Democracy In China and Japan?

Throughout Asian history, there has been a natural, yet problematic, evolutionary process towards democracy. With the advent of a global economy and increased communication, westernization and its influences have spread throughout the world. With this increased exposure, the people of Asia cry out for more rights and freedoms that are commonly associated with the west. The freedom of speech, press, movement, and material well-being, the rule of law, and the freedom to choose and elect their government from multi-parties in order to reflect their concerns and how resources should be allocated, are just some of the issues demanded. Without these concerns addressed, true democracy cannot be achieved. In the case of China, which has sacrificed growth for equality, and to a lesser degree, Japan, which has adopted a façade of democracy to appear respectable, what is presented may not be for the betterment of the whole or appear to be as what it seems.

China: An Overview
China: An Overview In China, democracy has been hindered by a state in constant flux. Mired in the past and slow to change, the Chinese government has switched from a totalitarian to authoritative style of rule. The state has gone from revolutionary to developmental, and as well, an economy that was dictatorian to a regulated one. As a result China’s policy towards democratization has been highly problematic. Although claiming to be a “true?democracy on the premise that the rich in China do not control the poor, human rights do suffer as the individual is sacrificed for the betterment of the whole, an aspect of Communism.

Transition to Communism
Throughout Chinese history, the attitude towards governmental control can be characterized as mindless acceptance. Perhaps as a legacy of the days of tien-ming, Heaven’s Mandate, where rulers were subject to supernatural laws that kept the emperor righteous and in check, the Chinese have unquestionably relied upon officials to act on behalf of their best interests. Coupled with the brutal harshness of Legalism, a philosophy where non-compliance could result in cruel punishment (e.g. castration and strangulation), the Chinese have had a long history of subservience. With this in mind, it is no wonder how the people have endured over two thousand years of authoritative dynastic change and rule, beginning with the Ch’in Dynasty in 221 B.C.E.

Unified under Ch’in Shih Huang-ti, First Yellow Emperor, the Ch’in dynasty crushed all opponents and subjugated its people to regimentation and restrictive measures—the most severe in Chinese history, while also setting a trend in the limitation of civilian rights for generations to come. A prime example of the Legalist’s philosophy in action was the infamous book burning incident in 213 B.C.E.. Decreed by the emperor and carried out by his chief minister, Li Ssu, a prominent Legalist, all books, except those concerned with practical subjects (e.g. agriculture, medicine etc.), were to be burned in order to wipe out competing ideologies and connections to the past. (Morton, 47) Failure to comply would result in execution. Even with the passing of the Ch’in Dynasty, which lasted only for a short fourteen years due to peasant rebellions and imperial in-fighting, the Legalist code of statecraft was kept intact and hidden by a blanket of Confucianism

Under Confucianism (Han Dynasty and onwards), the peoples of China found a new sense of personal involvement as cultivation and refinement was emphasized. With this emphasis on learning, and based on Confucius?Five Classics, a new class of gentry was introduced and institutionalized during the Tang Dynasty through the Civil Service Exam. (Morton, 87) One of the features of the Civil Service Exam was that it created a venue for the people of China in obtaining government positions as it was written at the local level. As a result, successful examinees (after writing a further provincial and national exam) were dubbed the title of scholar-official, as they were posted to positions throughout China. They were relied upon to administer within the Confucian ethics of jen, humanity/benevolence. (Hook, 301) As a further aspect of Confucianism, the emphasis on human relations was stressed, forming a hierarchical set of relations based on the family structure (i.e. the father as head of the family, etc.). (Murphey, 76) This structure could also be applied to society as a whole, as the emperor was seen as the father and the people as its children. At the local level, the scholar-official would embody this authoritarian role. As a result of this pattern, the reinforcement of subservience could further be seen. Even with foreign conquerors, the Mongols (Yuan Dynasty, 1279-1368) and the Manchu (Qing Dynasty, 1644-1911), long periods of acceptance continued despite their preferential and biased rule. Ultimately, though not after at least a century of foreign rule each, both their dynasties would be overthrown, the most notable is the rebellion of October 10, 1911, marking the end of the empire and the beginning of the Republic of China.

