The Zapatista Movement

By Nathan Harrington

Please note: This paper was written in the spring of 1998 and does not address the many developments of the past seven years. For more up-to-date information, see the Mexico Solidarity Network and flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico.html. Those able to read Spanish will want to visit Ya Basta! and Chiapas Indymedia


On January 1, 1994, in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas, a small political group made a desperate cry for dignity, democracy, liberty and justice for itıs people in the face of five hundred years of oppression, lies, assimilation and poverty. This group is called the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) and they represent the American Indian decedents of the Mayans, which make up the majority of Chiapans. As they continue to struggle, the ruling elites of Mexico consider them a threat to national security, and give no more then lip service to honoring their demands. In a country currently experiencing itıs worst recession since 1932, the Zapatistas reveal the flaws of free trade and current political systems of the region and represent the needs and hopes of not only themselves but many of the worldıs impoverished, oppressed and indigenous peoples.

The location is Chiapas, the southern most state in Mexico. The capital of Chiapas is the town of Tuxla. The state boarders Guatemala, the Pacific ocean and several other Mexican states. There is a vast range of geography within Chiapas, including mountains, highlands, jungle and desert. Chiapas is Mexico's poorest and least modernized state, with many of it's people living in extreme poverty. They mostly work as farmers, producing corn, coffee and live stock. Due to circumstances far beyond their control, they have been suffering economic losses for years while others benefit from their toils. But another, much smaller segment of the population, found mostly in the cities, is very rich. In rural villages, Chiapans live in one room huts, without electricity, running water, telephones or paved roads. One Zapatista supporter put it this way,

"Everything is in the hands of a few; the majority of people in the world arenıt getting a basic share. Yet the supply is there. Itıs the same in the U.S. Some people in my family are currently dependent on welfare, but even that subsidy is about to be cut. We face the choice of continuing to live as we are now or changing." ( Reiss-Koncar, 1998) As in most of Latin America, the Catholic Church profoundly influences daily life in Chiapas. (Harrington, 1998)

The name Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) goes back to the Mexican peasant revolution of 1910, which lead to the writing of a new constitution. The leader of that revolution, Emiliano Zapata, is the primary source of the EZLN's inspiration and ideology, and for this reason they adopted his name. The call themselves an "Army" because they bear arms; yet they have not fired a shot except in self-defense since the 1994 revolt in which they forcefully took control of four of the largest towns in Chiapas. In this uprising 145 people, both federal soldiers and Zapatistas lost their lives. The "for National Liberation" expresses that they are not separatists, but rather that they seek to promote liberty and justice for all the people of Mexico. The Zapatistas demand food, land, education, cultural rights and free and fair elections. They do not seek independence for Chiapas, only a voice in the Mexican government and the negotiation and effective implementation of a peace and cultural rights accord. They also want freedom to use their own traditional governing systems on the local level, as opposed to standard elections. As for federal elections, the votes of people in Chiapas are believed to have been controlled and influenced in favor of the ruling party for decades because of their isolation.(Snyder, 1998) (Harrington, 1998) An EZLN pamphlets asks,

"Why do we work all year and end up with a loss? Why are we loosing our land? Why is profiting from our hard labor?" (Reiss-Koncar, 1997)

The current situation in Chiapas is nothing new; it is rooted in the events of the last 500 years. Anadel Snyder, an American cultural anthropologist who have lived in Mexico for over 40 years and has studied the Zapatistas said this: "It's a repeat of what's been going on for so long. The problems are the same and the same methods of oppression are being used." The indigenous peoples who represent the impoverished majority in Chiapas are the decedents of the Mayan empire which flourished between aprox. O-900 A.D. ? In 1516, the Spanish Conquistadors landed in Mexico and conquered it, defeating the Indians in massive battles. As colonization progressed, the Indians were used as slaves, converted to Catholicism and relocated. The oppression of the natives continued after Mexico won it's Independence in 1821. A Zapatista commander explained the status of the native Mexicans through history like this, "You must understand that in Mexican Society, we have always been the forgotten ones, the ones without faces. Now that weıve put on masks, we finally have faces" (masks are a Zapatista trade mark). (Reiss-Koncar, 103)

In 1910 Emiliano Zapata lead the infamous Mexican revolution that lead to a new constitution. Article 27 of this constitution benefited the Indians because it redistributed unused land to farmers. This article however was dismantled by President Salinias in 1992 and Chiapan farmers were denied title to land. This was done in order to open the door for transnational corporate purchases, promoted by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This helped to inspire the 1994 Zapatista revolt which took place on the day NAFTA took effect. The term "neoliberalism" is not widely used in U.S. Politics, but is used in Mexican politics to refer to conservative, probusiness, pro-U.S. "free trade" policies. The Zapatistas refer frequently to neoliberalism as their enemy. The villages of Chiapas have a long standing tradition of sharing and passing down land within their communities and families, a cultural tradewark now jeopardized by outside ownership and military occupation.

Since the 1994 revolt, the ruling P.R.I. government, and since 2000 the National Action Party (PAN) administration of President Vicente Fox, has been blamed the current tensions on the Zapatistas. The government admits that it is pursuing the rebels and their supporters as a terrorist threat, but say they are doing so with great regard for human rights, a claim contradicted by the testimony of hundreds of international observers and the investiagations of international human rights organizatons. With large military installations within immediate striking distance of 80% of Zapatista supporting communities, there is strong evidence that the federal government and the Chiapas state government (which remains under P.R.I. control) have been directly and indirectly responsible for massive raids of villages, ambushes on rebel leaders, unjust arrests, imprisonments, torture and massacres of innocent peasants. Nearly 60,000 federal troops now occupy Chiapas, with many more in surrounding states. In addition to intimidation tactics, the P.R.I. campaign to down-play the suffering in Chiapas, discredit the Zapatistas and deter media coverage and keep foreign observers out of Chiapas. In 1998 alone over a hundred of Americans, Canadians and Europeans staying in Mexico on tourist visas have been deported and forbidden to return to Mexico because they were believed to be involved in Pro- Zapatista activities and drawing international attention to the conflict. The PRI is also using food and health care as weaponry to strangle the Zapatista movement. Food and supplies will sit in Warehouses that require permits for all buyers, and permits are reserved for those affiliated with the PRI.

