Overseas Chinese in Vietnam and Thailand

Throughout Southeast Asian history, overseas trade has greatly contributed to the development of nations into the places that we now know today. As the locomotive of regional economies, a network of trade and services had developed in order to facilitate their growth. Dealing mainly in natural resources and, all the while being supported by local governments, overseas Chinese were found at the center of Southeast Asian trade. Based on Confucian bureaucratic practices which emphasizes inherited familial ties and the willingness to pursue jobs that were otherwise deemed unwholesome or laborious, the overseas Chinese were able to gain a foothold in regional economics which resulted in political influence. Consequently, the Chinese were able to gain a status that elevated them from the masses, while also becoming the focus for hatred. All in all, the overseas Chinese have had a love/hate relationship within their regions: one that built local economies and filled government treasuries, while also becoming the focus of discrimination and instruments to be abused. This relationship can by typified throughout the histories of both Thailand and Vietnam.

Chinese Expansion
Historically, the Chinese influence in both these regions began early at about 100 B.C.E. (Murphey, 102) Migrating almost exclusively from the southern coastal provinces of China (Yunnan to Guang-Dong), and quite possibly from Tibet as well, a southern route along the Mekong River was followed. Although ethnically related to the Mons, the Chinese migrants, commonly regarded as Khymers, founded the kindom of Funan in the first century C.E. By about the third century, Funan was able to have gained control over what is now southern Vietnam, east and central Thailand, northern Malaysia, and southernmost Burma. However, despite the power gained by the Khymer-Chinese, not all migrant Chinese were able to achieve success. By about 800 C.E. they were displaced as the dominant inhabitants by Burmans in Burma, and by the Thais of Thailand in about 1100 C.E. (Murphey, 100) As a result, the earlier inhabiting Chinese were either assimilated or became minorities and pushed up into the hills. However, as time would tell, sea trade enabled these overseas Chinese to come to the forefront as China sought tributary states from abroad.

By as early as the second century B.C.E., knowledge of the main trade routes that linked China with the rest of the world (i.e. South China, South-East Asia, central Asia, and the borders of India and Iran) was gained through the expeditions of Chang Ch'ien. (Gernet, 120) Ch'ien, whom ventured west of Central Asia in 139 B.C.E. in order to find allies against the Hsuing-nu whom raided China's borders, revealed an interest in the commerce of Chinese silks by the lands he visited. However, more importantly and related to Southeast Asia, was the surprising discovery of bamboo and cloth that had originated from Burma and was transported to Central Asia via Szechwan and the Canton region. (Gernet, 130) As a result, the Han emperor launched expeditions into Yunnan in order to control the routes of trade in that region, thus creating a link for future commerce and expansion into Southeast Asia. With this ever-increasing network of communication, the Han court instigated an official form of trade through tribute. This tribute which involved "international" exchanges of goods intended to strengthen political links with its neighbors often included gifts of great wealth in order to bribe their favor and provoke dissension among their enemies. (Gernet, 131) For the tributary states, the incentive to join this system was that it allowed access to China's great wealth, a wealth that was seen as the personification of an advanced culture. As a result, among these official envoys, and unable to ignore the potential of obtaining great wealth, private trading occurred as merchants slipped into caravans destined for foreign lands. (Gernet, 131) As a by-product of these merchants, the creation or strengthening familial links when arriving at their destinations created the blossoming of overseas Chinese communities due to this tributary system. By the time of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), private trade was predominantly Chinese run and far out-weighed official exchange of tribute and gifts. (Steinberg, 53) However, not all overseas Chinese were opportunistic merchants as internal rebellions, famine, and oppressive governmental policies caused mass migrations in order to obtain a better life elsewhere. Destitute farmers, fugitives from rebel regimes, ambitious children of large families whom saw little opportunity in advancement in society, traveled to Canton or Macao as points of debarkation to set off to three main destinations: the Caribbean, Indonesia, and Southeast Asia. (Spence, 210)

