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Scharff's Delaware History Contents
Scharff's Ch 3 Aborigine History
Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888.
Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, ch 7 1609-1888.
Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, ch 8 1609-1888.
Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware,ch 13 1609-1888.
Ch 10 Pirates and Privateers ca 1653
Ch 9 Delaware under Wm Penn
St George's Hundred Ch 50 the French Huguenots Dushane's
APPOQUINIMINK HUNDRED Scharf, T.J., Hist of Delaware, Ch 51 see Garret Dushane;Geo Moffit et.al.1609-1888.
Wm.W. Tooker NDN Places near Long Island

WANISHI! (Thank you) for visiting OUR pages at Angelfire. Please come back and visit again! GKATA MACHE! Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume One- pp. 8b-23. CHAPTER III. THE ABORIGINES. A VAST, mysterious, barbarian race, the aborigines of the Western Continent, emerged gradually from blank obscurity into the clear light of knowledge, and began to figure upon the pages of history with the other peoples of the earth, when the pioneer navigators of the Old World touched the shores of the New. At the dawn of the historic era, which so far as the region that we here treat of is concerned, had its first gleaming in the advent of Henry Hudson upon the Delaware and the North River, the Indians occupying the country watered by these great streams were chiefly of the Algonquins, Lenni-Lenape or, as they have been more commonly called, Delawares,* and the Andastes, Iroquois or Five or Six Nations.** The former extended from the lower Hudson to the Potomac, but they appear to have been centralized upon the Delaware River and Bay particularly the former, while their kinsmen the Nanticokes had their home upon the waters of the latter and occupied at that early period much of the territory now included in the southern parts of Delaware and Maryland and the eastern shore of the Chesapeake in the latter region being interspersed with the Mangures or Mingoes; often these were called the Susquehannas. The Lenni Lenape may thus be said, in a general way, to have held dominion over the forest-covered hills and plains in what is now southeastern New York, nearly the whole of New Jersey, all of Pennsylvania east of the Susquehanna and much of the region included in the State which is the especial province of this work. It was not, however, an undisputed dominion. Their great northern neighbors, the Iroquois, were their implacable enemies, and often waged war against them, repeatedly reducing and humiliating them, so that by a century and a half after the first authentic knowledge of the Lenape was obtained, they had sunk into comparative insignificance. The Iroquois occupied the region of the Upper Hudson upon its west shore, and their villages sparsely dotted the wilderness northward, to and beyond the St. Lawrence, and westward to the great lakes, their principal population being within what is now the State of New York. When Henry Hudson, in September, 1609, after entering and examining the Delaware Bay, skirted the Atlantic Coast, sailed up the royal river that bears his name and rode at anchor in the majestic tide, he touched the northern and eastern extremity of the land of the Lenape. The Indians whom he met there and upon the island where it came about that New York was built, were of that nation, and with them were some of their friends the Mohicans or Mohegans. Full of simple sublimity and lofty poetry was the conception these savages first formed of the strange pale-faced men, in dress, bearing and speech different from their own, who came in the "winged canoes" to their shores. In their astonishment they called out to one another, "Behold! the Gods are come to visit us!" They at first considered these hitherto unknown beings as messengers of peace sent to them from the abode of the Great Spirit, and welcomed and honored them with sacrificial feasts and with gifts. Hudson recorded that above the Highlands "they found a very loving people and very old men, and were well used."*** The gallant Dutch navigator and discoverer was not to be outdone in civility and generosity. He gave the wondering savages presents and put to their innocent lips bottles of spirits— very probably Holland schnapps gin,— thus introducing at the very inception of his acquaintance with them one of the destructive and important characteristics of civilization,— the art of becoming drunk. The savages reciprocated by extending the tobacco-pipe, and thus the Old World and the New each gave the other a much-prized new vice. As has been heretofore intimated, actual knowledge of these people— their history— begins with the coming of Henry Hudson, and such information as we have concerning them in after-years is afforded by the other early adventurers and settlers along the Atlantic seaboard. Of the origin or derivation of the race— of its early movements— there is absolutely no data, only an illimitable field for wild conjecture; and concerning the affairs of the several nations, even during the period closely preceding the discovery and occupancy of the country, the Indians were able to give only vague and fanciful traditions, some of them corroborated as to essentials by evidence from other sources. Of this class is the Delawares’ traditionary account of the migration of their people and the Mengwe or Iroquois from the far west to the east, which there is external evidence for believing in the main true. We present this with some other Delaware legends before drawing upon the accounts of the Dutch, Swedes and English for a description of the Indian character and manner of life. The Lenape claimed great antiquity and superiority over other aboriginal nations. Indeed, the name Lenni Lenape (sometimes Renni Renappi) signifies "the original people" or "men of men" — a race of human beings who are the same that they were in the beginning, unchanged and unmixed. They asserted that they had existed from the beginning of time, and many Indian nations, the Miamis, Wyandots, Shawanese and more than twenty other tribes or nations, admitted their antiquity and called them "Grandfathers." Their tradition of the advent of the nations upon the Delaware and the eastern sea-coast is poetical and interesting. They say that a great many hundred years ago their ancestors had dwelt in a faraway country beyond the Father of Waters— the Mamaesi Sipu, or Mississippi— and near the wide sea, in which the sun sank every night. They had, very long before the white men came to their country traveled eastward, seeking a fairer land, of which their prophets had told them, and as they neared the western shore of the great Mississippi they met another mighty nation of men, of whose very existence they had been in ignorance. These people they say were the Mengwe or Iroquois, and this was the first meeting of these two nations, destined to remain in the east for centuries as neighbors and enemies. They journeyed on together, neither in warfare nor friendship, but presently they found that they must unite their forces against a common enemy. East of the Father of Waters they discovered a race called the Allegwi, occupying a vast domain, and not only stronger in number than themselves, but equally brave and more skilled in war. They had, indeed, fortified towns and numerous strongholds.(4*) The Allegwi permitted a part of the emigrating nations to pass the border of their country, and having thus caused a division of their antagonists, fell upon them with great fury to annihilate them. But the main body of the allied Mengwe and Lenape rallying from the first shock, made resistance with such desperate energy that they defeated the Allegwi, and sweeping them forward as the wind does the dry leaves of the forest, they invaded the country, and during a long and bloody war won victory after victory, until they had not only entirely vanquished, but well-nigh exterminated them. Their country, in which their earth fortifications remained the only reminder of the dispersed nation, was occupied by the victors. After this both the Mengwe and the Lenape ranged eastward, the former beeping to the northward, and the latter to the southward, until they reached respectively the Hudson and the Delaware, which they called the Lenape Wihittuck, or River of the Lenape.(5*) Upon its banks, and in the wild region watered by its tributaries, the Lenape found the land they had journeyed in quest of from the setting sun. Myths as to their origin as members of the human family— their creation— existed among the Delawares in great variety, attesting the proneness of even this barbarian people, in common with all civilized races, to speculate upon the mystery of life and their longing to solve the unknowable. They claim that they emerged from a cave in the earth, like the woodchuck and ground squirrel; to have sprung from a snail that was transformed into a human being and instructed in the mysteries of woodcraft and the hunt by a beneficent spirit, and that subsequently he was received into the lodge of the beaver and married his favorite daughter. According to another legend, a woman fallen or expelled from heaven is hovering in mid-air over a chaos of angry waters, there being no earth to afford her a resting-place. At this critical juncture in the career of the Lenape progenitors, a giant turtle rose from the vasty depths and placed his broad and dome like back at her service, and she descended upon it and made it her abode. The turtle slept upon the surface of the globe-covering sea, barnacles attached themselves to the margin of the shell, the scum of the waters gathered floating fragments of sea-weed, and all of the flotsam of the primal ocean accumulated until the dry land grew apace, and after ages had passed, all of that broad expanse which constitutes North America had emerged from the deluge. The woman, worn with watching and with the loneliness of her situation, fell into a deep sleep of vast duration, broken only by a dream in which she was visited by a spirit from her last home above the skies, and of that dream the fruits were sons and daughters, from whom have sprung all the nations of the earth. In another legend the Great Spirit is represented as descending upon the face of the waters in the form of a colossal bird and brooding there until the earth arose, when, exercising its creative power, the Spirit brought into life the plants, the animals and, lastly, man, to whom was given an arrow imbued with mystic potency— a blessing and a safe-guard. But the man, by his carelessness, lost the arrow, and the Spirit, grieved and offended, soared away and was no longer seen, and man had thereafter to follow the hunt by means of his own rude devices and combat nature to gain his living. Still another and very prevalent fiction of the Lenape ascribes to the demi-god Manabozho the creation of all the tribes of red men from the carcasses of various animals, reptiles and birds, as the bear, the beaver, the wolf, the serpent, the turtle, the crane, the eagle, etc. Manabozho (also called Messou, Michaboo and Nanabush) was the central figure in the Indian mythology; was the restorer of the world after the deluge, brought on by the wickedness of the serpent Manitous or evil spirits; was regarded as working all of the mysterious changes in nature, and was supposed to be the king of the whole creation of beasts. He was the son of the west wind and a descendant of the moon. He sometimes appeared in the form of a wolf or a bird, and often in that of a man of majestic mien and stature, but his usual