On October 11, 1911, the people of China revolted against Manchu rule as each of the provinces declared independence. (Murphey, 316) Led by the vision of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, a sense of nationalism was found as they had a common enemy in their foreign dictators. With the declaration of a new republic, China became a nation for the Chinese. With a promising future, a movement towards modernization began. However, there were no true political parties, as a brutal military general, Yuan Shi-kai, usurped political control through force, bribery, and intimidation, despite national elections that found the Kuomingtang party in control. (Murphey, 317) Declaring himself president for life in 1915, Yuan had created chaos and divisions throughout the land as disgruntled military men and revolutionaries sought their own support. With the death of Yuan a year later, these divisions would intensify as peasant armies and local warlords controlled the provinces, all the while furthering revolutionary endeavors. (Murphey, 341) With the absence of a strong central government and, as well, through civil wars, poverty continued to rise as warlords demanded more taxes to support their armies. With the death of Dr. Sun Yat-sen in 1925, who had returned to assume political control of the Kuomingtang after fleeing to Japan, his successor, Chiang Kai-shek faced little success. When presented with the problem of reunifying China, Dr Sun’s dream of a representative government died with him as well, as his successor perceived the use of force as necessary in order to pacify the people. Little did he know that this would further ostracize him from the masses, while also adding to the fervor towards a new political party.

The Communist party, which was led by Mao Zedong, was a rag tag army of peasant soldiers. Despite many defeats at the hands of the Nationalist army, they were able to gain popular support due to their battle against the Japanese whom had invaded and occupied Manchuria in 1932 and initiated a full scale attack on China in 1937. (Morton, 196) The Nationalist government, on the other hand, appeared hesitant to fight this battle, preferring instead to save their thin resources on defeating the Communists before addressing the Japanese menace. As a result, local peasants became enamoured with Mao and his anti-Japanese mentality, as their support equated to mass enlistment or through aid in the form of shelter and/or food. This was especially prominent during the Long March of 1934 where 90,000 men tested the limits of human endurance by marching 6,000 miles in order to regroup in Yanan, a province in the northwest corner of China. (Morton, 195) After regrouping a year later in that province, the party philosophy, ideological discussion, military strategy, and training would be hammered out. (Morton, 196) Ultimately, after the surrender of the Japanese on August 14, 1945, this Communist party, or CCP, would find itself as victor in the ensuing civil war that ended in 1949, ushering in a new era in Chinese history. (Morton, 201)

Chinese Communism: A Reification of the Past
Past With the formal declaration of the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, a step backward from democracy was taken. Once again, the group was emphasized over the individual as Communism, or all things held in common, was the state philosophy. Individual rights were practically non-existent as, yet again, governmental rule was through intimidation and force. The freedom of movement was confined to within the provinces and the freedom speech and press was unheard of as censors and secret police worked behind the scenes. Even with the promise of a new future, the people had no say in political matters as the CCP held the monopoly in power. As well, there was no separation between the commercial/business sector that flourished during the Tang Dynasty from government. As a result, there was the lack of strong interest groups necessary for democracy as economic growth was sacrificed for efficiency. As you can see, throughout the ages the Chinese people have long accepted their role as proletariats with little voice for change—one of the main hindrances to democracy. The supremity of the authoritarian government was especially hammered home on June 4, 1989, as the Tiananmen massacre would shut any further debate towards a new direction. What initially began as protest against corruption in the government, and ballooned into a widespread prodemocracy movement, university students amongst several other demonstrators occupied the square calling for change. With signs that were in favor of democracy, criticisms of the party for its corruption, and as well, the freedom of the press, the theme was obviously set and the crossroads for the government had been met. (Hook, 282) How would they react as the world watched this drama unfold? On June 4, 1989, 350,000 troops began a pre-dawn attack on the demonstrators as years of authoritarianism once again reared its ugly head. In the end, hundreds of students were killed or injured and an additional thousand were arrested as a nation-wide round-up of “counter-revolutionary elements?was instigated. As a result, the effective snuffing-out of any further call for democracy was made.

However, like the lone individual that used his body as a human barrier against an onslaught of tanks, a vision that shot through media around the world and forever imprinting on our minds, democracy too stood in defiance. Although democracy is still far from fruition in China, the opening of its market has created a new sense of individuality as the people are exposed to the luxuries of the west. A sense of self became measured through the accumulation of material goods, while McDonalds and other multi-national companies enabled the people the pleasures of living a somewhat bourgeois-western life. With the advent of the internet and increased exposure to world events, the opening of its market, and as well, the increased interaction with people from other nations, the Chinese have slowly become aware of their short-comings. For once in its long history the people have begun to carve out its own niche, a niche not dictated by government. With this increased sense of individuality, coupled with diminishing borders due to globalization, democracy is not far away. However, if things were to change in China, the main obstacle would be the government and its reluctance to release power. Without this relinquishment, peaceful resolution of problems cannot be accomplished. All in all, without true representation, strong interest groups, the separation of business from government, and as well as, individual rights and freedoms, democracy cannot be achieved as there are no mechanisms to keep the government in check and to propel its growth towards a secular society.