Overseas Roots
Emigration to Southeast Asia was the cheapest and easiest to do as many of these new settlers came from Fujian or the Canton delta region, creating local community bonds that clustered together and supported each other. (Spence, 211) In order to support themselves, these migrants settled into rice-farming or fishing communities, and/or into retail and commercial businesses. Because of the ample room for their enterprises, some Chinese were so successful that they branched into ventures in tin mines, rubber plantations, and shipping. (Spence, 211) As a result, overseas Chinese would become the most widespread and important group in international trade. Some of the reasons why the Chinese were able to gain such success lay in their extended family organizations and kinship network that opened up resources to them. As well, the Chinese merchants were able to excel in trade due to their indifference as to whom they did business with (i.e. Europeans, Arabs, and Indians), a contact that Southeast Asian governments wished to insulate their citizens from. (Steinberg, 58) However, the main reason lay in the advantage of their Chinese heritage which enabled them to act as middlemen between Southeast Asian governments and China. Because of this, overseas Chinese were given great mobility and were unhindered from compulsory labor, all the while gaining political elite backing as interests were heavily invested in them. As a result, there became a South China Sea network of trade that spanned from two routes: the "eastern" route that involved the Phillippines and Indonesia, and the "western" route that included Malaysia, Siam, and Vietnam. (Steinberg, 53)

Overseas Roots in Vietnam
Historically Vietnam has shared many of the basic values of Chinese culture: a chinese-style calendar, a form of script adopted from Chinese characters, similar types of food and dress, the practice of Buddhism and Confucianism, and the basic outline of bureaucratic organization. (Spence, 118) Prior to becoming a tribute state, Vietnam gained much of its Chinese influence around the third century B.C.E., as a rogue Chinese general, Trieu Da, defeated the Viets whom were Mongoloid by descent and had settled in the Red River Delta. As a result, Trieu Da reorganized this territory formerly known as Au Lac into one state and proclaimed himself as emperor of Nam Viet, Land of the Southern Viet, in 208 B.C.E. (Karnow, 99) A century later, the Han Dynasty (202 B.C.E - 9 C.E.) would annex Nam Viet into a Chinese province under the name of Giao Chi. (Rutledge, 73) With this annexation, China integrated the province by creating administrative districts under military governors whose civilian administrators would instill Confucian bureaucratic concepts that stressed respect for authority. (Karnow, 99) As well, there was the creation of schools to spread the Chinese language and the inclusion of the Civil Service Exam to facilitate the appointment of positions in the bureaucracy. The introduction of the plow and draft animals, and the building of roads, ports, canals, dikes, and dams in order to exploit the land of its resources were also Chinese contributions. As a result, the Vietnamese, whom have gained much from the Chinese, have had a combination of respect, dislike, and fear towards them. Because of this, the Vietnamese have had a sentiment of wanting to be "better Chinese than being Chinese", all the while defining what is distinctly "Vietnamese" and not "Chinese" in fear of losing their identity. (Leibo, 179) From this mentality, it is no wonder that after the collapse of the T'ang Dynasty in the early 10th Century, the Vietnamese broke away from direct rule, opting instead for the status of tributary state which would last until they were conquered by the French in the late 19th Century. (Leibo, 179)

Historically Vietnam and China have had a relationship characterized by friction. At times, this friction was such that open hostility was shown and oftentimes directed towards Vietnam's overseas Chinese community. Currently, the Chinese in Vietnam are largest minority group and are quite distinct from other minorities, in that, they have maintained their identity while living there. This trend, which has long been established in the past, was maintained, as aforementioned, through the building of their own schools, the continuation in the use of the Chinese language, and the living in their own communities which were isolated from the rest. (Rutledge, 50) Because of their distinctiveness, it is no wonder that the historic mistrust towards the Chinese can be aimed at this group. However, it was not solely the distinctiveness of the overseas Chinese that caused the focus of hatred, for it also lay in the success and dominance they held in commercial activity.