manifestation was in the shape of the Gigantic Hare. He had power over the magi; was, in fact, a sorcerer, and united in himself the qualities belonging to Prospero, Ariel and Puck, being sometimes actuated by a spirit of beneficence towards man, and again as an impish elf displaying in ingenious ways insatiable malice and malevolence. The matter of the derivation of the Indian race has been as variously, if not as wildly and fancifully, speculated upon by scholars as by the red men themselves. William Penn gravely, and with complacent assurance, put forward the hypothesis that the so-called aborigines of America were descendants of the ten lost tribes of Israel, and men of much more pretension of study, and usually confining themselves to the few hard facts that are known concerning this people, have permitted themselves pleasing, if profitless, dalliance with various unsupported theories of their origin. Bancroft argues that a Calmuck or Mongolian immigration was not impossible and, indeed, not improbable, and this hypothesis has found many advocates. Spanish legends have been adduced to confirm this view. M. de Guignes, in a memoir read before the French Academy of Inscriptions, argued with considerable plausibility that the Chinese penetrated America in A.D. 458, and used the description and chart of Fou Sang in proof, and Charles G. Leland, of Philadelphia, eminent as an ethnologist and explorer of the hidden byways of history, has been fascinated by the same half-myth and lent it the approval of his partial credence in his republication of the story of the so-called island of Fou Sang and its inhabitants. De Guignes asserted that the Chinese were familiar with the Straits of Magellan and that the Coreans had a settlement on Terra del Fuego. Another Chinese immigration is assigned to A.D. 1270, the time of the Tartar invasion of the "Central Flowery Kingdom." China, Tartary, Siberia and Kamtschatka, with the Aleutian archipelago, formed a natural route for immigration, though none of the students and speculators who have given it consideration have succeeded in explaining how the hordes of savages were able to make their way through the frozen wastes of Alaska and British North America. Some students, as Williamson, think the Indians of Cingalese or Hindoo origin, and that the Occidental world was peopled from the Oriental world in pre-historic times is very generally admitted upon the strong ground of the close resemblance which the ancient temples of Mexico and Peru bear to those of Egypt and India. But Egypt, India, China and Tartary have not been the only countries of the Eastern Hemisphere to which students of American antiquities have ascribed the origin of the red men. Wales, Ireland, Spain, Scandinavia, Phoenicia and other countries of the Eastern world have been pointed to in turn as the regions in which the mysterious movement of population finally spreading over North America had its origin. The most generally accepted theory is that the Indian race came originally from China. Humboldt thought that in time, "by greater diligence and perseverance, many of the historical problems" concerning this theory might "be cleared up by the discovery of facts with which we have hitherto been entirely unacquainted;"(6*) but Prof. W.D. Whitney, one of the most advanced students of our time, is less sanguine. He says that it is "futile to attempt, by the evidence of language, the peopling of the continent from Asia or from any other portion of the world outside. . . . If our studies shall at length put us in a position to deal with the question of their Asiatic origin, we shall rejoice at it. I do not myself expect that valuable light will ever be shed upon the subject by linguistic evidence; others may be more sanguine, but all must, at any rate, agree that as things are, the subject is in no position to be taken up and discussed with profit." The author from whom we have quoted, notwithstanding his attitude upon this question of Indian origin, is a warm advocate of greater diligence in the study of American antiquities. "Our national duty and honor," he says, "are peculiarly concerned in this matter of the study of aboriginal American languages, as the most fertile and important branch of American archaeology. Europeans accuse us, with too much reason, of indifference and inefficiency with regard to preserving memorials of the race whom we have dispossessed and are dispossessing, and to promoting a thorough comprehension of their history."(7*) Reverting from what may seem a digression, to the matters of more immediate interest to the reader— to the Lenape or Delawares as the white man found them on the shores of the bay and river bearing their name— we find cause for regret that the first comers to these shores were not better observers and more accurate chroniclers. Hudson, Captain Cornelis Hendrickson, Captain Jacobson Mey, De Vries, Campanius, Acrelius, William Penn, Gabriel Thomas, Thomas Budd, George Alsop (of Maryland), and others among the early Dutch, Swedish and English adventurers and writers saw the Indians before they had undergone any material change from association with the civilized people, and before they had drunk in with Holland schnapps and English spirits very much of that knowledge which bred suspicion in the savage breast. Had these pioneers of the Delaware region been trained observers and investigators, able to divest themselves of prejudices and to have told what they learned intelligibly, they could have preserved many facts concerning the Indians which now are lost forever. Nearly all of these early writers give speculations, and dreams, and opinions, often exceedingly extravagant and ridiculous, instead of facts. They paid more attention to the Indian’s astrology, and fable, and tradition, than to the Indian’s manner of living, his social system and his language— the most necessary factor in ethnological study. Some of them mingled most outrageously false statements, made evidently in the utmost seriousness, with the few truths they chronicled. Of this class, the baldest falsifier was Thomas Campanius, of Stockholm, albeit a most interesting raconteur, and the preserver of some valuable facts as well as of many more or less interesting statements, exhibiting high inventive genius, as, for instance, Campanius’ stories of the rattlesnake which could bite a man’s leg off, and of the "sea spiders" (crabs) which had tails like edged swords, with which they could saw down trees. The way in which Campanius allows his imagination to enlarge upon and add to the marvels of the New World makes him worthy of the title Scandinavian Munchausen of the Delaware. From the time of Hudson’s voyage to the close of the seventeenth century there is frequent cotemporary mention of the Delawares and their kinsmen, the Nanticokes (of whom we shall presently treat), and their neighbors the Mengwes, Minquas or Mingoes, known in Maryland as the Susquehannas, and later in Pennsylvania as the Conestogas. Captain Cornelis Hendrickson who explored part of the Delaware, in 1615–16,(8*) met and traded with the Minquas (probably at the mouth of or upon the Christiana), and redeemed from them three Dutch prisoners. His intercourse with them was the beginning of the Delaware fur trade. In 1623 Captain Cornelis Jacobson Mey met them at the site of Gloucester, N.J., just below the place where Penn’s great city was to be founded, and where he built Fort Nassau. The first whites who formed a settlement in the lone, but lovely wilderness region now included in the bounds of Delaware— a little colony planted by David Pietersen De Vries, on the Hoornekill, near Lewes, in the year 1631— soon afterwards fell victims to the savages, though they wrought their own doom by initiatory acts of violence.(8*) When De Vries founded his colony, and at the time of his expedition in 1633 up the Delaware, the Minquas, of the lower part of the Delaware-Maryland-Virginia peninsula, appear to have been at war with the Lenape, who were then chiefly confined to the eastern or New Jersey side of the Delaware Bay and River, and to the region along that part of the west shore now in Northern Delaware and Southwestern Pennsylvania. In 1638 the Swedes came to the Delaware (as will be more fully set forth in the next chapter), and founding the first permanent settlement within the region which is our especial province at Christiana (Wilmington), and subsequently establishing themselves at other points, began an active and extensive trade with the Lenape, Minquas and Nanticokes, for furs. They bought the land which they occupied, and appear to have lived with the Indians on very friendly terms. They were supplied with professional interpreters, and systematically sought the good-will of the Indians for the purpose of carrying on an advantageous trade with them. The Swedish governors seem to have understood how best to conciliate the Indians and retain their confidence, and they soon supplanted the Dutch in the esteem of the savages. They even exercised a protecting power over the Delawares and the Minquas, and when the Iroquois came down to wage war against the latter, in 1662, they were baffled by a regular fort, constructed by Swedish engineers, with bastions and mounted cannon. With the Swedish Governor Printz, there came to the Delaware, in 1643, John Campanius (9*) (to whom allusion has heretofore been made), rendered prominent from being the first to translate Luther’s catechism into the Indian language, from the fact that he was for six years a pastor of the Swedes, and last, but not least, because of his keeping a journal from which his grandson, Thomas Campanius, wrote his famous "Description of the New Province of New Sweden,"(10*) illustrated with cuts and maps made by the Swedish engineer Lindstrom, several of which are reproduced in this work. From Campanius we glean some interesting information concerning the Indians taking care to exclude much that is clearly erroneous. He states that the Swedes in his time had no intercourse except with "the black and white Mengwes" — an expression it is difficult to understand. The Minquas, or Susquehannas, had their chief population upon the river bearing their name, and in the region now Cecil County, Maryland (where they were regularly visited by the Swedish traders), but they are known also to have been quite numerous at times upon the Christiana and Brandywine, and thus in the immediate neighborhood of Fort Christina. What is meant by "black and white Minquas," however, is not even a matter for intelligent conjecture— though this is not surprising— in the writings of the Swedish chaplain. Notwithstanding the fact that he disclaims intercourse except with the Minquas, he calmly enters upon a description of the life, manners and customs of the Lenape, whom he accuses of being cannibals, as, in truth, were nearly all tribes of American Indians, but only upon rare occasions. [this is erroneous and as stated above in re to cannibalism as it was the Mengwes that were known cannibals and that is well documented and why they were isolated to the mountainous areas of the rattle snake country of where they remain which is in itself the biased proof that they were allied with the Europeans against us to help them to get us out from the lands they wanted so they would appear as the innocent benefactors of the coveted lands of the Manhattan areas and to corroborate their plots to dispossess us and to their enjoyment as we as was previously stated were enemies before the white man's invasion and terrorism. but here it is twisted as to the term of intercourse is rather obvious and should be enlightened by the recent excellent objective research by presumably Dr. Karen Svensten? of Duke University which was recently discovered entitled Babel with the researched efforts of Willhelm Keft and the indian head kick ball games they played after massacreing our women and children from an early morning ambush while they slept and from Pavonia in ca 1643 and this is the obvious reason that Matta Horn that is mentioned and his son and people are mad not just at the Dutch but all the white men as they including the Swedes are all about the same with the same purposes.] The attitude of the Indians of the Delaware towards the early Swedish settlers is shown in an account of a council which they held while Printz was Governor, probably about 1645, given in Campanius’ work and undoubtedly authentic in its essential statements. The council was called by the Sachem Matta Horn, who owned the ground on which Wilmington stands, and sold that upon which Fort Christina was built. At the time of the council most of the inhabitants along the Delaware were Swedes, but there were a few Hollanders in the country. Matta Horn is represented as calling first his son, Agga Horn, and afterwards upon other chiefs and warriors, to ascertain the opinion of his people as to the advisability of allowing the white men to dwell peacefully in the country, or fall upon and disperse them. The dialogue which ensues is thus represented by Campanius: Father Matta Horn.