Japanese Democracy?

Although subtler, yet more complex than Chinese politics, power has always been welded by people behind the scenes. As a result, true representation is absent as democracy has always been a façade presented to the rest of the world in order to appear presentable. In the case of Japan, two main factors lay as the obstacle for democracy: fascist manipulation of power by non-elected individuals and the political dominance by one party.

Throughout Japanese history, individuals from behind the scenes have long been making the political decisions. Whether it be as reagents or as warlords acting through figurehead emperors, the pattern of “invisible?rule has long been set. As a starting point for this characteristic of Japanese politics, it can be traced back to the Heian period (794-1185).

Cultivation and Might
In 858 C.E., for the first time in Japanese history non-imperial blood held political power. Acting as reagent, or sesso, for the nine-year-old Emperor Seiwa, Fujiwara Yoshifusa acted and remained in virtual control of the state until 872, who was then subsequently replaced by his nephew, Mototsune. (Morton, 38) This trend of Fujiwara control, which was achieved through intentional intermarriage of daughters with the imperial house, would foster a political dominance by the clan well into the twelfth century, as the offspring were controlled by the enormous influence of the father-in-law. (Morton, 48) As a result, during the 300 years of the Heian period, namely that of the Later Heian period (also known as the Fujiwara period) (858-1158) only three emperors occupied the throne but ruled in name only. (Morton, 47) However, the fall of Fujiwara power would ironically come from within, as clan divisions would weaken their position and lead to the rise of the warrior class.

Because of the dissent between rival Fujiwara clansmen, there was a clear shift of power from the imperial court to the warrior families of Minamoto and Taira. (Morton, 49) These two families would constantly vie for power, ultimately culminating into the Gempei War that was initiated by the death of Tiara Kyomori whom held a dominant role in the administration of the state, a role which the Minamoto wanted to supplant. The war, which lasted for five years (1180-1185), would find the Minamoto as victors after the decisive battle at Dan-no-ura village. With Minamoto Yoritomo as leader, a new period known as the Kamakura Period (1185-1336) would be ushered in. During this period, a new form of government would be created as it was to be ruled by the military, or bakufu, and headed by a shogun, or Supreme Military Commander. (Morton, 69) This shogun, like the period before, ruled indirectly through a Fujiwara reagent who had, in turn, received it from a titular emperor. (Morton, 70) This system of government would continue throughout the Ashikaga Shogunates of Nambokucho (1336-1392) and Muromachi (1392-1573), and as well, the Tokugawa Shogunate (1615-1867). Eventually, this system of rule would end as people, namely those of the samurai, or warrior class, would begin to question the validity of shogun rule, for the original authority of the state was vested in the person of the emperor and not a military dictator. (Morton, 144) As a result, with the defeat of the Tokugawa Shogun at the hands of an imperial restoration movement, a period known as the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912) would begin, ushering in the end of the samurai class and, as well, the modernization of Japan.

Meiji Restoration: A Step Toward Democracy?
With the Meiji Restoration, there was a change was in the air as a commitment to break from the past was initiated. The fashions of dress and style, habits and customs and, as well, a break from Buddhism, were just some of the changes made as a result of increasing interaction with the West. Politically wise, Asia’s first system of representational government came into existence through the Meiji Constitution that was promulgated in 1890. (Morton, 175) As a result of this step towards democracy, the feudal class structure was abolished in favor of the right of the people to choose his or her own profession (Article 3), and as well (amongst many others), the political decision-making process involving public discussion and participation (Articles 1 & 2). (Morton, 149) Surely this was beginning of democracy in Japan. However this was not the case, for the latter was rather a bid to gain support for the new government than to emancipate its subjects. (Morton, 149) In order to appear as a representational government, main policy makers were selected from seven domains, which in turn formed the assembly. Once the government had felt more secure in their rule, this assembly was discontinued in favor of a cabinet that was introduced in 1885, and was later followed by the Diet of parliament in 1889, half of which were elected representatives. (Morton, 175) However, no matter what system that they would use, true power was held unofficially by a group of men similar in age, and in political training. (Morton, 151) Guiding Japan towards modernization, these men would influence matters by being assistants to figurehead chiefs, and by occupying important offices. Even with elected town assemblies, representational government was a farce as these men would maintain power and dictated the pace of their development. (Morton, 174) Also introduced during this period were political parties. Named the Jiyuto, or Liberal Party, and the Rikken Kaishinto, or Constitutional Progressive Party, these two parties would pave the way for future parties to come. However, early in its inception, both parties would be highly ineffective as they were either plagued with in-fighting or combined together to attack the executive branch rather than against each other. (Morton, 174)

