 | Life and Works of Abu 'Abd Allah Rudaki By
| According
to Sam'ani in Lubab Al-Ansab, Rudaki's full name is Abu 'Abd Allah Ja'far ibn Muhammad ibn
Hakim ibn Abd al-Rahman ibn Adam.[1] He has the distinct privilege
of being not only the founder of Perso-Tajik literature but also one of its
most prominent poets.[2]
He is also the first among his peers to have a diwan and the first to use poetic
meters in the composition of longer pieces like Kalila wa Dimnah and Sandbad Name. [3] Some have attributed Rudaki's
fame to the grandeur of the court of his patron Nasr ibn Ahmad II (914-943).
Fortunately, enough of his poetry (in various genres: masnavi, qit'ah,
ghazal, ruba'i, and marsiyyah) is extant to establish his unequivocal mastery of the art
and to prove that, on his own, he merits the unsurpassed greatness that is
attributed to him.[4] In fact, the
poetic standards that he established in the 9th century endured for
centuries and guided Persian poets until the advent of Muhammad Taqi Bahar
(1880-1951). The
contributions of Rudaki in setting standards are remarkable. Although the
revitalized Persian language used during his time had developed sufficiently to
express the sentiments, needs, and aspirations of the people, it lacked the
means necessary to convey those aspects of the culture in a technical, yet
elegant and thought-provoking manner.[5]
Rudaki met that challenge.
Additionally, the Persian language, which had been neglected for two
hundred years prior to his time,[6]
did not have sufficient letters to represent all its sounds.[7]
However, when a new script was developed based on the Arabic alphabet, Rudaki
used it to reeducate Iranians and to alert them to the significance of their
language in any project that would attempt to revitalize Iran's ancient
heritage.[8]
He was also wise when writing his own verses to avoid using ornate Arabic words
and Qur'anic
phrases, especially at a time when the other court poets promoted their works
in just that way. This is not meant to deny that Rudaki used common themes from
pre-Islamic Arabia or Islamic terminology like shabi lilt al-qadr, halal,
makruh, haram, and
the like. In fact, the names of a number of prominent Islamic figures like al-Shafi'i,
Abu Hanifa, and Abu Tammam Taii appear in his verses. In this regard, his
"Three Shirts of Joseph" is noteworthy. It reads: Transcription Nigarina
shenidastam ki gahi mehnatu rahat Si
pirahan salab budast yusef ra bi 'umr andar Yaki
az kaid shud pur khun, duwwum shud chak az tuhmat Siwwum
Ya'qubra az bush rushan gasht chishmi tar Rukham
manad ba-dan awwal, dilam manad ba-dan sani Nasibi
man shawad dar wasl an pirahani digar Translation Dearest.
I have heard that during his toil and comfort, Altogether,
Joseph had three shirts to his name. One
was bloodied by mischief, the other torn by slander, The
third returned sight to the tearful eyes of Jacob. My
face resembles the first, my heart the second, Only
if in reunion, would I be blessed with the third.[9] In general, however, instead of on religion, Rudaki relied
on his unique poetic talent and his gift of singing his lyrics while playing
the lute. Rudaki
was born in the village of Banuj, in the Rudak district of Samarqand, in AD 858. We are better informed about Rudaki's
early life than about the early lives of his contemporaries, thanks to the
contributions of the chronicler 'Awfi. According to him, Rudaki was so
intelligent and sharp that by the age of eight he had memorized the entire text
of the Qur'an. Soon after he learned to read Persian, he composed poetry that was
most appealing to his people who were scattered in the foothills of the
Zarafshan Mountains. Again, according to 'Awfi, Rudaki had a pleasant voice, a
talent that connected him with the world of the musicians and dancers of his
time. We learn that his lute teacher was the famed Abu al-'Anak Bakhtiyar[10]
under whom the art of patvazhak[11]—singing—was
elevated to its highest level. In due course, he excelled his master and
created the ruba'i and the taraneh genres. His poetic talent combined with his skill at
