1 See, for instance, Djalal Khaleghi Motlagh, 1983, pp. 553-559. In his discussion of Asadi's Garshaspname, Khaleghi points out that both Firdowsi and Asadi drew on the same or similar sources for their introductory remarks, especially in relation to the roles of Yazdan and knowledge (xirad) in creation. See also Mahmadaminov's "Abu al-Qasim Firdowsi in Sadriddin Aini's Investigation," in "Part Two" of the present volume. 1 2 Warner, vol. I, p. 100. 2 3 Warner, vol. I, p. 102. 3 4 Same as Qayomart, the cosmic man. 4 5 For a study of Gayomart and the myths related to him, see Yarshater, 1983, pp. 416-420. Same as Gayomart. The British spelling and the spelling of names in the Warner translation may differ somewhat from those in the narrative. 5 6 Warner, vol. I, pp. 118-119. 6 7 For a discussion of the "first man" and "first king" attributed to Hushang, Tahmuras, and Gayomart, See Yarshater, 1983, pp. 420-422. 7 8 Warner, vol. I, p. 126. 8 9 Warner, vol. I, p. 127. 9 10 Warner, vol. I, p. 131. 10 11 For a discussion of the four classes, see Darmesteter, vol. I, pp. xxxii-xxxiii. See also Yarshater, 1983, pp. 397-398, for the mu'bad's steadfast stand on keeping the hierarchy intact; see, 'Abbas, 1970, pp. 78-80. 11 12 Warner, vol. I, pp. 132-133. 12 13 Warner, vol. I, pp. 133-134. 13 14 Warner, vol. I, p. 133. 14 15 Warner, vol. I, p. 135. 15 16 Warner, vol. I, p. 139. 16 17 For a discussion of the development of the myths related to Azi Dahaka (Zahhak) and of the demon's eastern origins, see Yarshater, 1983, pp. 426-427. Firdowsi's version, which places Zahhak's origin in Babylonia, is a relatively new development. See also Eslami-Nodushan, 1985, pp. 131-148. 17 18 For a discussion of Fereydun, his rise to power, and his harnessing of Zahhak, see Eslami-Nodushan, 1985, pp. 149-172. 18 19 The land attributed to Salm is variously reported to be the European lands, the Semitic lands, or as Marquart understands it, the lands between the Aral Sea and the river Volga, i. e., western Central Asia. Salm's subjects are generally regarded to be uncivilized. Some consider the Medes among Salm's people. See Dehkhoda, Letter Sin. See also Yarshater, 1983, pp. 428-429. 19 20 Turan as opposed to Turkistan is the region geographically referred to as Dehistan and Iranshahr. Turan borders Tukharistan and Chitral in the south, Khwarazm and the Qibchaq Plain in the north, the Caspian Sea and Khurasan to the west and the greater Turkistan and Mongolia to the east. Arab geographers refer to it as Mawara al-Nahr (what rests beyond the river Amu Darya). The Greeks knew it as Transoxania. See Dehkhoda, Letter Te. 20 21 Warner, vol. I, p. 217. 21 22 Warner, vol. II, p. 19. 22 23 Tus and Gustaham are the sons of King Nawzar. Tus, a wayward champion, is not endowed with the kingly farr. We find him frequently at odds with the royal house and with the house of Gudarz. The latter is a staunch supporter of Kaykhusrau who wins the kingly glory in a contest against Tus. 23 24 Giv, the son of Gudarz, is one of the most loved heroes of the epic. He is credited with finding and bringing Kaykhusrau from Turan to grace the Iranian throne. For a detailed study of the house of Gudarz and its relation to the Parthian dynasty, see Yarshater, 1983, pp. 457-461. 24 25 See, A. Ahrarov's "Epic on the Screen," in "Part Two" of the present volume. 25 26 Same as Fereydun. 26 27 Same as Garsivaz. 27 28 Warner, vol. II, p. 195. 28 29 The name Rustam is listed neither among the Kavis of the Avesta, nor among lesser personages like Tusa and the sons of Vaeska. He might be a figment of Firdowsi's imagination, a replacement for a Kavi otherwise not mentioned, or a hero of the Sakian tribes immortalized in the Sistan chronicles. For Sam and his son, Zal, and the Sakian genesis of the eastern house, see Yarshater, 1983, pp. 453-457. See also Eslami-Nodushan, 1985, pp. 291-389. 29 30 The story of Siyavosh also appears in Nizam al-Mulk's Siyasatname (Book of Government), where the Wazir discusses the shortcomings of allowing women of the court to participate in the affairs of State. See Darke, 1962, pp. 242-245. For the role of women in the epic, see Eslami-Nodushan, 1985, pp. 119-128. 