In what was probably the most tragic and shocking incident since the 1994 revolt, 46 unarmed Tzotzil Indian peasants were shot while praying in a Church near the town of San Christobal de Las Casas. The peasants, although not formally affiliated with the Zapatistas were member of a small peaceful group called Las Abejas, which is sympathetic to the Zapatistas. They were shot with Ak-37ıs and cut up with machetes. As the news reached all of Mexico and the world, where Zapatista support has been growing, people reacted with shock and outrage. Mexican president Ernesto Zedillo called it ³an absurd criminal act² and said "There is no cause, no circumstance, that could justify this action." But many knowledgeable sources, including several survivors of the murderous attack say it was Zedillo and his political comrades who masterminded this and other such attacks. Javier Parez told the Associated Press "Some were wearing ski masks and others red handkerchiefs over their faces, but we knew who they were. "They were local PRI members from Acteal and Chimix." He offered up a list of ten names off the top of his head. Anadel Snyder, an expert of Mexico and the Zapatistas says she believes without a doubt that the PRI is paying paramilitaries to intimidate and eliminate Zapatista sympathizers. (Buckley, 1997)

February 16, 1998 was the second anniversary of the San Andreas Accord of 1996, between the Zapatistas and the ruling federal government. This accord was the result of over two years of on and off negotiations between the two groups, and itıs original version contained some partial concessions to Zapatista demands, and was seen as an important first step to peaceful change. But in the two years since the signing of the Accord, the people of Chiapas have seen little or no solid results and the P.R.I. has made it clear that it feels no obligation to implement the accords. In fact, Zedillo has essentially erased them, in favor of possible future renegotiation. Although there is an abundance of information available in the United States on issues surrounding Mexican politics and the Zapatista movement, there is little about the rebel guerrillas themselves. This may be because the Zapatistas are largely incognito for safety reasons. Their strongholds are located deep in the jungles and highlands of Chiapas and they wear masks over their faces when ever they may appear in public. Their most important and well know leader is known as Subcomandante Marcos. Marcos has tried to keep his previous identity and history unknown, but experts are all but certain that he is Mestizo (of mixed Spanish and American Indian ancestry) and was formerly a professor of Sociology and Philosophy at the Metropolitan University of Mexico City who disappeared around 1990. Marcos is a well known figure in Mexico and his essays and poems, as well as videos of him speaking about politics are in circulation in the cities of Mexico. In 1995 when President Ernesto Zedillo took office, one of his first greetings was reportedly a telegram from Subcomandante Marcos that read simply "Welcome to the Nightmare." It is said that Zedillo then burst into a wild rage. (Reiss-Koncar, 1998)

The Zapatista movement spans far beyond to actual armed Guerrillas in Chiapas. One supporter said, "Thereıs a full-scale war going on. The indigenous communities here need world support. They need young people worldwide to back them up." ( Reiss-Koncar, 1998) The movement now includes hundreds of nonprofit organizations, writers, poets, artists, theater groups and musicians. One militant rap/hard rock group that gives their all to spread the word is Rage Against the Machine, lead by Zapatista fanatic Zack de la Rocha. A significant portion of their album "Evil Empire" 's lyrics and proceeds go toward the Zapatistas. Their songs "People of the Sun" and "Wind Below" make specific reference to this issue. Here are two sets of lyrics relating to the Zapatistas.

"Yes, the rebels of the grains stand masterless, the masked ones cap one NAFTA, coming with the new disaster. Yes, were in with the wind, and the plans of Ayala kin are coming back around again. The slave driver Saliva, one night power turns, then devils mouths dry and Mexico burns. Here they come, one by one, killers of the new frontier, to occupy, weıre lost in fear. We are the Wind Below." - Wind Below from Evil Empire (Epic Records)

"Since 1516, minds attacked and overseen, now crawl amidst the ruins of this empty dream. Theyıre boarders and boots, on top of us, pulling knobs on the floor of their toxic metropolis. So are you going to get what you need to get when the gut eaters, blood drenched get offensive like tet? When the fifth sun sets, get back, Reclaim! The spirit of Chahtemoc, alive and untamed. Face the funk now, blasting out of your speaker, on the one, Maya, Mexica. The vultures came and tried to steal your name, but now youıve found a gun! This is for the People of the Sun!" - People of the Sun

As you can see, the issues discussed here have a place in Music and entertainment. These lyrics were written in the 1990s, but how will lyrics about these same issues be different in the future? In light of the history, the current situation, the demands of the Zapatistas, the stance of the government and world support, what will the future bring for these issues? That is impossible to forecast when such a complex, chaotic and unstable region is concerned. It seems likely things will get worse before they get better, as they have for the last 500 years. It also seems likely that the Zapatistas will make progress with millions in Mexico and worldwide behind them. One thing is almost for sure: the indigenous people of Mexico will never give up their quest for dignity, democracy, peace and justice. With each generation, their frustration, pride, resilience and hope for the future grows stronger. Young Zapatistas are proud to tell the world that in their ancient Mayan languages, there is no word for "surrender". (Reiss-Koncar, 1998)

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