playing the lute, and his good voice gained him great renown. Eventually, he
was summoned to the court of Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II where he spent most of his
life. A good part of his time was spent on the supervision of the work of
junior poets, a position that became a prominent feature of the courts of later
Samanid and Ghaznavid rulers and which benefited 'Unsuri the most.[12]
At
the time of Rudaki, the Samanid court was the hub of the literary, scientific,
economic, and social activities of the lands of the eastern caliphate. The Arab
invasion had dislocated Iranians from Ctesiphon, Susa, and Ray, and relocated
them in Transoxiana. In two centuries, a new Iranian milieu had developed and
gained semi-independence. Saman Khuda seized upon this opportunity that had
come to the Iranian lands. Centering his rule on Bukhara, he created the
Samanid dynasty with a firm policy of reviving the lost legacy of the Iranian
peoples.[13] Rudaki
served at the court of the Samanids of Bukhara (874-999), the only dependency
in the Caliphate that was strong enough to promote nationalism and opulent and
wise enough to push the frontiers of knowledge, rivaling Baghdad. Al-Tha'alibi,
a contemporary traveler, provides a vivid description of life at the court of
the Samanid Amirs: "Bukhara was, under the Samanid rule, the Focus of Splendour, the
Shrine of Empire, the Meetingplace of the most unique intellects of the Age,
the Horizon of the literary stars of the World, and the Fair of the greatest
scholars of the Period. Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Musa al-Musawi related to me as
follows: 'My father Abu'l-Hasan received an invitation to Bukhara in the days
of the Amir-i-Sa'id [Nasr II b. Ahmad, reigned A.D. 913-942], and there were
gathered together the most remarkable of its men of letters . . . And when
these were settled in familiar conversation one would engage with another in
plucking the fringes of some discussion, each offering to the other fragrant
flowers of dialectic, and pursuing the perfumes of Culture, and letting fall in
succession necklaces of pearls, and blowing on magical knots. And my father
said to me, "O my son, this is a notable and red-letter day: make it an
epoch as regards the assembling of the standards of talent and the most
incomparable scholars of the age, and remember it, when I am gone, amongst the
great occasions of the period and the notable moments of thy life. For I
scarcely think that in the lapse of the years thou wilt see the like of these
met together." And so it was, for never again was my eye brightened with
the sight of such a gathering.' "[14] Rudaki's
acquaintance with Bakhtiyar opened a new vista in his life—music. He
traveled with Bakhtiyar all around the Kuhistan (the present-day Tajik
highlands), composing and singing. When Bakhtiyar passed away and left him his
famous lute, Rudaki continued the tradition and enjoyed a growing fame. By this
time, he could have served at courts of lesser lights like Ahmad ibn Isma'il,
Abu Ja'far Banuyeh, and Makan ibn Kaki. It is his acquaintance with Abu al-Fazl
Bal'ami, however, that leads to his access to the court of Bukhara and to a
prosperous life.[15] There
are several questions in Rudaki's life that have engaged the attention of
researchers the most. For instance, there is an assertion in 'Awfi to the
effect that Rudaki was blind from birth (az madar nabina amadeh).[16] But 'Awfi's assertion is not
supported by other chroniclers of the time such as Sam'ani, Nizami 'Aruzi, and
the anonymous author of Tarikhi Sistan (The History of Sistan). Could a poet
conjure up delicate and delightful images of nature in the way that Rudaki has
and be blind from birth? Some scholars, like Abu Hayyan Tawhidi, who lived
close to Rudaki's time, give a positive answer. "Rudaki was born
blind," Tawhidi says. "When he was asked about how he visualized
colors, he answered, like camels." ([Rudaki] az madar kur bizad, guftand rang dar
nazdi to chegune ast? Guft manandi shutur).[17] The response is ambiguous. It