30 31 Warner, vol. II, p. 201. 31 32 Warner, vol. II, p. 203. 32 33 Warner, vol. II, p. 207. 33 34 Warner, vol. II, p. 208. 34 35 Warner, vol. II, p. 212. 35 36 Warner, vol. II, p. 220. 36 37 Warner, vol. II, p. 225. 37 38 According to the Hodud al-'Alam, Marvrud was a "pleasant and prosperous town situated at the foot of a mountain. It abounded in fruit, and the river of Merv skirted it (bar karan)," p. 105. Marvrud was also on the highway (shahrah) that passed Fariyab and Shapurgan (now Shabirqun) to Balkh, Hodud, p. 39. 38 39 A survey of the literature on Taliqan reveals three locations: Taliqan of Ray, Taliqan of Tukharistan, near Qunduz, and Taliqan of Khurasan or, more precisely, of Juzjanan. This latter seems to be the one meant by Firdowsi. It was three days journey from Marvrud in the direction of Balkh. The town fell to Chingiz Khan after a seven-month siege in 617 A.H. and was razed. It was never rebuilt. See Mir Abul Ghasemi, 1970, pp. 5-25. See also LeStrange, 1977, pp. 423-32. 39 40 Quotations in the body of the text are the present author's renditions of long passages in the original text. They will not be marked for reference. 40 41 Warner, vol. II, p. 236. 41 42 Warner, vol. II, p. 237. 42 43 Warner, vol. II, p. 241. 43 44 Warner, vol. II, pp. 242-243. 44 45 Warner, vol. II, p. 244. 45 46 Warner, vol. II, p. 248. 46 47 Warner, vol. II, pp. 248-249. 47 48 Warner, vol. II, pp. 249-250. 48 49 For the significance of covenant as explained in the Mihr Yasht, see Gershevitch, 1967, pp. 42. 49 50 Warner, vol. II, p. 250. 50 51 Warner, vol. II, p. 250. 51 52 Warner, vol. II, p. 252. 52 53 Warner, vol. II, p. 255. 53 54 Warner, vol. II, p. 255. 54 55 Warner, vol. II, p. 258. 55 56 Warner, vol. II, p. 258. 56 57 Warner, vol. II, p. 260. 57 58 Warner, vol. II, p. 263. 58 59 Warner, vol. II, p. 264. 59 60 Warner, vol. II, p. 268. 60 61 Warner, vol. II, pp. 273-274. 61 62 Warner, vol. II, p. 276. 62 63 Warner, vol. II, pp. 277-278. 63 64 Warner [amended] , vol. II, p. 285. 64 65 Warner, vol. II, pp. 296-297. 65 66 Warner, vol. II, p. 307. 66 67 Warner, vol. II, p. 310. 67 68 Warner, vol. II, p. 311. 68 69 Warner, vol. II, p. 312. 69 70 Warner, vol. II, p. 315. 70 71 Warner, vol. II, pp. 316-317. 71 72 Warner, vol. II, p. 317. 72 73 Warner, vol. II, p. 318. 73 74 For further study of the life of Siyavosh, see Eslami-Nodushan, 1985, pp. 173-224. 74 75 Warner, vol. II, p. 321. 75 76 Warner [amended] , vol. III, p. 17.
76 77 Same as Nairam. 77 78 Warner, vol. III, p. 18. 78 79 Warner, vol. III, p. 19. 79 80 By the time of Firdowsi, Central Asia had all but lost its importance as the center of Mazdian and Zoroastrian Iran. By that time, it seems, the western Iranian lands, identified with the Achaemenian and later Sassanian powers, had become increasingly prominent. 80 81 Warner, vol. III, p. 20. 81 82 Warner, vol. III, p. 21. 82 83 It should be noted that kin (vengeance) bred kin and that without vengeance to set a chaotic world right, justice could not rule. To Kaykhusrau, the murder of Siyavosh represented an impudent infringement of Ahriman on the most hallowed sanctuaries of his Creator. It represented a violation of his farr. It was not unusual, therefore, for him to seek assistance from his co-sufferer, his Maker, in this cosmic duel for restoring the reign of justice. 83 84 Note that Firdowsi does not consider language as a growing and changing part of the culture. He assumes that Pahlavi (i.e., Middle Persian) had been the language of Iran even in pre-Zoroastrian times. 84 85 Warner, vol. III, p. 22. 85 86 Warner, vol. III, p. 22. 86 87 Warner, vol. III, p. 24. 87 88 Warner, vol. III, p. 25. 88 89 Piran, the ever-present commander-in-chief of Turan, was in disgrace at the time of Kaykhusrau's preparations to invade Turan. Kaykhusrau, it should be mentioned, was the cause of this disgrace because Piran had facilitated his flight from Turan. 89 90 Dehkhoda (and other Persian sources) does not give this river a definite location. He merely identifies it with Turan and with the incident in the Shahname under discussion here. See Dehkhoda, Letter Kaf, Tehran, 1339.