Confucianism, which was imported from China early in its history, emphasizes proper relations, scholarly pursuits, humanity and ethics, as well as, an outline for bureaucratic dynamics, is one of the main guiding philosophies to shape the social order of the Vietnamese people. However, in this philosophy there is a hierarchy of occupations, a hierarchy that held scholars at the top of the social ladder and merchants at the bottom. As a result, Chinese immigrants, who in order to survive and succeed in their new environment, were able to advance in economic endeavors, as they would fill roles in society that Confucianism frowned upon (i.e. commercial activity). During the period of French colonial rule in the 1850's and onward, Chinese settlement was encouraged because they knew that Chinese businessmen could play a commercial role which no one else in the colony (French or Vietnamese) was equipped for. (Osborne, 108) There was the lacking of training and expertise, capital and an understanding of a cash economy by the locals, aspects of which the Chinese were able to circumvent. Even if capital was not possessed by a man of ability, family or clan connections oftentimes provided the funds, of which, his knowledge in the workings of a cash economy enabled him in a venture of vending goods and, as well, a broad range of businesses. (Osborne, 108) Money lending or the selling on credit were just some of the dynamics involved, of which, oftentimes reached into farming spheres where trade was made on a share of their crop. As a result, it is easy to see why resentment towards Chinese merchants could be held as they could be seen as an oppressive figure. However, not all Chinese were successful merchants as a large proportion of the Chinese immigrants served as coolies. Working for low wages and doing hard and physically demanding work, many overseas Chinese lived and died under a harsh environment. As well, apart from the upper ranks of their commercial Chinese brethren, were those whom worked as market gardeners, kitchen hands, carpenters, and as clerks. (Osborne, 108) As a result, success in business and access to great wealth was not universal for all Chinese immigrants, a perception that is often misconstrued of them.

Chinese Roots in Thailand/Siam
Like Vietnam, the Thailand overseas Chinese community had migrated south from China along the Mekong River by or before 100 B.C.E. Spreading westward from Cambodia, the overseas Chinese were able to occupy the productive lowlands and floodplains of the Chao Praya (Menam) River, of which successive capitals were found. However, unlike the influential role of sinicization and Confucianism in Vietnam, Indian culture and Buddhism was welcomed in Thailand instead, especially since it came without any political objectives, ambitions, or strings. (Murphey, 100) Because of this, the emphasis was placed upon Indianization, as local rulers invited Indian administrative advisers and priests, as well as, philosophers, artists, and musicians. As a result, the overseas Chinese lived under precarious conditions, as they did not have the luxury of a heavy Chinese influence early in history. Emphasis was, instead, on either the assimilation of this community or, if unsuccessful, they were ostracized and pushed up into the hills or other regions out of sight. However, like in Vietnam, the overseas Chinese were able to come to the forefront as the emphasis on trade allowed them social mobility and involvement in political matters.

The Chinese Influence
Historically, the overseas Chinese community in Thailand has been so assimilated that most families had some Thai blood in them. Such was the case of most bureaucratic administrators, as Thai history would record prominent figures and even kings with some Chinese blood. Such was the case of King Thai Sa (1709-1733) and his Phrakhlang, Ministery of Treasure, and later, Tak Sin whom reunified Thailand after Burmese incursions.

During King Thai Sa's rule, a period named after its kingdom, Ayudhya, he and his leading Phraklang minister increased drastically its volume of trade with China. Dealing mainly in the exportation of Siamese rice, Chinese merchants were found at the center of this trade. (Hyatt, 127) However, such was not the case prior to Ayudhya, as trade was in the hands of Dutch traders and, all the while, being severely restricted by the Chinese government. As a result of the emphasis on trade, Chinese merchants were able to flourish as they entered into the service of the government and conducted trade on their behalf. (Wyatt, 127) Under the guidance of the Phrakhlang, the local Chinese community was integrated into the economic and social life of the capital. Such was the integration that the Phrakhlang ministry was virtually dominated by Chinese at all levels and the leading noble families was either Persian Bunnangs, Brahman family members, or Chinese. (Watt, 140) In 1727, the Chinese government almost completely opened South China ports to shipments of rice from Siam. As a result, trade bloomed, and all those involved with it prospered, including the Siamese court and the Phrakhlang with, of course, the help of the overseas Chinese.

Another prominent Chinese figure in Siamese history is Tak Sin whose father was Chinese and mother, Siamese. After the destruction of Adyudhya Kingdom in 1767, Thailand was in ruins as Burmese and Siamese noble families fought for political power throughout the region. Under Tak Sin, a brilliant military tactician and strategist, he was able to reunite Thailand through his leadership, courage, and vision. (Wyatt, 141) Seen as a man of merit, and supported by the Teochiu Chinese trading community of Thonburi due to his paternal relations, Tak Sin was able to reunite Thailand three years after the fall of Adyudhya. However, this feat would not have succeeded if not for the contribution of the Teochiu, as they provided provisions and goods required for warfare and for building his fledgling state. (Wyatt, 141) Unfortunately, Taksin's rule would be marred as he became increasingly cruel, believing himself to be a god. For the betterment of the state, Taksin would be replaced on April 6, 1782 by King Ramathibodi. (Wyatt, 145)