can mean he saw colors in the same way that he saw camels, or it can mean he
saw color in the same manner that camels visualize color! Could
Rudaki have lost his vision gradually, or suddenly, due to an illness or
unknown circumstance? In the West, Herman Ete was the first to cast doubt on
Rudaki's blindness from birth; he was then followed by other scholars.[18]
M. M. Gerasimov, who examined Rudaki's remains (1970), concluded that towards
the end of his life the poet refused to follow tradition to produce empty
praises of the ruler for pay. They held red-hot iron rods before his eyes and
blinded him.[19] Aini states
that the poet's ability to compose poetry is related to his hearing rather than
to his vision. His verdict is that the poet was blind from birth. In either
case, there is no doubt that Rudaki has a keen appreciation of
images—seen or described to him. They form a wonderful reservoir on which
he draws for the similes and metaphors with which he enriches his verse. On
the basis of 'Awfi's report, Gerasimov's effort at reconstructing Rudaki's
physical features, and taking into account Sadriddin Aini's and Abdulghani
Mirzoev's studies of Rudaki's life, the following general assertion can be
made. Rudaki lived a happy life as a child, listening to his people's stories
and songs, learning about his contemporaries' ways, as well as about their
aspirations and needs.[20]
He lived a highly protected life at court and a forlorn and frustrating one
after his banishment. He put words to his diverse experiences and expressed his
peoples' desires alongside his own sentiments. Blindness to him seems to have
been a nuisance, by no means a hindrance. Another
issue that scholars have dwelled on is related to religion, especially Isma'ili
Shi'ism that played a major role at the courts of the region; the Isma'ilis
were seeking prominent personalities to support their doctrine and da'wa. It is alleged that Amir Nasr
ibn Ahmad II was an Isma'ili and shared the faith with Abu al-Fazl Bal'ami who
served as his prime minister for a long time. It is further speculated that
Rudaki was a favorite of Abu al-Fazl Bal'ami and, according to Ravandi, there
is evidence that Rudaki, and a number of other figures of the time, had
Isma'ili tendencies.[21]
According to Rypka, Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II shared his Isma'ili tendencies with
Rudaki.[22]
This indicates that Nasr II, Bal'ami, and Rudaki shared the same views, if not
the same faith. A fallout between Bal'ami and the Amir resulted in the
dismissal of Bal'ami from the court in 937, and the banishment of Bal'ami's
protégé, Rudaki, soon after. Whether the fallout was politically motivated, or
was the result of religious intrigue, is hard to tell. What is certain is that
Rudaki did not survive the humiliation and the lack of support at the court that
he had enjoyed for the greater part of his life. According to Al-Ansab of Sam'ani, Rudaki died in
wretched poverty in 940 (329 AH) in the village of Banuj.[23]
Some of his later poetry describes his sentiments about his past and his
disappointment with Fate. His qasidah entitled Shikayat az Piri (Complaint about Old Age) is
an example.[24] Power
politics, it seems, may have played a decisive role in the double banishment
from the court rather than shared religious sentiments. Yet
another issue is related to Rudaki's connection with Kalilah wa Dimnah. The difficulty here is that
this work was considered lost in its entirety until recently when some 120 bayts of it were discovered. The
original work known variously as Pancha-Tantra, or the "Fables of the Bidpai,"
was part of the treasury of the rulers of India. Burzuyeh, the famed physician
of Khusrow I Anushirvan (531-579), brought Pancha-Tantra to the Sassanian court,
translated it into Pahlavi (Middle Persian) and, using other Indian sources,
expanded it. Buzurgmehr, the well-known Sassanian wazir of Anushirvan, in
recognition of the contributions of the physician, added yet another chapter
about Burzuyeh to the work. After the fall of Iran to Islam, Ibn Muqaffa' (d.