— Where are the Swedes and the Dutch? Son Agga Horn.— Some of them are, at Fort Christina, and some at New Gottenberg. Father.— What do the Swedes and the Dutch say now? Son.— They say, why are the Indians so angry with us? Why do they say they will kill all of us Swedes, and root us out of the country? The Swedes are very good. They come in large fast sailing ships, with all sorts of fine things from Swede’s country or old Sweden. F.— Go round to the other chiefs and to the common men, and hear what they say. S.— They say, yon Indians and we (Swedes, and Dutch, and English) are in friendship with each other. We are good men. Come to us. We have a great deal of cloth, kettles, gunpowder, guns and all that you may want to buy. F.— I understand. What do you say about this, Agga Horn, my son? S.— I say that I think it best not to fall upon them, because the Swedes are skillful warriors. F.— My son, you must go about here and there, to our good friends, the chiefs and common men, and engage them to come immediately here to me, that we may consult together as to what we shall do. S.— It is well, I will go. F.— Do that, but don’t be long away. The son comes again and salutes his father. S.— Father Matta Horn, I have done what you ordered me. F.— Well, my son, what answered the officers. S.— They answered that they would come here to us, the day after to-morrow. F.— You, my son, Agga Horn, may go with the men to shoot some deer in the woods. Perhaps the good gentlemen (sic) may be hungry when they come. F.— I understand that well, I will go immediately out hunting. After being hunting, he returns with venison. F.— Have you been hunting? S.— Yes, I have. F.— What have you done? S.— We have killed two elks, and as many deer as will be wanted. F.— Have you shot no turkeys? S.— I shall have also, twelve turkeys. F.— Enough, enough. The people are now assembled in Council. Sachem.— Are you here, good friends? Warriors.— Yes, we are. Sachem.— That is well, you are welcome. Sit down and rest. Warriors.— With pleasure, for we are much tired. Sachem.— Are you also hungry? Warriors.— Yes, may be we are hungry. Sachem.— I know you have gone a great way, so you must be very hungry. We shall have meat presently. Warriors.— That will do for us. Sachem.— Here, you have to eat. Eat all, ye good friends. Warriors.— Yes, we will do our best. Give us meat. Sachem.— Do you also want drink? Warriors.— Yes, give us drink. This is sweet and good water. We are now well satisfied. Thanks, thanks. Sachem’s Speech to the Warriors.— My good friends, all of you don’t take it amiss that my son has called you to this place. The Swedes dwell here upon our land, and they have many fortresses and houses for their habitation. But they have no goods to sell to us. We can find nothing in their stores that we want, and we cannot trade with them. The question is, whether we shall go out and kill all the Swedes, and destroy them altogether, or whether we shall suffer them to remain? Therefore, I am glad that you came here, that we may consult together on this subject. You chiefs and warriors, what advice do you give? What shall we do with the Swedes? They have no cloth, red, blue, or brown. They have no kettles, no brass, no lead, no guns, no powder. They have nothing to sell us; but the English and Dutch have got all sorts of merchandize. Some of the Chiefs answer.— We are for the Swedes, we have nothing against them. Another Chief answers.— It would be well to kill all the Swedes; for they have nothing in their stores, for which we can trade with them. A common warrior says: Wherefore, should we kill all the Swedes, and root them out of the country? They are in friendship with us. We have no complaint to make of them. Presently they will bring here a large ship full of all sorts of good things. Others answer.— You talk well, we common warriors agree with you. Then we shall not kill all the Swedes, and root them out of the country. Others reply.— No, by no means. For the Swedes are good enough, and they will shortly have here a large ship full of all sorts of goods. The King’s decision.— Right so. We, native Indians, will love the Swedes, and the Swedes shall be our good friends. We, and the Swedes, and the Dutch, shall always trade with each other. We shall not make war upon them and destroy them. This is fixed and certain. Take care to observe it.(11*) [Below is the evidence that thet government chiefs that were to be considered and installed by the whitemen were offensive and invalid as they were bribed and made drunk to enter fraudulent treaty and land sales that were protested and requested to be nullified as they were done under such conditions and by some unauthoruized acting sachems and chiefs that were of briberous natures such as that of the Manhattan and Walking Purchases of the times by Mohawks and others that were tricked or by simple misrepresentation of the likes of proprietors of colonies such as Stuyvesant and Minuit where evidence indicates their dishonesty as well as that of Willhelm Kieft whho now burns in their whiteman Hell.] A sachem ruled over each tribe, the office being, hereditary upon the mother’s side. "When a king, or sachem died it was not," says Campanius, "his children who succeeded him, but his brothers by the same mother, or his sisters or their daughters’ male children, for no female could succeed to the government." It was customary, when any act of importance was to be entered upon, as the sale of, land or making of war or peace, for the sachem to summon a council consisting of the wise men and also of the common people. In making a treaty of peace or friendship, they were accustomed to give to those with whom they were making it a pipe to smoke, which act being performed, the treaty was regarded as concluded and sacredly sealed. Their punishments usually consisted of fines. "A murderer," says Campanius, "may be forgiven on giving a feast or something else of the same kind; but if a Woman be killed, the penalty is doubled, because a woman can bring forth children and a man cannot." Nearly all authorities seem to agree with the Swedish chronicler that murder was very uncommon among the Indians until "the white man came, when, under the influence of intoxication from the liquor they sold them, several were committed by the Indians. When they committed murder under those circumstances they excused themselves by saying it was the liquor that did it." Another writer (12*) gives some interesting facts concerning the relation of drunkenness and crime among the Indians, prefacing his local facts with the remark that intoxication was to them (the Indians) a new sensation; they did not come to it by slow and imperceptible degrees,. . . but plunged at once into the vortex and madness was the consequence." In the year 1668 some Indians in a state of intoxication attacked and murdered the servants of one of the settlers near where Burlington, N.J., now stands on the Delaware. "The Indians when sober appear to have been ever anxious to live on terms of friendship with the whites. Accordingly, we find that in this instance, as they had previously done in many others, they determined to bring the offenders to justice. Having ascertained who the murderers were, they arrested the chief of them, a man by the name of Tashiowycan, shot and brought his body to Wicacoa, (13*) from whence it was taken to New Castle and there hung in chains." It is a notable fact that after this event the Indians themselves requested that an absolute prohibition of the sale of liquor to the Indians should be ordered along the entire length of the Delaware. Governor Lovelace in 1671 actually prohibited, upon pain of death, the selling of spirits and powder and lead to the Indians, but the law was inoperative, for we find that these very articles were the principal considerations in land purchases from the Indians almost immediately after the proclamation, and continued to be for a century. Resuming our extracts from Campanius’ work, though this time it is the engineer and map-maker Lindstrom who is quoted by the former, we find a description of one of the Indians’ great hunts.— "As soon as the winter is over they commence their hunting expeditions, which they do in the most ingenious manner. They choose the time when the grass is high, and dry as hay. The Sachem collects the people together, and places them in a circumference of one or two miles according to their numbers; they then root out all the grass around that circumference, to the breadth of about four yards, so that the fire cannot run back upon them; when that is done, they set the grass on fire, which of course extends all round, until it reaches the centre of the circumference. They then set up great outcries, and the animals fly toward the centre, and when they are collected within a small circle, the Indians shoot at them with guns and bows, and kill as many as they please, by which means they get plenty of venison. When the grass has ceased to grow, they go out into the woods and shoot the animal which they find there, in which they have not much trouble, for their sense of smelling is so acute that they can smell them like hounds. Their Sachem causes a turkey to be hung up in the air, of which the bowels being taken out and the belly filled with money, he who shoots the bird down gets the money that is within it."