Chinese Perseverance
As you can see, the Chinese community, after its initial seclusion, became heavily integrated and involved in Siamese politics. The Chinese minority had independent wealth and social or vocational positions outside the civil bureaucracy, and as a result, their power lay mainly in the influence that they held, and not in political postings. However, like Vietnam, not all overseas Chinese had success in commercial endeavors. Chinese laborers were hired for such tasks as canal construction and any other type of unpaid corvee labor which the Siamese were unwilling to do. (Wyatt, 218) A majority of Chinese immigrants were young, single males, and took Siamese wives, and as a result, their assimilation was high, as their children would grow up with Siamese as their first language. However, one main reason as to why some of the later generations were to be well represented in the bureaucracy is due to the Sino-Siamese offspring acceptance of educational opportunities. As well, this Chinese and Sino-Siamese community would be overwhelmingly urban, and in close collaboration with Western enterprise, in which their success would lay upon. With the expanding rice-export economy, modernization would be built upon the overseas Chinese, as the Siamese would pursue more traditional occupations as rice-farmers, government officials, or as monks. (Wyatt, 218) Literally, the Chinese would build the modern sector as they constructed the railways and bridges, dug the canals, and erected the government offices and shop buildings to facilitate trade. Either independantly or as the employees of Western firms, banks, warehouses, rice mills, barge lines, and brokerage firms, the overseas Chinese would develop the network of institutions and services necessary to make the rice-export economy work, all of which, developed into the modern sector. (Wyatt, 218) However, as in Vietnam, this economic success would lead to resentment by the Siamese mass, all of which became more pronounced as assimilation slowed due increased migration.

By the Fifth Reign (1910-1932) of the Chakri dynasty, the overseas Chinese population increased from 230,000 in 1825 to 300,000 in 1850, and 792,000 in 1910. Increasing from 5% to 9.5% of the Thailand's population, two-thirds of the overseas Chinese lived near or in Bangkok and at the head of the Gulf of Siam. (Wyatt, 223) The main reason for such a drastic increase in migration is due to the poverty and civil strife that plagued Southern China. These migrants, whom usually worked for Chinese employers only, would occupy jobs in the market sector and such occupations as agricultural laborers in sugar fields, porters, stevedores, and boatmen as well. Another reason or factor in the drastic increase of the overseas Chinese community lay in the rise of Chinese females migrating south. As a result of this increase, more pureblooded Chinese offspring would rise, all the while, causing the decline of Siamese-Chinese marriages and offspring, thus, causing a hindrance to assimilation. (Wyatt, 219) With this increase of the (non-assimilating) Chinese community, social problems would arise, as the cultural identity of the Siamese would be threatened. Even King Mongkut, half a century earlier, had foreseen this problem and took steps to circumvent Chinese dominance by signing the Bowing Treaty which gave trade concessions to the British. By signing this treaty, Mongkut consciously sacrificed Chinese enterprise, however, when faced with potentially being suppressed or subverted by the British, it was a risk he had to make. (Wyatt, 184) However, these concessions did not deter Chinese migration, as in 1932, Siam's Chinese population would reach its demographic peak at 12.2% of the overall population. Owing to the aforementioned increased migration of women, and coupled with the growth of Chinese education and the establishment of a Chinese language press, there became a heightened awareness of identifying with China and Chinese politics. (Wyatt, 237) As a result, the social problem of Siam's identity was still prevalent. However, things would change, as nationalism under the government of Luang Phibunsongkhram would sweep Siam and gravely threaten the livelihood of the overseas Chinese.