AD 762) translated Kalilah wa Dimnah into Arabic and Aban ibn Abd al-Hamid
Lahaqi (d. AD 815) rendered the text into Arabic verse. It was not until the
time of Nasr ibn Ahmad II that, encouraged by Abul Fadl Bal'ami, Rudaki
produced a versified Dari (Farsi) version of the work. According to Firdowsi,
Rudaki rendered the stories into Dari verse while the stories were being read
to him.[25]
Since 120 verses of the work have been attested to, it is safe to assume that
Rudaki's connection to Kalilah wa Dimnah is firm. Rudaki's
life was quite eventful, especially during his youth. In fact, a good deal of
the qasidah
(ode) called Shikayat az Piri is a recollection of his youth, discussing his appearance,
his association with women, and regret over the wealth that he had acquired and
squandered. [26] His opulent
life style and the fact that at the time he had the ear of the Amir have
spawned a number of stories about him. The most fabulous among these stories is
the one about an event in Herat that led to the composition and recital of his Buy-e
Ju-ye Muliyan, or "The Fragrance of the
Muliyan Brook." The
story is centered on Rudaki's power of persuasion. According to Nizami
Samarqandi in his Chahar Maqala (Four Discourses), Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II, Rudaki's main
patron, wintered in Bukhara but spent spring and summer time in other
delightful spots. One year the Amir had not only overstayed his visit to Herat
but intended to spend the winter there as well. The Amir's retinue, the
commanders of the army, and others who had been anxious to return to Bukhara,
and to their families were disappointed at the revelation. They approached
Rudaki and asked him to use his power of persuasion to move the Amir so that he
would depart for his beloved Bukhara. Here is the transcription of the text of
the poem that Rudaki composed and recited for the occasion. The transcription
is followed by this author's translation: Transcription Buy-e Ju-ye Muliyan ayad hami, Yad-e yar-e mehraban ayad hami. Rig-e Amu-yu doroshtiha-ye u, Zir-e pa chun parniyan ayad hami. Ey Bukhara shad bash u dir zi, Mir zi tu shadman ayad hami. Ab-e Jaihun az neshat-e ru-ye dust, Khenge ma-ra ta miyan ayad hami. Mir mah ast u Bukhara aseman, Mah su-ye aseman ayad hami. Mir sarv ast u Bukhara busetan, Sarv su-ye busetan ayad hami. Translation The sweet fragrance of the Muliyan brook, Recalls memories, so long ago forsook. Rough sands of the Oxus beneath my feet, Caress them as would silk, soft and sweet. Enjoy life everlasting, always full of cheer, Your guest's the Amir, ever joyous and dear. Tumultuous Oxus, full of joy and mirth, Greets us and leaps warmly to our girth. O Bukhara! Thou art the Sky, brilliant Moon is He, O mighty Sky, embrace Thy Moon with glee. Thou art the Mead, stately Cypress He, Receive Thee anon, Thy beloved Cypress tree. The
story goes that the Amir did not wait for the qasidah to conclude. While Rudaki was
still strumming his lute and singing, the Amir set off for Bukhara, leaving his
riding-boots to be carried after him.[27] The circumstances of this
event have been immortalized in a number of ways. To begin with, four hundred
years after its composition, Vassaf composed an imitation of Buy-e ju-ye
Muliyan.
Rypka speculates that Vassaf felt that the poem did not carry the weight that
it had been afforded.[28]
In more recent times, Satim Ulughzoda, a major Tajik playwright, wrote a film
script called Qismat-i Sho'ir (the Lot of the Poet),[29]
and a movie was produced around the theme in 1957. Rasul Hadi-Zade's short
story, "A Wind From Home," deals with the same subject.[30]
But nowhere are the circumstances as neatly and appropriately recreated as in
Haydn's Symphony 45 in F Sharp Minor; the symphony is appropriately called the
"Farewell Symphony." It is the symphony's final movement that brings
Rudaki's skill to mind most prominently.[31] As
is the case in "The Fragrance of the Muliyan Brook," the 4th
movement is intended to gently remind Prince Nicholas Esterhazy that Vienna was
waiting for his arrival, and that he should pack up and leave his summer
palace. The prince had spent the entire fall of 1772 in Esterhazy and the
length of his stay had affected the men in Haydn's orchestra; they were anxious
to get home to their families in Vienna. In the same way that the soldiers and
commanders in the camp of the Amir had approached Rudaki, the men of the
orchestra approached their master, Haydn, and persuaded him to compose a
symphony that would persuade the prince to hasten his departure for Vienna. Haydn