(14*) The weapons of the Indians were stone hatchets, the bow and arrow and the war-club, and these primitive articles served them in the chase and in their battles with each other until they obtained guns and powder and lead, knives and iron tomahawks, the Delawares, Susquehannas, Nanticokes and some other tribes from the Dutch and Swedes and English, and the Iroquois of New York from the French. Their bows were made usually of the limbs of trees about six feet in length, and then strings were made of the sinews and skins and intestines of animals. Their arrows were reeds from a yard to a yard and a half long. They were winged with feathers, and in the end was fixed a hard piece of wood, in which was set a flint, a piece of bone or horn or sometimes the sharp tooth of an animal or large fish, which was securely fastened in with tough ligaments and fish glue. When they went to war each brave provided himself with a bow, a quiver full of arrows and a club, and they painted themselves and placed upon their heads red feathers as the insignia of blood. They fortified some of their houses or groups of huts against the sudden attacks of their enemies. Campanius says the Minquas had "a fort on a high mountain about twelve miles from New Sweden"(15*) (Fort Christina, on the Christians River, at the site of Wilmington), possibly meaning at Iron or Chestnut Hills, near Newark. He says" they surrounded their houses with round or square palisades made of logs or planks, which they fasten in the ground." Parkman (16*) more fully describes the mode of erecting these defenses. First, a ditch was dug around the village, the earth being thrown up on the inside. The trees of which the posts of the palisades were made were burned down and the trunks and larger branches partly cut through by fire, the work being finished by hacking them with such rude tools as the Indians possessed. The logs were then placed upright in the embankment, in one or several concentric rows, those of each row, if the latter plan was pursued, being bent towards each other until they intersected. Where the palisades crossed, a gallery of timber was thrown up for the defenders to stand upon. In some cases the palisades were placed perpendicularly in rude post-holes, and the earth from the ditch thrown up against them. None of these forts were regularly built or gave the appearance of any considerable strength, except where the Indians had the assistance of European soldiers. Their lodges, according to Campanius, they constructed in this way: "They fix a pole in the ground and spread their mats around it, which are made of the leaves of the Indian corn matted together; then they cover it above with a kind of roof made of bark, leaving a hole at the top for smoke to pass through; they fix hooks in the pole on which they hang their kettles; underneath they put a large stone to guard themselves from the fire, and around it they spread their mats and skins on which they sleep. For beds, tables and chairs they use nothing else; the earth serves them for all these purposes. They have several doors to their houses, generally one on the north and one on the south side. When it blows hard, they stop up one of them with bark, and hang a mat or skin before the other." The Delawares, intimates our Swedish observer, had few towns or fixed places of habitation (though, as a matter of fact, they did have some permanent abiding-places), and he continues: "They mostly wander about from one place to another, and generally go to those places where they think they are most likely to find the means of support. . . . When they travel they carry their meats with them wherever they go and fix them on poles, under which they dwell. When they want fire, they strike it out of a piece of dry wood, of which they find plenty; and in that manner they are never at a loss for fire to warm themselves or to cook their meat." The huts of the Lenape and other Indians of the region which we are considering could not have been very comfortable in winter. The smoke from their fires had no outlet save irregularly through a hole in the roof, and the interiors were stained and dingy, and the half-stifling air so filled with pungent and acrid odors as to cause much inflammation of the eyes and blindness in old age. The fleas and other vermin were numerous and pestiferous, and noise and confusion reigned supreme in the closely-huddled family circle. Parkman draws a vivid picture of a lodge on a winter night, alternately in glow and gloom from the flickering flame of resinous woods that sent fitful flashes through the dingy canopy of smoke, a bronzed group encircling the fire, cooking, eating, gambling, quarreling or amusing themselves with idle chaff; grizzly old warriors, scarred with the marks of repeated battles; shriveled squaws, hideous with toil and hardship endured for half a century; young warriors with a record to make, vain, boastful, obstreperous; giddy girls, gay with paint, ochre wampum and braid; "restless children pell-mell with restless dogs." Of foods the Indians had, besides their game and fish, fresh and dried, melons, squashes and pumpkins, beans, peas and berries, of which they dried many for winter use, and several roots and plants of which they ate largely, and they all raised corn, the Indians along the Lower Delaware, and in Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia especially, paying considerable attention to its cultivation. They ground it in the hollow places of rocks either naturally or artificially formed, mixed the coarse cracked kernels with flour, and baked the paste in cakes upon the ashes. While engaged in the chase or traveling along distances they carried pouches full of parched corn for their sustenance. They had, too, the tuckahoe (the petukgunnug of the Delawares and the tauqoauk of the Minquas), called by the whites the "Indian loaf," a curious root supposed by some to be a sort of truffle. It was of the form of a flattened sphere, and varied in size from an acorn to the bigness of a man’s head. It was roasted in the ashes, as was also the Indian turnip, which, thus deprived of its pungency, made a wholesome food. The Indians of Campanius’ time had well-nigh given up the manufacture of pottery, for the cooking utensils they secured from the Europeans served their purpose better. They were perfect strangers to the use of iron, and their own tools were rude and poor, strictly speaking, being those of the stone age, Charles Thompson, who had an intimate knowledge of the Indians, but who, unfortunately, wrote but little about them, says in an essay: (17*) "They were perfect strangers to the use of iron. The instruments with which they dug up the ground were of wood, or a stone fastened to a handle of wood, Their hatchets for cutting were of stone, sharpened to an edge by rubbing, and fastened to a wooden handle. Their arrows were pointed with flint or bones. What clothing they wore was of the skins of animals taken in hunting, and their ornaments were principally of feathers." Their skill in some kinds of domestic industry is attested by Campanius, who says: "They can tan and prepare the skins of animals, which they paint afterwards in their own way. They make much use of painted feathers, with which they adorn their skins and bed-covers, binding them with a kind of net-world which is very handsome and fastens the feathers well. With these they make light and warm covering and clothing for themselves; with the leaves of Indian corn and reeds they make purses mats and baskets. . . . They make very handsome and strong, mats of fine roots, which they paint with all kinds of figures; they hang their walls with these mats and make excellent bed-clothes of them. The women spin thread and yarn out of wattles, hemp and some plants unknown to us. Governor printz had a complete suit of clothes, with coat, breeches and belt, made by these barbarians with their wampum, which was curiously wrought with figures of all kinds of animals. . . . They make tobacco pipes out of reeds, about a man’s length; the bowl is made of horn, and to contain a great quantity of tobacco. They generally present those pipes to their good friends to smoke. . . . They make them otherwise of red, yellow and blue clay, of which there is a great quantity in the country; also of white, gray, green, brown, black and blue stones, which are so soft that they can be cut with a knife. . . . Their boats are made of the bark of cedar and birch trees, bound together and lashed very strongly. They carry them along wherever they go, and when they come to some creek that they want to get over they launch them and go whither they please. They also used to make boats out of cedar trees, which they burnt inside and scraped off the coals with sharp stones, bones, or muscle shells." The dress and adornment of the Indian, according to the always trustworthy Thompson, exhibited many peculiarities: "They all painted or daubed their face with red. The men suffered only a tuft of hair to grow on the crown of their head; the rest, whether on their heads or faces, they prevented from growing by constantly plucking it out by the roots, so that they always appeared as if they were bald and beardless. Many were in the practice of marking their faces, arms and breast by pricking the skin with thorns and rubbing the parts with a fine powder made of coal (charcoal), which, penetrating the punctures, left an indelible stain or mark, which remained as long as they lived. The punctures were made in figures according to their several fancies. The only part of the body which they covered was from the waist half-way down the thighs, and their feet they guarded with a kind of shoe made of hides of buffaloes or deerskin, laced tight over the instep and up to the ankles with thongs. It was and still continues to be a common practice among the men to slit their ears, putting something into the hole to prevent its closing, and then by hanging weights to the lower part to stretch it out, so that it hangs down the cheek Like a large ring." Wampum and war and peace belts are described by the same writer: "Instead of money they used a kind of beads made of conch shell manufactured in a curious manner. These beads ware made, some of the white, some of the black or colored parts of the shell. They were formed into cylinders about one-quarter of an inch long and a quarter of an inch in diameter. They were round and highly polished and perforated lengthwise with a small hole, by which they strung them together and wove them into belts, some of which, by a proper arrangement of the beads of different colors, were figured like carpeting with different figures, according to the various users for which they were designed. There were male use of in their treaties and intercourse with each other, and served to assist their memory and preserve the remembrance of transactions. When different tribes or nations made peace or alliance with each other they exchanged belts of one sort; when they excited each other to war they used another sort. Hence they were distinguished by the name of peace belts or war belts. Every message sent from one tribe to another was accompanied with a string of these beads or a belt, and the string or belt was smaller or greater according to the weight and importance of the subject. These beads were their riches. They were worn as bracelets on the arms and like chains round the neck by way of ornaments." William Penn’s observations and opinions of the Indians are interesting and well worth reproduction in these pages, for he not only first saw the natives of the New World on the shores of the Delaware (at New Castle), but those whom he afterwards had opportunity of minutely studying at Philadelphia were of the same people, and doubtless, in many cases, the same individuals who lived in the region which now constitutes the northern part of this State. In a letter to Henry Sewell, dated Philadelphia, 30th of Fifth Month, 1683, he thus chronicles his impressions: "The natives are proper and shapely, very swift, their language lofty. They speak little, but fervently and with elegancy. I have never seen more naturall sagacity, considering them without ye help— I was going to say ye spoyle— of tradition. The worst is that they are, ye wors for ye Christians who have propagated their views end yielded them tradition for ye wors & not for ye better things, they believe a Diety and Immortality without ye help of metaphysicks & some of them admirably sober, though ye Dutch & Sweed and English have by Brandy and Rum almost Debaucht ym all, and when Drunk ye most wretched of spectacles, often burning & sometimes murdering one another, at which times ye Christians are not without danger as well as fear. Tho’ for gain they will run the hazard both of ye and ye Law, they make their worship to consist of two parts, sacrifices wh they offer of their first fruits with marvellous fervency and labour of holy sweating as if in a bath, the other is their Canticoes, as they call them, wch is performed by round Dances, sometimes words, then songs, then shouts, two being in ye middle yt begin and direct ye chorus; this they performe with equal fervency but great appearances of joy. In this I admire them, nobody shall want wt another has, yett they have propriety (property) but freely communicable, they want or care for little, no Bills of Exchange nor Bills of Lading, no Chancery suits nor Exchequer Acct. have they to perplex themselves with, they are soon satisfied, and their pleasure feeds them, — I mean hunting and fishing."