Le Strange, while he does not mention either Kasseh Rud per se or relate his discussion to the Shahname, discusses a gorge in which the pile of wood to be set ablaze by Giv might have been: "One march north-west of Tirmidh, on the road to Kish and Nakhshab in Sughd, was the town of Hashimjird, a place of some importance in the 4th [10th] century, and two marches north of this the road passed through the famous Iron Gate.
"This defile in the mountains was described by the Chinese traveler, Hwen Thsang, who as a Buddhist pilgrim visited India in AD 629. The Arab geographers speak of a town here, and Ya'qubi names it the City of the Iron Gate (Madinah Bab-al-Hadid), of which he also gives the Persian form, Dar Ahanin." See Le Strange, 1977, p. 441.
Tirmidh is on the Amu Darya. The gorge, therefore, is three marches, north-northwest of Tirmidh.What other river than the Jeyhun or the Amu can Kasseh Rud be? Le Strange further observes that "with the Arabs, rivers were very commonly named from the great cities on their banks; hence the Amu Darya, the River of Amu, also was often called the Balkh River, although that city stands some miles distant from its southern bank."
Why cannot Kasseh be a corruption of Kath, the capital of Khwarazm through which the Amu flowed on its way to the Aral? The name is variously written in Persian with a te or a se (i.e., \¢" or ]¢" ). ÞŠ¢", therefore, could be a rendition of Þ†¢" . See Dehkhoda, Letter Kaf.
90
91 Warner, vol. III, p. 29. 91 92 Warner, vol. III, pp. 30-31. 92 93 For the life story of Farud and his relation to Piran, see Eslami-Nodushan, 1985, pp. 224-249. 93 94 Warner, vol. III, pp. 39-40. 19 95 Warner, vol. III, p. 40. 95 96 The site of this fortress is variously identified with Kalat-i Naderi, about thirty miles north of Meshed and with Kalat-i Ghilzai in southeastern Afghanistan. Neither of these locations fits Firdowsi's description. The former is the impregnable fortress that gave Alexander his share of difficulty (see, Engles, 1978, p. 88) and which Curzon considers "one of the most extraordinary natural phenomena in the world, and famous even in this land of mountain fastness and impregnable defiles for its inaccessibility and amazing natural strength" (Curzon, 1966, p. 113). This fortress, however, is not located on Sepid Kuh, the mountainous region southwest of Afghan Turkistan. Kalat-i Ghilzai is too far from Kasseh Rud and leads to the Punjab rather than to the Oxus and Sughd. This author believes that since Farud's fortification is not regarded a major fort-the Iranian army did not have a hard time capturing it-it is a qal'a somewhere on the Sefid Kuh between the fork beyond Herat where the traveler has to decide whether to cross the mountainous region of Afghan Turkistan to reach the Amu or enter the Qara Qum desert. Tus chooses the former. That he chooses this route in spite of his knowledge that it crosses many hills and dales further strengthens the argument that he took his army through northern Afghanistan in the direction of the Amu.
See also M. Aurel Stein, 1907; 1975, p. 37, where he attributes Tashqurqan to Afrasiyab. This stone tower is likely to have been the cite of Farud's castle, especially if Tus crossed the Oxus east of Tirmidh. Furthermore, the area described above has often been in Turanian hands while the other two locations have usually been in Iranian and other hands. 96 97 Warner, vol. III, p. 46. 7 98 Warner, vol. III, p. 50.