obliged with Symphony 45 in F Sharp Minor. In the last movement, Haydn's fast,
driving dramatic music gives way to a gentle conclusion. At this point, per
Haydn's instructions, the players, as they finished their solo parts, put out
their candles and, one by one, left the stage. At the end of the movement only
two violinists, one of whom was Haydn himself, remained, playing muted violins
in the dark hall. They, too, in due time, blew out their candles and left the
dark stage. Within a week of the performance, Prince Esterhazy and his
courtiers arrived in Vienna and all was well. Needless to say, Haydn's
"Farewell Symphony" became Prince Nicholas Esterhazy's most favorite
symphony. Persian
sources attribute anywhere from 100,000 to 1,300,000 bayts to Rudaki.[32]
Of these, only 1,000 bayts are in existence, and even those are fragments scattered
among a number of biographies, histories, and books of advice.[33]
Rudaki's major themes include passage of time, old age, the inevitability of
natural death, the fickleness of fortune, importance of the matters of the
heart, and the need to stay happy. He pays special attention to the role of the
individual in the improvement of one's self and society. The individual, he
says, must strive to achieve what is best for him. Although he lavishly showers
kings, nobles, and champions with praises, his most cherished idols are knowledge
and experience. This bayt, which until recently was thought to have been the only one
surviving from the nearly 12,000 bayts of Kalilah wa Dimnah, appears on Rudaki's monument
in Dushanbe.[34] It
underscores the poet's lasting dedication to knowledge and experience: Har ki namukht az guzashti ruzgar, Niz namuzad zi
hich amuzgar. No ordinary
teacher will ever reach, Those whom Time
has failed to teach. Early
court poetry used a very simple style. Rudaki's poetry follows that tradition
and, while avoiding Arabism, reflects the charm of the pre-Islamic poetry of
Iran. This is remarkable considering that his predecessors, two generations
ago, had adopted the Arabic meter and rhyme schemes, as well as Arabic style,
thought, and expression. Because
he avoids Arabism and does not use Qur'anic verses, his poetry is accessible to
schoolchildren of today who enjoy his verses with little need for either
explanation or interpretation.[35]
It must be stated that, in spite of their simple diction, Rudaki's verses
include a complete array of Persian poetic meters, used for the first time, and
some 35 Persian rhythmic variations.[36]
Altogether these account for why he is regarded as one of the greatest poets of
the Khurasan school. In
general, Rudaki's poetic legacy can be divided into three categories. In the
earlier stages of his career, he wrote love lyrics. Later on, love poetry gave
way to poems focused on ethical themes. A prominent example of this is his
versification of the Kalilah and Dimnah discussed earlier. Towards the end of
his life, he wrote about his dissatisfaction with the situation in which he
found himself, forlorn and in abject poverty. A good example of the poetry of
this period is his Shikayat az Piri. This qasidah, like his other qasidahs, is unique in that it begins
with a simple introductory set of remarks in the form of a ghazal, dealing with the main theme
of the poem—old age. Mara
besudu foru rikht anchi dandan bud, Nabud
dandan labal chiraghi taban bud; Every
tooth, ah me, has crumbled, dropped and fallen in decay! Tooth
it was not, nay say rather, 'twas a brilliant lamp's bright ray;[37] Old
age is inevitable, he says. There is no reason, therefore, to look for
either Providence, or Saturn's curse, to blame it on. The
memories of the hours, days, and years that have resulted in one's old age
remain unchanged. Those memories are as vivid at the end of life as they were
when the Master of Time dealt them. Two things lingered in his imagination: the
beauties he took to bed and the wealth he squandered. Unfortunately,
Rudaki's diwan, even though comparatively smaller in size than those of others,
has not received the attention that it deserves. As Halimjan Za'irov clearly
states, there are instances in the diwan where a closer scrutiny would yield
better results than what is available today. This is not to deny the great work
of Sa'id Nafisi and many others. Nevertheless, Rudaki's scattered verses
deserve much more attention.[38] The study
of the poetry of Rudaki in the West has a relatively long and productive
history. It begins in the 19th century with Amede Jardin's 1814 work
entitled Iran, followed by Hammer Purgshtal's History of Persian Poetry in 1818, and Louis Liobo's Iran, which includes a biography of