(18*) A much fuller description of the red men of the Delaware was given by Penn in a letter to the Free Society of Traders, written in August, 1683. The natives, he says, are generally tall and straight, "well built, and of singular proportion (i.e., of symmetry); they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin. Of complexion black, but by design, as the gipsies in England. They grease themselves with bear’s fat clarified, and using no defense against sun and weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Their eye is livid and black, not unlike a straight-looked Jew. The thick lips and flat nose, so frequent with the East Indians and blacks, are not common to them; for I have seen as comely European-like faces among them, of both sexes, as on your side the sea; and truly an Italian complexion hath not more of the white; and the noses of several of them have as much of the Roman. Their language is lofty, yet narrow; but, like the Hebrew, in signification full. Like short-hand in writing, one word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understanding of the hearer; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions and interjections. I have made my business to understand it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion; and I must say that I know not a language spoken in Europe that hath words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and emphasis, than theirs; for instance, Octockekon, Rancocas, Oricton, Shak, Marian, Poquesian, all which are names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, anna is mother; issimus, a brother; neteap, friend; usqueoret, very good; pane, bread; metsa, eat; mattu, no; hatta, to have; payo, to come; Sepassen, Passijon, the names of places; Tamane, Secane Menanse, Secatareus, are the name of persons. . . . "Of their customs and manners there is much to be said. I will begin with children. So soon as they are born they wash them in water, and while very young and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them in the rivers to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a clout, they lay them on a strait thin board a little more than the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the board to make it straight; wherefore all Indians have flat heads; and thus they carry them at their backs. The children will go (walk) very young, at nine months commonly. They wear only a small clout around their waist til they are big. If boys, they go a-fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen. There they hunt; and having given some proofs of their manhood by a good return of skins, they marry; else it is a shame to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, plant corn and carry burthens; and they do well to use them to that, while young, which they must do when they are old; for the wives are the true servants of the husbands; otherwise the men are very affectionate to them. When the young women are fit for marriage they wear something upon their heads for an advertisement, but so as their faces are, hardly to be seen but when they please. The age they marry at, if women, is about thirteen and fourteen; if men, seventeen and eighteen. They are rarely older. Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles in the fashion of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for they me hardly higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. In travel they lodge in the woods about a great fire, with the mantle of duffils they wear by day wrapt about them and a few boughs stuck round them. Their diet is maize or Indian corn divers ways prepared, sometimes roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, which they call homine. They also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They have likewise several sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment, and the woods and rivers are their larder If an European comes to see them, or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him the best place and first cut. If they come to visit us they salute us with an Itah! which is as much as to say, ‘Good be to you!’ and set them down, which is mostly on the ground, close to their heels, their legs upright; it may be they speak not a word, but observe all passages (all that passes). If you give them anything to eat or drink, well, for they will not ask; and, be it little or much, if it be with kindness, they are well pleased; else they go away sullen, but say nothing. They are great concealers of their own resentments, brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practiced among them. In either of these they are not exceeded by the Italians. . . . Some of the young women are said to take undue liberty before marriage for a portion; but when married, chaste. . . . "But in liberality they excel; nothing is too good for their friend; give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass through twenty hands before it sticks; light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that live, feast and dance perpetually; they never have much, nor want much; wealth circulateth like the blood; all poets partake; and though none shall want what another hath, yet exact observers of property. Some kings have sold, others presented me with several parcels of land; the pay or presents I made them were not hoarded by the particular owners; but the neighboring kings and their clans being present when the goods were brought out, the parties chiefly concerned consulted what and to whom they should give them. To every king then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed, is a proportion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that gravity that is admirable. Then that king subdivideth it in like manner among his dependants. . . . They care for little, because they want but little; and the reason is, a little contents them. In this they are sufficiently revenged on us; if they are ignorant of our pleasures, they are also free from our pains. . . . Since the Europeans came into these parts they are, grown great lovers of strong liquors, rum especially, and for it they exchange the richest of their skins and furs. It they are heated with liquors they are restless till they have enough to sleep,— that is their cry, — Some more and I will go to sleep; but when drunk one of the most wretched spectacles in the world! "In sickness, impatient to be cured; and for it give anything, especially for their children, to whom they are extremely natural. They drink at these times a tisan, or decoction of some roots in spring-water; and if they eat any flesh it must be of the female of any creature. If they die they bury them with their apparel, be they man or woman, and the nearest of kin fling in something precious with them as a token of their love. Their mourning is blacking of their laces, which they continue for a year. They are choice of the graves of their dead, for, lest they should be lost by time and fall to common use, they pick off the grass that grows upon them, and heap up the fallen earth with great care and exactness. These poor people are under a dark night in things relating to religion; to be sure the tradition of it; yet they believe a God and immortality without the help of metaphysics, for they say, ‘There is a Great King that made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward of them, and that the souls of the good shall go thither where they shall live again.’ Their worship consists of two parts, sacrifice and cantico. Their sacrifice is their first fruits; the first and fattest buck they kill goeth to the fire, where he is all burnt, with a mournful ditty of him that performeth the ceremony, but with such marvellous fervency and labor of body that he will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their cantico, performed by round dances, sometimes words, sometimes songs, then shouts, two being in the middle that begin, and by singing and drumming on a board direct the chorus. Their postures in the dance are very antick and differing, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnestness and labor, but great appearance of joy. In the fall, when the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another. There have been two great festivals already, to which all come that will I was at one myself; their entertainment was a greet seat by a spring under some shady trees, and twenty bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and beans, which they make up in a square form in the leaves of the stem and bake them in the ashes, and after that they fall to dance. But they that go must carry a small present in their money; it may be sixpence, which is made of the bone of a fish; the black is with them as gold, the white silver; they call it all wampum. "Their government is by Kings, which they call Sachama, and these by succession, but always on the mother’s side. . . . Every King bath his Council, and that consists of all the old and wise men of his nation which, perhaps, is two hundred people. Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, selling of land, or traffick, without advising with them, and, which is more, with the young men too. It is admirable to consider how powerful the Kings are, and yet how they move by the breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in council with them upon treaties of land, and to adjust the terms of trade. Their order is thus: The king sits in the middle of an half moon, and hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand; behind them, or at a little distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. Having consulted and resolved their business, the King ordered one of them to speak to me; he stood up, came to me and, in the name of his King, saluted me; then took me by the hand and told me, ‘He was ordered by his King to speak to me, and that now it was not he, but the King that spoke; because what he should say was the King’s mind.’ He first prayed me ‘to excuse them, that they had not complied with me the last time, he feared there might be some fault in the Interpreter, being neither Indian nor English; besides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council before they resolve, and that if the young people and owners of the land had been as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay.’ Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land they had agreed to dispose of and the price, which now is little and dear, that which would have bought twenty miles not buying now two. During the time that this man spoke not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile, the old grave, the young reverent in their deportment. They speak little but fervently, and with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, considering them without the help (I was going to say the spoil) of tradition, and he will deserve the name of wise that outwits them in any treaty about a thing they understand. When the purchase was agreed great promises passed between us, ‘of kindness and good neighborhood, and that the Indians and English must live in love as long as the sun gave light,’ which done, another made a speech to the Indians in the name of all the Sachemakers or Kings, first to tell them what was done, next to charge and command them ‘to love the Christians, and particularly live in peace with me and the people under my government; that many governors had been in the river, but that no Governor had come himself to live and stay here before, and having now such an one, that had treated them well, they should never do him or his any wrong,’ at every sentence of which they shouted and said Amen in their way. . . . "We have agreed that in all differences between us six of each side shall end the matter. Do not abuse them, but let them have justice, and you win them. The worst is that they are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated their vices and yielded their traditions for ill and not for good things. But as low an ebb as these people are at, and as inglorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived their sight, with all their pretensions to an higher manifestation. What good, then, might not a good people graft where there is so distinct a knowledge left between good and evil? I beseech God to incline the hearts of all that come into these parts, to outlive the knowledge of the natives, by a fixed obedience to their greater knowledge of the will of God, for it were miserable indeed far us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indians’ conscience, while we make profession of things so far transcending. "For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race; I mean, of the stock of the ten tribes, and that for the following reasons: First, they were to go to a ‘land not planted nor known;’ which, to be sure, Asia and Africa were, if not Europe, and He that intended that extraordinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy to them, as it is not impossible in itself, from the easternmost parts of Asia to the westernmost of America. . . ." Gabriel Thomas discoursed of the Indians in a manner similar to Penn, but adds an interesting fact or two: "The English and the Indians," he says, "live together very peaceably, by reason that the English satisfies them for their Land. . . . The Dutch and Sweads inform me that they are greatly decreased in number to what they were when they came first into this country, and the Indians themselves say that two of them die to every one Christian that comes in here."(19*) There is not much more that it is worth while to deduce from the cotemporary writers upon the Delawares, though we shall hereafter quote from George Alsop concerning the Minquas, Mingoes or Susquehannas. What we have extracted from the writings of Campanius, Penn and others, endeavoring to omit matters of minor importance and those which are clearly erroneous, affords quite a comprehensive view of the manners, customs, character and appearance of the supplanted race, in regard to whom there must be a constantly increasing interest as the years roll by. The language of the Lenni Lenape, — "the pure Castilian of the New World," — in the opinion of several competent judges, is the most perfect of all the Indian tongues, although all of these belonged to what philologists regard as one of the lowest orders of speech— the incorporative or polysynthetic type. It is distinguished by beauty, strength and flexibility. It has the power of compressing a whole sentence into a single word. This is done by taking the most important syllable of each word, and sometimes simply a single letter, combining them in slightly varying forms or with different terminations, the laws of euphony being observed, and thus forming a new word, expressing a variety of ideas. Nearly all of the Indian names, particularly those of the Lenape, are rich in rythmical euphony, and some which are exceptions have doubtless received their harshness through imperfect rendering into English (or, in many cases, Dutch and Swedish). The earliest Indian deed transferring lands in Delaware which is on record is dated May 4, 1679, and is preserved in the archives of the recorder’s office in New Castle County. It is a deed for the island upon the Delaware, in Duck Creek Hundred, Kent County, known as Bombay Hook Island, of which Mechacksit, a sachem, was the grantor and Peter Bayard (20*) the grantee. In the following, which is the full text of the deed, here reprinted as of antiquarian interest, the "ancher" of liquor mentioned as one of the items in the consideration was a Dutch measure, equivalent to about thirty-two gallons:— "Be it known unto all men by these presents, that I, Mechaecksitt, Chiefe Sachema of Cohonsink, & sole Indian owner and Proprietor of all that Tract or Land commonly called by the Christians Bompies Hook, and by the Indians Navsink, for & in consideration of one Gunn, fower handfulls of Powder, three Matscoats, one Ancher of liquor & one Kittle before the Ensigning and Delivery here of to me in hand paid, and Delivered by Peter Bayard, of New Yorke, wherewith I acknowledge and confesse myselfe to bee fully satisfyed, contented and paid, therefore doe hereby Acquit, Exonerate and fully Discharge the said Peter Bayard, for the same Have Given, Granted, Bargained, sold, assigned, Transported and Made over, and by these presents doe fully, Clearly and absolutely give, Grant, Bargaine, sell, assigne, Transporte & Make over unto him, the said Peter Bayard, his heirs and Assigns, all that part of Land Called Bompies hook, afsd lying and being on the west side of Deleware River and at the mouth thereof, Beginning at a Great Pond, and a little Creeke issuing put of the said Pond being the uppermost bounds of the sd Lands & stretching downe along the sd River to Ducke Creek, Including and Comprehending all the Land, woods, underwoods, Marshes, Creeks & Waters between the said uppermost Pond and Creeke & Ducke Creek aforesaid, To have & to hold the said tract of Land, Marshes & Premises, with all and Singular the appurtenances, as also all the Right, Title and Interest of him, the sd Machacksitt, his heirs and Assigns therein unto the said Peter Bayard, his heirs and assigns unto the soale and Proper use & behoofe of him, the said Peter Bayard, his heirs and Assigns forever. "In witness whereof, hee, the said Machacksitt, hath hereunto sett his Hand & Seale at New Castle, in Delaware, the 4th of May, 1679. "Was subscribed The signing or mark of "MECHACKSIT (4 s) "This is the mark of MORSSAPPENACHIN, the son of MEHOCKSIT. "Signed, sealed & Delivered in the presence of us. "J. DEHAES as Interpreter. "JOHN ADAMS. "A. WELLEONIS NARINGH. "EPH HERMAN, cer. "This above is a true copy of the original Deed Recorded and Examined. "Eph Herman." Another deed similiar to the one here given was made November 1, 1680, by the same sachem, Mechacksit, transferring to Ephraim Herman, "for two half ancers of drink, one blancquet, one matscoate, two axes, two knives, two double handsfull of powder, two barrs of lead, and one kittle," a tract of land in Appoquininmink Hundred, in the lower part of New Castle County.(21*) In conveying lands the Indian sachems usually signed their marks to the deeds of conveyance for the various tracts. The autographs of the most prominent Indian chiefs from 1682 to 1692 are shown below: Something of the tribal division and later history of the vanished Lenape nation remains to be told. It is not probable that at any time after they became known to the whites the Delawares had in their whole region more than twenty-five to thirty thousand people or from five to seven thousand warriors. In 1759, but little more than a century from the time that the first knowledge of them was obtained, they had but six hundred fighting men between the Delaware and the Ohio. It is probable that their numbers had been greatly reduced, decimated time and time again by the Iroquois prior to the coming of the Dutch and Swedes and English among them. The Delawares were divided into tribes of which the most notable were the branches of the Turtle or Unamis, the Turkey or Unalachtgo, and the Wolf or Minsi (corrupted into Monsey). While the domain of the Lenape extended from the sea-coast between the Chesapeake and Long Island Sound back beyond the Susquehanna to the Alleghenies and northward to the hunting-grounds of the Iroquois, it seems not to have been regarded as the common country of the tribes, but to have been set apart for them in more or less distinctly-defined districts. The Unamis and Unalachtgo nations, subdivided into the tribes of Assunpinks, Matas, Chichequaas, Shackamaxons, Tuteloes, Nanticokes and many others, occupied the lower country toward the coast, upon the Delaware and its affluents. The Unamis were the greatest and most intelligent the Lenape. They were a fishing people and to a larger extent planters than the other tribes, and equally skilled in the hunt. They had numerous small villages under minor chiefs, who were subordinate to the great council of the nation. They were less nomadic and more peaceable than the other tribes of Delawares. The more warlike tribe of the Minsi or Wolf, as Heckewelder informs us," had chosen to live back of the other tribes, and formed a kind of a bulwark for their protection, watching the motions of the Iroquois, or Six Nations, and being at hand to offer aid in case of a rupture with them. "The Minsi," continues the authority from whom we have quoted, "extended their settlements from the Minisink, a place (on the Delaware, in Monroe County, Pennsylvania) named after them, where they had their council-seat and fire, quite up to the Hudson on the east, and to the west and south far beyond the Susquehanna; their northern boundaries were supposed originally to be the heads of the great rivers Susquehanna and Delaware, and their southern that ridge of hills known in New Jersey by the name of Muskanecum, and in Pennsylvania by those of Lehigh, Coghnewago."