entered the Ili Valley and Issyk Kul Basin, which was at the time inhabited by the Wu-sun.

Supported by the mighty Hsiung-nu confederation that spanned the northern territories between the Urals and Manchuria, the Wu-sun defended their territory against the Yueh-chih, leaving the Yueh-chih to continue their march and enter present-day Ferghana valley and the Jaxartes region. Here the Yueh-chih met and displaced the Saka population of the region.

As was discussed earlier, two eastern kingdoms broke away from the Seleucid Empire under the rule of Antiochus II and gained their independence. They were the kingdoms of Bactria and Parthia. The Yueh-chih, in their march south overran Bactria. After consolidating the powers of their five chiefs in a new dynasty, the Kushan Dynasty, they settled in present-day Afghanistan and northwestern India. From there, under Kujula Kadpheses I, the great Kushan Empire rivaled the other great powers of that time, Parthia, Rome, and China. Under Vima Kadpheses II (son of Kujula Kadpheses I) the empire spread even farther into India as well as to the west and north.

The most well-known emperor of the Kushans is the great Kanishka, an ardent follower of the precepts of the Buddha. Kanishka expanded the Kushan Empire to include lands from the Oxus to Patna on the Ganges and from the Pamirs to the Indus River and Iran. Kanishka had two capitals, one in Bagram in Capisa (Kabulistan region, north of the city of Kabul) and one in Purusupura (Peshawar), but most of his efforts were spent on making Gandahara a powerful center for trade as well as for religious and literary activity.

In later times, as we shall see, the Kushans were defeated by the Sassanian kings of Iran and were forced to migrate even farther into India, the land of their fellow Buddhists. In India, they gradually lost their identity as an independent nation and were assimilated into the Indian culture.

The Saka, on the other hand, had their eyes on the territories of the Parthians to their west. After the death of Mithradates I, when the Seleucids temporarily reasserted themselves and engaged the Parthians in Syria and Mesopotamia, the Saka took Merv, Herat, and Sistan, expanding their rule extensively along that of the Yueh-chih in Bactria. Pharaates II and Artabanus II, as we have seen were quite powerless against the Saka. The coming into power of Mithradates I, however, put an end to both the Seleucids' hope for recapturing the lands that they had lost to the Parthians and to any aspirations for expansion that the Saka entertained. Mithradates II consolidated Parthian gains in the West and invaded the land of the Saka to the East. He pushed the Saka as far back as Sughd, where they remained for the rest of the Parthian era, a constant threat to Parthian-held territories in the East, nothing more.

The Silk Route

Along with the Spice Route that connected India, Somalia, and Yemen to the Byzantine and Iranian trade centers, the Silk Route played a vital role in the rise of Islam. The Silk Route flourished between the second and the eighth centuries AD, stretching between Antioch in the West and Xian in China in the East. On it rested the great cities of Mesopotamia, including Palmyra and Ctesiphon, as well as those on the Iranian plateau, Ecbatana, Ray, Hectampylos, Herat, and Merv. In Central Asia, the Silk Route visited Bukhara and Samarqand, and the territory beyond Kashghar where it was divided into a southern and northern route. From here, the caravans had to decide on the best way to cross the Taklamakan Desert. To the north were the more numerous towns of Kucha, Kara Shahr, and Loulan on the Lob Nor. This route also included many small stopping places, especially between Urumchi and Lanchow. The larger ones being Hami, Ansi, Suchow, Kanchow, and Liangchow. ³⁹ The two routes were united again in Tungwang before they entered China proper. From there to Xian the caravans were protected by the Chinese and their defensive Wall.

Major items exported by the Roman Empire and its governing territories, Syria and Egypt, consisted of gold and silver plates, woolen and linen textiles, topaz, coral, and amber. Often frankincense, glassware, and wine from the Baltic were also included. On their way back to Rome, the merchants brought cotton cloth, indigo, spices, semi-precious stones, pearls, ivory, steel swords, and furs from India and rubies, lapis-lazuli, silver, turquoise,

12 men each	3 shekels	3/4 shekel
11 boys	2	1/2
11 boys	1	3/4 & 1/8
13 boys	1	1/4
15 boys	1/2	1/8
78 women	2	1/2
12 girls	1	3/4 & 1/8
18 girls	1	1/4
20 girls	2	1/8