Rudaki (1841). With the appearance of the German scholar Herman Ete's Rudaki:
the Poet of the Samanids (1873), the study of Rudaki enters a new phase. In his essay, Ete
culls Rudaki verses from 23 sources and provides translations for each. In
subsequent decades, Ete's work becomes the standard work for further study of
Rudaki. The
contribution of the French appeared in James Darmesteter's The Appearance of
Persian Poetry,
published in 1887. Darmesteter evaluated Rudaki's verses, gave him very high
marks, and called him the Homer of Iran. In 1890, the British author Charles
Pickering called Rudaki Iran's Chaucer and reminded his audience that at the
time that Rudaki contributed his masterpieces, Europe was passing through its
dark ages. In
the 20th century in the West, the American scholar Paul Horn's 1904 History
of Persian Literature is followed by William Jackson's The Ancient Poetry of Iran (1919). A most remarkable contribution
in the middle of the 20th century is, of course, Jan Rypka's The
History of Perso-Tajik Literature in Czech (1956), followed by an English translation, The
History of Iranian Literature in 1968. In
the East, contributions begin in the early 20th century with the
Urdu scholar Shibli Nu'mani's five-volume work entitled Shi'r ul-Ajam (1924), wherein he provides a
comprehensive view of Rudaki.[39]
This is followed in Iran by the three-volume contribution of Sa'id Nafisi
entitled, Life and Verses of Abu 'Abdullah Ja'far ibn Muhammad Rudaki. This work, completed during
the decade of the 1930's, provides the most comprehensive study of the life and
works of the poet. Other Iranian scholars who followed Sa'id Nafisi in
providing information on Rudaki are Hushang Mustawfi, Prominent Iranian
Poets (1934);
Rezazade Shafaq, History of Iranian Literature (1943); and Zabihullah Safa, History
of Literature in Iran (1955). In
Russia, A. Krimskii's History of Iran, Its Literature and Sufism, appeared in 1914, followed by
Tajikistan's Sadriddin Aini's Ustad Rudaki. Aini not only studied the poetry of Rudaki
but also investigated the circumstances of the poet's birth and death. He even
discovered the burial place of Rudaki.[40]
His findings resulted in a celebration of the anniversary of the birth of the
poet in Tajikistan in 1958. In 1960, E. Bertles examined the whole corpus of
Rudaki's work in light of the documents of the time.[41]
The literary historian Abdulghani Mirzoev, who has published a number of
articles and treatises on the poet, has also contributed a great deal to our
better understanding of Rudaki's life and times.[42]
Mirzoev's contributions include Rudaki wa Inkishafi Ghazal dar Sadahai Dah
to Panzdahi Miladi (Rudaki and the Discovery of Ghazal during the 10th to
the 15th Centuries) and Asari Rudaki (Rudaki's Works), both published in
1958.[43]
Rasul Hadizadeh's article regarding the most recent activitoes in Tajikistan
regarding Rudaki is also noteworthy.[44] The study of the works of Rudaki is an
ongoing event in the various countries of the Middle East. Rather than in
monographs, Raudaki's works appear in textbooks, letters, and journals in
Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Tunis.[45] Little
can be added to the body of literature on Rudaki other than stating that his
life took the trajectory that the lives of many of the poets of his generation
took—from poverty to riches and back to poverty. His assets were his
talent as a first-rate poet, good looks, eloquence in reciting his own superb
poetry, and the ability to accompany his recitations with his own musical
performance. His deficits included an allegation of Isma'ilism within a
triangle of power that led to the demise of both his patron and himself. His
contributions include some 1000 verses in almost all the genres, and his
inclusion in that poetry of a nearly complete prosodic scheme for future
Persian poets to follow. His Kalilah wa Dimnah remains a superb contribution in Iranian
and Islamic ethics. It would not be an exaggeration to assert that without the
foundation that Rudaki established for Iranian nationalism, and without the
urgency with which he prompted Iranians to return to their roots, phenomena
like the codification of the Khudainameh and the creation of Firdowsi's
monumental Shahname might not have happened.[46]
In fact, Ja'far Yahaqqi, who assesses the impact of Rudaki's verses on Persian
poets who followed him, states that Rudaki's influence on Khayyam was great
because Khayyam built upon the Iranian thought that was sustained by Rudaki.