During the later years of the nineteenth century, the political and economic advances created new pressures and new demands. Driven by its success, coupled with national pride and ambition, the call to control or acquire foreign land was brought to the forefront. Starting with the defeat of the China while defending its tributary state, Korea, in 1894, and up to World War II, Japan would begin a dominance that would find itself occupying almost all of monsoon Asia prior to their defeat in 1945.

After the Bomb: the MacArthur Constitution
The Era following the dropping of the two atom bombs would find itself turning its emphasis on economic dominance, rather than might. With the inception of the U.S. imposed MacArthur Constitution in 1946, the movement for demilitarization and democratization began. Dictated by Washington, General MacArthur would oversee the development of democratic guidelines outlined in the Constitution. Such guidelines included: the Emperor as a symbol of state only (Article 1), a fully elected Diet and House of representatives (Article 66), the appointment of Supreme Court judges to be reviewed by the people through elections (Article 79), the Supreme Court as the last resort of constitutional law (Article 93), and the power of local governments to question specific Diet laws concerning them through votes held by the people concerned (Article, 95). (Morton, 207) Also within the Constitution, and was a step towards democracy, was the guarantee of rights and freedoms of the person, domicile, religion, and active bargaining. As well, as part of the process towards democracy, trade unions were encouraged between 1945 and 1947, as rights were granted to the Japanese people to organize in unions, to bargain collectively, and to strike. (Morton, 207) For the years to follow, Japan would achieve an “economic miracle? as its powerful industrial advance would eclipse that of the United States. However, democratically Japan would never fully reach its mark as the Liberal Democratic Party held political dominance, and as well, political power wielded unofficially by bureaucrats.

Although the political framework in Japan may resemble that of other countries, what separates it from others is that a single political party has held dominance for over forty years. The Liberal Democratic Party has enjoyed a position of power ever since its inception in 1955. Consisting mostly of sons and daughters of politicians, the LDP has held the majority in both the Houses. As a result, they were able to manipulate the political maneuvering and deal making processes, while also limiting and defeating opposition by absorbing smaller parties into their own. (Morton, 240) As well, from within the LDP was a figurehead president chosen from and would later become the next prime minister. As you can see, once again political power was truly held behind scenes as a representation government was hindered by the lack of a strong opposition and figurehead leaders. As a result, democracy never came into fruition, a condition that is still prevalent today.

Conclusion
Throughout Asian history, democracy has been a problematic in achieving. With the lack of division between government and the economic sector, as well as, the lack of true representation, power for the masses have been greatly hindered. However, not all of the problems towards democracy stem from the government itself, as the mentality towards true representation has been one of mindless acceptance. Oftentimes, persons advocating change in the political system have been automatically construed as subversive and have been met by either harsh measures or with ostracization. Without a change in the mentality of the masses and a strong merchant class or civil society, as well as, the absence of strong elite, and a rule of law applicable to all, democracy cannot be achieved as, oftentimes the case, the peaceful resolution of conflicts cannot be made or the interests of the individual be heard. However, with the ever increasing trend towards globalization and the emphasis on trade, some barriers towards democracy have been broken down. In China, the “closed-door?policy is no longer in effect as its markets are open to development from afar. As for Japan, the perceptions of government have changed as increased individualization and freedom has created intellectuals and an awareness that questions the legitimacy of their government. With the loss of the majority by the LDP in 1993, a change in direction of politics had been made. However, one final stumbling block for democracy has to be hurdled and is in the inability of both China and Japan to break from traditions of the past. Oftentimes, the measures used in the past can be reflected upon in the present. As a result, the futures of China and Japan lay in their hands, as they can either look back to patterns of the past of authoritarianism, or look towards the future that lies in democracy. The choice is theirs to be made as surely the ever-impending conflicts of globalization are arise.