(22*) The Lenape and the Iroquois confederacy, as has been before remarked, were almost constantly at war, but after the advent of the French in Canada, the Iroquois, finding that they could not withstand an enemy upon each side of them, shrewdly sought to placate the Lenape tribes, and, by the use of much skillful diplomacy, induced them to abandon arms and act as mediators between all the nations, to take up the peaceful pursuit of agriculture, and, by avoiding war, promote their own growth as a people, and at the same time exercise an influence towards the preservation of the entire Indian race. Into this trap, devised by the cunning Iroquois, they fell, and for a long period occupied, as they themselves expressed it, the position of women instead of men. The Five Nations, when opportunity presented itself, rewarded with treachery the confidence that the Lenape had reposed in them, and the latter, then resolving to unite their forces and by one great effort destroy their perfidious northern neighbors, again became men. This was before the era of the English in America had really begun, and the Lenape were diverted from their purpose by new and strange occurrences. The English came in great numbers to their coast. They received the new-comers kindly, as they had the Dutch, but in time the English, even the followers of Penn, turned from them and made friends with their enemy, the Iroquois, as the Dutch had done. They never ceased to revere the founder of Pennsylvania, Miquon, as they called him, but laid all of the subsequent wrong to mischievous people who got into power after their good brother had gone away, and who, not content with the land they had given them, contrived, they alleged, by every fraudulent means in their power, to rob them of all their possessions, and brought the hated Iroquois to humiliate them. They always maintained that they were insulted and treated in a degrading manner at treaties to which the English were parties, and particularly at that which took place at Philadelphia, in July, 1742, and at Easton, in November, 1756, when the Six Nations were publicly called upon to compel the Lenape to give up the land taken from them by the famous and infamous "Walking Purchase" of 1737. But for this and other outrages they declared they would not have taken up the tomahawk against the English in the so-called "French and Indian War" of 1755–63. It is possible that they would have remained neutral, notwithstanding their grievances, had they not been incited to enmity by the Iroquois. After the close of the war, in 1763, the Lenape withdrew altogether from the proximity of the white settlements into the wilds around the upper waters of the Susquehanna, and to Wyalusing, a hundred miles from the pioneer settlers of Pennsylvania. They did not long remain there, however, for the Iroquois sold the whole country to the English. Some of the Minsis or Munseys had gone before this to the head-waters of the Allegheny, and those of this tribe who were at Wyalusing joined them there. Subsequently the Lenape tribes were in Ohio, and a considerable number, chiefly of the Minsis, in Upper Canada, while others were upon the waters of the Wabash, in Indiana. Between the years 1780 and 1790 they began to emigrate from those regions to the territory west of the Mississippi. The remnant of the race thus— if their legend was true— retraced the steps of their ancestors, made centuries before. It would be improper to conclude this sketch of the Lenni Lenape without a few words upon its greatest and noblest character, the most illustrious and revered chief in the whole history of the nation— Tamanend or Tammany, who once lived somewhere in the territory now constituting the State of Delaware. Comparatively little is known of him. He lives principally in tradition, and his name has been perpetuated by frequent application to civic societies among the people who supplanted his race. He was a seventeenth century Indian, and is supposed to have died about the time of its close. In 1683 he, with a lesser chief, affixed their hieroglyphical signatures to a deed conveying to William Penn a tract of land in Bucks County Pennsylvania.(23*) While his home was doubtless for many years upon the Lower Delaware, and, there is reason to believe, near the Christiana, he doubtless moved northward as the English settlers encroached upon his domain, and it is traditionally asserted that he lived far up towards the head-waters of the river of his people in the extreme northeastern part of Pennsylvania.(24*) Of the character of Tamanend, Heckewelder says: "He was in the highest degree endowed with wisdom, virtue, prudence, charity, affability, meekness, hospitality,— in short, with every good and noble qualification that a human being may possess," and Thatcher declares that the Indians "could only account for the perfections they ascribed to him by supposing him to be favored with the special communications of the Great Spirit." The Nanticokes, to whom allusion has several times been made in this chapter, were allies and kindred of the Delawares, whom they called "grandfathers," and occupied the lower part of this State and the Eastern Shore of Maryland, and were distinctively a fishing and trapping people, rather than hunters and warriors. These facts were asserted by one of their chiefs, White, to Loskiel and Heckewelder, the Moravian missionaries and historians at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. The Nanticokes moved northward before the pressure of the slow, but inexorable advance of the white settlers, and after waging for a long period an intermittent war with the early colonists of Maryland they retreated to the head of the Chesapeake Bay, and thence, some of them, under the advice and protection of the Iroquois, moved to the Wyoming Valley, and others went farther up the Susquehanna to Chemmenk or Zeningis (Shenango), to which region they all immigrated at the beginning of the French and Indian War against the English. The tribe suffered even more from contact with the Europeans than did the Delawares and Susquehannas. "Nothing," said White, "had equaled the decline of his tribe since the white people had come into the country. They were destroyed in part by disorders which they brought with them, by the small-pox, the venereal disease, and by the free use of spirituous liquors, to which great numbers fell victims."(25*) The tribe had so dwindled away that soon after the Revolution (in which they had joined the British standard) they did not number more than fifty men. The last remnant of this people in Delaware took their departure about 1748,(26*) from the neighborhood of Laurel, in Sussex County. In this locality— about a mile from Laurel, on the bank of a small stream— there was quite an extensive burying-ground, which was opened early in the present century by workmen engaged in digging earth for the purpose of repairing a mill-dam. They dug up several wagon-loads of bones and left a large quantity still remaining in the earth. The skeletons were in a fair degree of preservation, lay side by side and each bone was in its proper place. Several of them were of such size as to denote that the men whose remains they were, possessed remarkably high stature and great, strength, one of them in particular being seven feet in length. At the time the grave-yard was opened by the spades of the laborers there were living in the neighborhood several very old men who remembered "the last of the Nanticokes," and said that a short time before they left that part of the country they all assembled at this spot, and bringing with them the bones of their dead who had been buried elsewhere in the region round about, interred them here with many peculiar ceremonies prior to their mournful final departure from the land of their fathers.(27*) Heckewelder remarks that "the Nanticokes had the singular custom of removing the bones of their deceased friends from the burial-place to a place of deposit in the country they dwell in," — a statement which is qualified by the authentic account we have made use of in reference to the discovery near Laurel. In this instance the Indians did indeed remove the bones of their friends to a central locality and common burial-place, but they did not take them to the locality to which they were about to emigrate. That in some instances they did remove the bones of the dead from their old home in Delaware and Maryland to Northern Pennsylvania is incontestable, but in such cases The remains were doubtless those of sachems or chiefs, distinguished men or very close kindred. Heckewelder is authority for the statement that in the years between 1750 and 1760 many of these Indians went down to the Delaware-Maryland Peninsula to carry the bones of their dead up to Wyoming and Nescopeck, and he says, "I well remember seeing them loaded with such bones, which, being fresh, caused a disagreeable stench as they passed through the streets of Bethlehem."(28*) The Susquehannas, who had their home upon the Potomac and the Susquehanna, and perhaps their greatest strength in what is now Cecil County, extending their population even into the territory of Northern Delaware, were a powerful tribe with whom the early adventurers, traders and settlers of the Delaware had much intercourse, and they have received frequent mention in this chapter, but their importance, historically, makes them worthy of a more specific consideration in these pages than has yet been accorded to them. They were— conclude Francis Parkman and other students who have given special and intelligent attention to the subject— a branch or outlying colony of that quite wonderful savage confederacy, the Five (afterwards the Six) Nations, or the Iroquois, and they seem to have acted as a guard or check upon the Delawares of the lower river and other southern tribes, often waging war against them and also committing occasional depredations on the frontier settlements of Maryland. They were the Minquas or Minquosy of the Dutch, the Mengwes of Campanius and the Swedes generally (the English corrupting the name into Mingoes), the Susquehannas or Susquehannocks of the Marylanders, and were also called the Andastes or Gandastogues (corrupted in Pennsylvania into Conestogas). The Susquehannas or Mingoes were a stalwart race of warriors, and those who saw them in their prime attest their physical superiority over other tribes. Captain John Smith describes them as "such great and well-proportioned men as are seldom seen, for they seemed like giants to the English; yea, and to the neighbors, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring vs as Gods,. . . for their language it may well beseame their proportions, sounding from them as a voyce in a vault. . . . Five of their chief werowances came aboord vs and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe (accompanying Smith’s narrative), the calfe of whose leg was three-quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld." "They are regarded," says George Alsop, in a little work (29*) on Maryland, published in 1666: "As the most Noble and Heroick Nation of Indians that dwell upon the confines of America; also are so allowed and lookt upon by the rest of the Indians, by a submission and tributary acknowledgment, being a people cast into the Mould of a most large and warlike deportment, the men being for the most part seven foot high in altitude and in magnitude and bulk suitable to so high a pitch; their voice large and hollow, as ascending out of a Cave, their gate and behavior straight, steady, and majestick, treading on the Earth with as much pride, contempt, and disdain to so sordid a Centre as can be imagined from a creature derived from the same mould and Earth." The Susquehannas were on good terms with the Dutch and Swedes, being notably assisted and championed by the latter, who, as heretofore stated, built for them a fort which, in 1662, saved them from defeat at the hands of their kindred, the Six Nations. The English settlers upon the Delaware were equally skillful with the Swedes in gaining and securing the friendship of this tribe, and carried on a large trade with them. The maintenance of relations at once agreeable and advantageous constantly exercised the diplomacy of officials, and communications of an advisory nature were incessantly passing between the Governors at New York and the minor officers upon the Delaware during the early period of the English regime, as they did later between Penn and his functionaries in Pennsylvania and the "three lower counties." Governor Andros, writing to the court officials at New Castle, on November 23, 1676, says: "Iff the Susquehannas