Furthermore, he regards this influence to be cumulative. Rumi, he says, used
Iranian thought in a unique way
while Hafiz summarized it into what we recognize as his wisdom and rendi.[47] Selected
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(I. Bashiri, ed.), The International Borbad Foundation, Dushanbe, 2003. Ravandi, Murteza. Tarikhi Ijtima'ii Iran (A Social History of Iran), vols. I-VI,
Amir Kabir Publishers, 1969. Rypka, Jan. History of Iranian Literature, D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1968. Safa, Zabihullah. Tarikhi Adabiyyati Iran (History of Persian Literature), Tehran,
1988. Suleymani, Qahraman, "Chera Rudaki Buzurg Ast," Rudaki, vols. 8-9, 2005-06, pp. 5-6. Yahaqqi,
"Rudaki wa Khayyam," Rudaki, vols.
8-9, 2005-06, pp. 213-224. Za'irov, Halimjan, "Bahsi Piramuni Chand Bayti Rudaki," Rudaki, vols. 8-9, 2005-06, pp. 23-46. Zarrinkub, Abdul Hussein. She'ri
Bidrugh, She'ri Bineqab
(Truthful, Unmasked Poetry), Muhammad Ali Ilmi Publishers, 1968. [1] Safa, 1988, p. 371. [2] Ravandi, 1969, vol. 2, p. 235; Ghafurov, 1998, P. 614. [3] Suleymani, pp. 5-6. [4] Some scholars believe that Rudaki entered the Samanid court before the advent of Nasr ibn Ahmad II. See Anushe, 1997, p. 432. [5] See Lazard, 1975, pp. 595ff. [6] "One of his [Rudaki's] contemporaries from western Iran, Abu Hatim of Ray (d. 322/934), who wrote in Arabic but probably knew Persian, stated contemptuously: "What has recently been created in Persian by way of poetry is only talk without meaning, without titles and without usefulness: there is no divan among Persians", a remark which proves that the predecessors of Rudaki had not yet succeeded in bringing their work to the notice of literary circles and having it recognized as true literature." See Lazard, 1975, p. 618. [7] Middle Persian had only sixteen letters and used some of those in two or three different positions to convey some of the sounds. [8] Rypka, 1968, p 67. [9] Cf. Babaev, pp. 11-21. [10] This name is variously recorded as "al-'Anak" and "al-'Abak." [11] Patvazhak was originally used under
the Sassanians in reciting poetry accompanied by dutar, chang, barbat, 'ud,
tanbur, and rubab.
See Rajabov, 2003, p. 155. [12] See Ghafurov, 1998, p. 512. [13] For further details, see Anushe, 1979, p. 432. [14] See Browne, 2002, pp. 365-66. [15] See Dehkhuda, 1956, p. 123; see also Safa, p. 372; see also Isomatov, pp. 46-64 [16] Safa, 1988, p. 373. [17] Brazinskii, p. 432. [18] Ibid. [19] Rypka, for instance, agrees that Rudaki became blind later, but does not provide a cause. He asserts that on the basis of the fact that, according to Firdowsi, Kalilah wa Dimnah was read to him as he versified it. Rypka, 1968, p. 144. [20] Brazinskii, "Rudaki," Ensiklopediai Sovetii Tojik, vol. 6, P. 448. [21] Ravandi, 1969, vol. 2, pp. 227-28; see also Habibi, 1985, p. 874. [22] Rypka, 1968, p. 144. [23] Cf., Brazinskii, "Rudaki," Ensiklopediai Sovetii Tojik, vol. 6, P. 449. [24] Brazinskii, p. 450. See further below for explanation. [25] For a more complete account, see Habibi, 1985, p. 736. [26] It is related that when Rudaki was young, he owned 200 slaves and that 400 camels carried his baggage from Herat to Bukhara. [27] Aryanpur, 1973, pp. 71-72; see also Arberry, 1958, pp. 32-33; Browne, 2002, vol. 1, pp. 16-17. [28] Rypka, 1968, p. 145. [29] Rypka, 1968, p.574. For information on Ulughzoda, see Bashiri, 2002, pp. 362-63; See also Rahimov, p. 652ff.. [30] Hadizade, pp. 147-155. For information on Ulughzoda, see Bashiri, 2002, pp. 111-12. [31] Ajamoughli, www1.gcs.k12.al.us/~techblitz06/ppt/composers.ppt.