98 99 Warner, vol. III, p. 51. 99 100 Warner. vol. III, p. 58. 100 101 Warner, vol. III, p. 60. 101 102 Warner, vol. III, p. 62. 102 103 Warner, vol. III, pp. 71-72. 103 104 Warner, vol. III, p. 75. 104 105 Warner, vol. III, p. 78
105 106 Warner, vol. III, p. 80. 106 107 Warner, vol. III, p. 83. 107 108 Warner, vol. III, pp. 87-88. 108 109 Warner, vol. III, pp. 88-89. 109 110 Warner, vol. III, p. 94. 110 111 Warner, vol. III, p. 95. 111 112 Warner, vol. III, pp. 110-111. 112 113 Warner, vol. III, pp. 111-112. 113 114 Warner, vol. III, p. 112. 114 115 Warner, vol. III, p. 112. 115 116 Rustam's son, Suhrab, was killed at Rustam's own hand due to political intrigue and mistaken identity. Rustam never forgave himself for not recognizing Suhrab until it was too late to save the mortally wounded youth. 116 117 Warner, vol. III, p. 115. 117 118 Warner, vol. III, p. 116. 118 118 According to Dehkhoda, Shahd is the name of a mountain in eastern Iran, located between Kashmir, China, and the Indus River. It is also the name of a river that takes source at that range. See Dehkhoda, Letter Shin. The location of the Shahd River is of particular importance here because a major battle, the Hamavan, occurs in the vicinity of this river. We shall return to a discussion of this region later. 118 119 Warner, vol. III, p. 117. 119 120 Warner, vol. III, p. 118. 120 121 Warner, vol. III, pp. 120-121. 121 122 Warner, vol. III, p. 122. 122 123 Warner, vol. III, p. 123. 123 124 Black magic, divs, and dragons were a favorite of Iranian audiences in the past. Firdowsi, however, unlike those who succeeded him in epic composition, used such devices sparingly. Here, apparently, the chronicles dictated that the Iranian army must lose again. Firdowsi assures his reader that the loss has not been due to a lack of human effort on the side of his compatriots. For discussion of magic and the role of the divs in the epic, see Yarshater, 1983, p. 349. 124 125 Warner, vol. III, p. 132. 125 126 In spite of its importance for understanding Firdowsi's epic, the name Hamavan has received little attention. Dehkhoda, following Burhan-i Qati', provides the following: a mountain in Iran and, following Anjuman Ara, gives the following: a famous mountain from the Khurasan range where a major battle between Tus and the sons of the commander-in-chief of the Turanian army resulted in Tus' defeat. See Dehkhoda, Letter Heh.
Tus' first expedition failed because he had to cross the Amu and because he was marching directly on Sughd, Afrasiyab's domain. On this expedition, rather than turning left in the direction of Balkh and Tirmidh, Tus marched past Qunduz and Badakhshan to Shahd Rud and Hamavan.
We do not have a satisfactory location for either the river or the mountain. But what if like Kasseh Rud, Firdowsi is again using a universal attribute for the region? An appellation like ham-ab-an (where all waters take source) makes good sense here; three major rivers-the Amu, the Indus and the Tarim-take source here. Furthermore, the Pamirs, identified with the Shahd mountain is the logical place for an international confrontation. Three major cultures-Indian, Turano-Iranian, and Chinese-come together in this region. Aurel Stein, who surveyed the area in 1900, described it in this way: "[At 15,800 feet] I was close to the point where the drainage areas of the three great river systems of the Indus, the Oxus, and the Tarim meet, the representatives as it were of the still greater ethnic areas of India, Iran, and Turkistan. That the view from the height of the Kushbel Peak...simultaneously comprised the confines of British India, Afghanistan, Russia, and China, was the best illustration of the abiding influence which geographical facts must exercise over political developments even in this desolate region."