The Phibun Threat
Of all the people in Siamese history, Luang, or major, Phibunsongkhram, is one of only a handful to have definitely had an influence upon it. Born to a humble family near Bangkok on July 14, 1897, Phibun would rise through the ranks of the military since his inception at the age of twelve. (Wyatt, 252) After serving as the minister of defense in 1934, Phibun, whom controlled the popular press by censorship, and all the while using it as an avenue to add to his mystique, was able manipulate this advantage to become prime minister on December 26, 1938. (Wyatt, 253) Of Phibun's rule, one of his greatest contributions to Siamese history was the movement towards nationalism. However, an important aspect of nationalism is that it requires the people to find a common enemy or focus upon which would draw deep sentiment or resentment towards another group. In India, nationalism was founded upon independence from the British, in the Philippines, from the Spanish. In the case of Thailand, Phibun would find this enemy in the overseas Chinese community. Blaming the more prosperous Chinese for the frustratingly slow development of the countryside, a blame that was easily believed by the people due to the perception of the "usurious Chinese middleman and moneylender", Phibun rallied for a "Thailand for the Thai". (Wyatt, 254) Even in the name Thailand, Phibun would change it from Siam to that (Thailand) because the name itself had originated historically from others, while also signifying that Thailand belonged to the Thai and not to the economically dominant Chinese. (Wyatt, 253) As well, Phibun would further instigate anti-Chinese sentiment by adding to the awareness of the Siamese people of the large amounts of money that was remitted by the Chinese to their relatives in China, causing a significant drain on the Thai economy. (Wyatt, 254) However, one other factor that propelled anti-Chinese sentiment was the growth of Chinese nationalism in Thailand due to the Sino-Japanese War that began in 1937. As a result, overseas Chinese would boycott products of the Japanese, whom was a major trading partner, causing considerable harm upon both the Thai economy and Thai foreign relations. (Wyatt, 254) Such was the hatred and resentment towards the Chinese that in 1938, Luang Wichit, in a public lecture compared the Chinese in Siam to the Jews in Germany and proposed that Hitler's policies were worth considering. (Wyatt, 254) However, Hitler's policies were not instituted as it was more of a gauge of public sentiment, instead, most of the anti-Chinese policies created were aimed at limiting Chinese productiveness and wealth. In order to reclaim control over their own economy and society, Phibun would form a state corporation to compete with the Chinese in the rice trade, all the while having a monopoly on salt, tobacco, petroleum, and pork businesses. He introduced a new revenue code that sharply increased taxes on the commercial (i.e. Chinese) class, while adding a registration fee on all non-citizens. Chinese schools were also the focus of Phibun's anti-Chinese movement, as he would limit the use of the Chinese language to two hours a week, while all but one Chinese newspaper was closed down. (Wyatt, 254) During his second reign (1948-1957), Phibun had virtually halted Chinese immigration, all the while, renewing his endeavor to promote Thai business by restricting Chinese enterprises, while also clamping down on Chinese associations and schools, and imposing new controls on the press. All in all, the Chinese lived under precarious times during this period.

Conclusion
Throughout Southeast Asian history, the overseas Chinese have greatly contributed to the development of its nations. Creating economic centers of trade located mainly upon seaports, modernization and increased interaction with others can be attributed to the emphasis of trade, of which, the Chinese were at the center. However, the Chinese communities would represent a threat to these nations, as their presence caused social turmoil. As witnessed in Vietnam and Thailand, anti-Chinese elements would suppress these communities and even escalate to almost open hostilities. However, as time passed, the "Chinese problem" in Thailand would steadily decrease in importance, as the its population would increase only in relation to that of the overall population. For last three decades, no appreciable Chinese immigration occurred, while the proportion of Chinese nationals to Thai citizens had dropped from 3.7% of the total population in 1937 to 1.6% in 1960 and 0.9% in 1970. (Wyatt, 292) Because of Thai educational policy, Chinese speaking Thai whom identified themselves as Chinese also decreased. As for the advancement in society, the emphasis is now on a Thai education, Thai surnames, Thai language, and Thai marrying Thai arrangements. In Vietnam, assimilation was not as heavily a factor as the Cold War would lead to outright expulsion of many Chinese. (Kamm, 121) As well, during that period, the Vietnamese government would close their businesses and seize any wealth that they had. In 1975, many overseas Chinese were forced to carve out new lives in the so-called New Economic Zones of Vietnam which were, in reality, insalubrious wilderness areas. (Kamm, 120) During the Cold War, China claims to have received a quarter of a million refugees and an additional tens of thousands of others as boat people. As you can see, the overseas Chinese communities have had a love/hate relationship. On one hand, they were welcomed to develop their economy, on the other, because they prospered, they became a threat. As we enter the new millennium, the emphasis is, instead, on a global economy, as physical borders become blurred with the advent of increased communication. As a result, the overseas Chinese community has been lost in the numerous amounts of wealth seekers across the world, allowing them to prosper side by side with others as they are now part of the whole, a global community.