Downloaded January 30, 2007. [32] Safa, 1988, p. 378. [33] Anushe, 1997, p. 433; see also Mulloahmad, pp. 159ff. [34] At the present, about 120 bayts from the 12,000 original bayts are available. See Brazinskii, p. 450. [35] Zarrinkub, 1968, p. 265. [36] See Anushe 1997, p. 433. [37] Arberry, 1958, p. 35. [38] Za'irov, 2005-06, pp. 23-46. [39] For a comprehensive look at Nu'mani, see Rypka, 1968. [40] For more information, see Ghafurov, 1998, vols. 1-II, p. 512. [41] For a more comprehensive account, see Brazinskii, p. 452. [42] Rypka, 1968, p. 599. [43] For further information on Mirzoev, see Bashiri, 2002, pp. 195-96 [44] Hadizadeh, pp. 208-213. [45] For details, see, Karimian, pp. 87-99. [46] Cf., Mirshahi, pp. 296-301. [47] Yahaqqi, pp. 213-224. | |
Lament in Old Age
Reference: Arberry, 1972.
Every tooth, ah me! has crumbled, dropped and fallen in decay!
Tooth it was not, nay say rather, 'twas a brilliant lamp's bright ray;
Each was white and silvery-flashing, pearl and coral in the light,
Glistening like the stars of morning or the raindrop sparkling bright;
Not a one remaineth to me, lost through weakness and decay,
Whose the fault? ''Twas surely Saturn's planetary rule, long lapse of days;
No, the fault of Saturn 'twas not, not the long long lapse of days;
'What then?' I will answer truly: 'Providence which God displays.'
Ever like to this world is--ball of dust as in the past,
Ball of dust for aye remaineth, long as its great law doth last.
That same thing which once was healing, may become a source of pain;
And the thing that now is painful, healing balm may prove again--
Time, in fact, at the same moment bringeth age where once was youth,
And anon rejuvenateth what was gone in eld, forsooth.
Many a desert waste existeth where was once garden glad;
And a garden glad existeth where was once a desert sad.
Ah, thou moon-faced, musky-tressed one, how cans't thou e'er know or deem
What was once thy poor slave's station--how once held in high esteem?
On him now thy curling tresses, coquettish thou dost bestow,
In those days thou didst not see him, when his own rich curls did flow.
Where are the days when my tresses could make you run!
Time there was when he in gladness, happy did himself disport,
Pleasure in excess enjoying, though his silver store ran short;
Always brought he in the market, countless-priced above the rest,
Every captive Turki damsel with a round pomegranate breast.
Ah, how many a beauteous maiden, in whose heart love for him reigned,
Came by night as pilgrim to him, and secret there remained!
Sparkling wine and eyes that ravish, and the face of beauty deep,
High-priced though they might be elsewhere, at my door were ever cheap.
Always happy, never knew I what might be the touch of pain,
And my heart to gladsome music opened like a wide champaign.
Many a heart to silk was softened by the magic of my verse,
Yea, though it were hard as flintstone, anvil-hard, or even worse.
Ever was my keen eye open for a maid's curled tresses long,
Ever alert my ear to listen to the world-wise man of song.
House I had not, wife nor children, no, nor female family ties,
Free from these and unencumbered have I been in every wise.
Rudaki's sad plight in old age, Sage, thou verily dost see;
In those days thou didst not see him as this wretch of low degree.
In those days thou didst not see him when he roved the wild world o'er,
Songs inditing, chatting gaily, with a thousand tales and more.
Time there was when that his verses broadcast through the whole world ran,
Time there was when he all-hailed was, as the bard of Khurasan,
Who had greatness? Who had favour, of all people in the land?
I it was had favour, greatness, from the Saman scions' hand;
Khurasan's own Amir, Nasr, forty thousand dirhams gave,
And a fifth to this was added by Prince of Pure and Brave;
From his nobles, widely scattered, came a sixty thousand more;
Those the times when mine was fortune, fortune good in plenteous store.
Now the times have changed--and I, too, changed and altered must succumb,
Bring the beggar's staff here to me; time for staff and script has come!
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