Describing the advantages of the Pamirs as a means of communication, Stein continues, "But it was only in the light of subsequent observations...that I fully realized the historical interest of the route which leads through this valley." See Stein, 1907, 1977, p. 22. For Wakhan/Wakhab and the four rivers that form the source of the Amu as it flows to the Aral Lake, see Le Strange, 1977, pp. 435ff. In addition, as we shall see, the battleground is not far from Khutan, where the Iranian army enters after it defeats the Khaqan of China. 126 127 Warner, vol. III, p. 134. 127 128 Warner, vol. III, p. 134. 128 129 Warner, vol. III, p. 142. 129 130 Warner, vol. III, p. 144-145. 130 131 Warner, vol. III, p. 150. 131 132 Warner, vol. III, p. 151. 132 133 Warner, vol. III, pp. 152-153. 133 134 Warner, vol. III, pp. 155-156. 134 135 Warner, vol. III, p. 161. 135 136 Warner, vol. III, p. 164. 136 137 Warner, vol. III, pp. 164-165. 137 138 Warner, vol. III, p. 166. 64 139 Warner, vol. III, p. 175. 139 140 Warner, vol. III, p. 181. 140 141 A native of the Sistan province. 141 142 Warner, vol. III, p. 183. 142 143 It should be noted that Piran is not describing Afrasiyab's physical might, rather that even his sorcery had been ineffective against Rustam. 143 144 Warner, vol. III, p. 214. 144 145 Warner, vol. III, pp. 219-220. 145 146 Warner, vol. III, p. 230. 146 147 Warner, vol. IV, p. 10. The "night attack" refers to the story of "Bizhan and Manizheh." In that story, Rustam disguised as a merchant enters Khutan, saves Bizhan from Afrasiyab's prison and attacks the Turanian king's palace by night. Afrasiyab escapes unharmed. 147 148 Warner, vol. IV, p. 14. 148 149 Warner, vol. IV, p. 14. 149 150 Warner, vol. IV, p. 22. 150 151 Warner, vol. IV, p. 29. 151 152 The appearance of an interpreter is unusual for this stage of the development of the events. Both sides knew each other's language and had had no need for such help. Since this device is used only in this episode, it is possible that Firdowsi has used some of the tactics of his time, when Turks and Persians had to communicate through interpreters. 152 153 Warner, vol. IV, p. 50. 153 154 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 56-57. 154 155 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 59-60. 155
156 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 145-146. 156 157 Built by Jamshid and the capital of Afrasiyab, Baikant is reported to have been in the vicinity of Bukhara. See Dehkhoda, Letter Be. Firdowsi, however, places Baikant beyond Chach, somewhere between the Syr Darya and the Issy Kul in Kharlukh country. 157 158 Refers to the region beyond the border of Chach. See, Dehkhoda, Letter Kaf. 158 159 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 152. 159 160 Warner, vol. IV, p. 157. 160 161 Warner, vol. IV, p. 159. 161A>
162 Warner, vol. IV, p. 161. 162 163 Warner, vol. IV, p. 161. 163 164 Warner, vol. IV, p. 166. 164 165 Warner, vol. IV, p. 168. 165 166 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 169-170. 166 167 Warner, vol. IV, p. 173. 167 168 Apparently the name of a town that no longer exists, Gulzarriyun has given its name to the Syr river that, according to Le Strange, at some point passed through it: " In the 8th [14th] century, according to Mustawfi, the Mongol population of these parts knew it [i.e., the Syr Darya] under the name of Gil-Zariyan." See, Le Strange, 1977, p. 476. 168 169 Warner, vol. IV, p. 187. Dehkhoda places Bihisht Gang, also referred to as Gang Dezh, in the region of Khwarazm. See Dehkhoda, Letter Be. The Bundahishn, however, speaks of a fort located in the east. Firdowsi places the fort beyond Gulzarriyun, itself beyond Chach. The present author believes that this fort must be viewed in the context of the developments of the Indo-Iranian, Iranian, and Turanian cultures. Originally, somewhere on the headwaters of the Ganges, the fort was the location from which Evil invaded the Indo-Iranian lands. During the conflicts of Iran and Turan, the location was moved to areas closer to Khutan. By the time of Firdowsi, it seems, it no longer had a particular location; it had an orientation-northeast. Firdowsi placed it in Khallukh country. The importance of Gang Dezh, whether in Jerusalem, Babylon, on the Ganges or in Khallukh country rests in the fact that it is the place from which Evil issues and chaos begins. 169 170 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 191-192. 170 171 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 202-203. 171 172 Warner, vol. IV, p. 208. 172 173 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 208-209. 173 174 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 213-214. 174 175 Warner, vol. IV, p. 215. 175 176 Warner, vol. IV, p. 216. 176 177 Warner, vol. IV, p. 219. 177 178 Warner, vol. IV, p. 243. 178 179 The Russian edition prefers the verse in brackets to the one citing Khuzan and Taliman. 179 180 Warner, vol. IV, p. 255. 180 181 In the Avesta, the Hankana (cf., Hang) is an impregnable subterranean pleasure palace built by Afrasiyab. Possibly related to the abode of Ahriman from where he launches his assaults on the kingdom of Good, the Hang is located in the east of Iran rather than in Barda', in the west where Firdowsi locates it. 181 182 Hum is a reference to the god Haoma who drags Frangsiyana along in the seas and brings him to the lake Chaechasta (read Lake Urmia) for Kaykhusrau to execute. Cf., Yarshater, 1983, p. 441. 182 183 Warner, vol. IV, pp. 272-274. 183 184 Warner, vol. IV, p. 285. 184 185 Warner, vol. IV, p. 288. 185 186 Warner, vol. IV, p. 289. 186 187 Warner, vol. IV, p. 302. 187