should apply to you for any thing, you are to use them kindly, still as transient friends, butt for more than that to Refer them to come hither to the Governor, where they may expect all further just favors wth dispatch in what they may desire"(30*)— which affords a fair illustration of the prevailing disposition of the English towards the people they were destined to supplant. Alternately at war with the whites and other tribes of their own race,— with the Maryland colonists, the Delawares, the Chesapeake and Potomac Indians, and the Iroquois of the north, — the Susquehannas at last gave way before the march of civilization and its attendant evils, rum and small-pox, combined with the onslaught of their savage enemies, until a mere fragment of their nation, called the Conestogas, was all that remained of a once powerful people, which, as late as 1647, had thirteen hundred warriors trained to the use of firearms by Swedish soldiers. These Conestogas were treacherously and brutally murdered by the "Paxton boys," in the Lancaster jail, where the Pennsylvania authorities had sent them for protection, and not many years later Logan, incomparably the greatest of the Mingoes, whose passionate but dignified and sententious eloquence, as displayed in his words of mourning for his slain kindred, is world-famous, fell a victim to the tomahawk of an Indian assassin while sitting by his lonely camp-fire in the wilds of Ohio. Thus passed the last of the Mingoes, the noblest of all that brave, if barbarous, people— his own fate typical of that which befell his nation and his race. * "The name ‘Delawares,’ which we give to these people," says Heckewelder, "is known in their own language; * * they thought the whites had given it to them in derision but they were reconciled to it, on being told that it was the name of a great white chief, Lord de la Warre, which had been given to them and their river. As they are fond of being named after distinguished men, they were rather pleased, considering it as a compliment" They called themselves Lenni Lenape, which means in their language "the original people." The Dutch called them Mahikandeos; the French, Abenakis. ** The "Five Nations" became the "Six Nations" about 1712, by the incorporation with their body of the refugee southern tribe, the Tuscaroras. *** The Lenni Lenape handed down the tradition of their reception of the Dutch, and always maintained that none of the enemy— the Iroquois, or Five Nations— were present, though they sent for the Mohicans, to participate in the joyous occasion. (4*) By many the tradition of the emigration of the Lenni Lenape is believed to have a solid foundation in fact, and the Allegwi are regarded as being the Mound-Builders, whose vast works are numerous along the Mississippi, the Ohio and their tributaries. (5*) The DELAWARE RIVER was called by the Lenni-Lenape Lenape-wihittuck, i.e. the river of the Lenape. In the language of the Minsi Delawares the name was Kit-hânne, or Gicht-hanne, signifying the main stream in its region of country. Other names for it in various Indian tongues were Pontaxat, Chickohockee, Mariskitten and Mokerishkisken. The Dutch who were the first white people who sailed up the bay and river named the latter in contradistinction from the North or Hudson River Zuydt, or South River, and they also called it Nassau River and Prince Hendricks and Charles River. The Swedes referred to it as the Swenska Revier, Nya Swerige’s Elf. or Nova Swecia Revier (now Swedens River or New Swedeland Stream). The English gave it the present name in honor of Lord de la Warre who was said to have passed the capes in 1610. The bay has also been respectively called Newport, Meys and Godyn’s Bay. (6*) Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 610 (note). (7*) "Language and the Study of Languages," by Prof. W.D. Whitney. (8*) See next chapter. (9*) This name is sometimes printed John Campanius Holm, the last name being added to signify Stockholm, of which city he was a native. Where it so occurs it is equivalent to John Campanius, of Holm or Stockholm. (10*) A copy of the original Swedish edition of this work, published at Stockholm in -----, is in the library of the Delaware Historical Society. (11*) Campanius, pp. 153–156. (12*) William Huffington’s Delaware Register. Vol. I. p. 242. (13*) Wicaco, the Swedish settlement on the site of Philadelphia. (14*) Campanius’ "New Sweden," p. 128 (15*) Campanius, p. 127. (16*) Francis Parkman, in Introduction to "The Jesuits in America." (17*) "Essay upon Indian Affairs" (a fragment), published in Transactions of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. (18*) Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. I. pp. 68, 69. (19*) "Historical Description of the Province and County of West New Jersey in America," London, 1698. (20*) Bayard, so far as European law was concerned, was the owner of the tract five years before the making of this deed, Governor Andros having deeded it to him December 15, 1675. (21*) This latter deed is published in Huffington’s Delaware Register, Vol. II. p. 170, and is similar to the one here produced. (22*) Heckewelder’s "Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations." (23*) Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. 1, p. 64. (24*) It is believed that Tamanend lived for a considerable period on the west bank of the Delaware, in what in now Damascus township, Wayne County. The Connecticut settlers, who came there in 1757, called the fertile bottom land "St. Tammany Flat," and in later years his name was applied in its canonized form to a local lodge of the Masonic fraternity, The traditional fame of Tamanend’s virtue, wisdom and greatness became so wide-spread among the whites that he was established as St. Tammany, the Patron Saint of America. His name was printed in some old-time calendars and his festival celebrated on the 1st day of May every year. On that day a numerous society of his votaries walked together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia with bucktail, adorning their hats, and proceeded to a "wigwam," in a rural localitys where they smoked the calumet of peace and indulged in festivity and mirth. The original Tammany Society in the United States was a Philadelphia organization of high repute, which had no other purpose than pleasure and quaint but innocent diversion. The later societies, being devoted to partisan politics, have lost the charm which the old society possessed. It is interesting to note, however, that one of the most widely known political associations in the country bears the name of the great chief of the Lenni Lenape. (25*) Heckewelder. (26*) A number of Nanticockes from Maryland passed by Shamokin in ten canoes on their way to Wyoming.— Diary of Rev. Christian Pyrlaeus, May 21, 1748. Others, says Heckewelder, frequently passed by land through Bethlehem, and thence through the Delaware Water Gap to Nescopeck or Susquehanna. (27*) Huffington’s Delaware Register, Vol. I., pp. 16, 17. (28*) Heckewelder’s "Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations." (29*) "A Character of the Province of Maryland," by George Alsop; London, 1666. (30*) Records of New Castle County Court. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume One- pp. 23-34. CHAPTER IV. DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT BY THE DUTCH, 1609–1636. IT is not positively known who discovered the territory now known as Delaware, but as early as 1526, the Spaniards not only explored the whole coast from the Mexican Gulf, northward to and beyond the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, but had even attempted to form a settlement about that parallel. There is evidence,* apparently incontrovertible, that the Chesapeake was known to the Spaniards, and that an expedition had been made by them for the occupation of its coasts at least twenty years before we have any knowledge of any attempt of the English to establish themselves in any part of the American continent. In view of these facts it would have been strange that the great basin, now known as Delaware Bay, should have remained unknown to the Spaniards until it was visited by Henry Hudson in 1609. In the sixteenth century enterprises for discovery were numerous, and the daring and skill of the early voyagers who led the way to the colonization of the United States deserve the highest admiration. The character of the prevalent winds and currents was unknown, and the ships employed for discovery were generally of less than one hundred tons burden. Frobisher sailed in a vessel of but twenty-five tons; two of those of Columbus were without a deck, and so perilous were the voyages deemed that the sailors were accustomed, before embarking, to perform solemn acts of devotion, as if to prepare for eternity. It is certain that the first practical discovery of the Delaware Bay and River and of the New York Bay and Hudson River was made in 1609, by Henry Hudson,** an English navigator in the service of the Dutch East India Company, whose title to immortality seems to be assured by the fact that one of the largest bays and one of the noblest rivers in the world equally bear his name, and are admitted to have been discovered by him. The discovery of Delaware Bay and River was made, according to the journal kept by Robert Jewett (or Juet), the first officer of Hudson’s ship, on August 28, 1609 (new style), and on this discovery the Dutch founded their claim to the countries binding upon and adjacent to the North (Hudson) and the South (Delaware) Rivers.*** The accounts of Hudson’s third voyage and his discovery of the North and South Rivers are too accurate, circumstantial, and satisfactory to allow of any question in regard to them. Hudson’s journal as well as that of Robert Juet are preserved in Purchas’ Pilgrims, and Juet has given not only the courses and distances sailed on the coast, but the various depths of water obtained by soundings off the bars and within the capes of the two bays Juet’s log-book of August 28, 1609, has indeed been tested by actual soundings and sailing distances, and is found to be so accurate to this day that his route can be minutely followed. At noon Hudson having passed the lower cape, the shores were descried stretching away northwest,(4*) while land was also seen towards the northeast, which he at first took to be an island, but it proved to be the main land and the second point (5*) of the bay.(6*) The remainder of the day was spent in sounding the waters, which were in some parts filled with shoals, as at the present time, so that the "Half Moon," though of light draught, struck upon the hidden sands. "Hee that will throughly discover this great Bay," says Juet, "muste have a small Pinnasse that must draw but four or five foote water, to sound before him." At sunset the master anchored his little vessel "in eight fathomes water," and found a tide running from the northwest; "and it riseth one fathome and floweth South-South-east."(7*) "From the strenth of the current that set out and caused the accumulation of sands," he "suspected that a large river discharged into the bay."(8*) In the course of the night, the weather, which had been intensely warm all day, suddenly changed. A passing storm dispelled the heat, while the breeze blowing from the land refreshed the weary men with the moist perfumes of sweet shrubs and summer flowers. At early dawn the explorations were renewed and Hudson stood towards the "norther land," where he again "strooke ground" with his rudder. Convinced that the road to China did not lie that way, he hastened to emerge from the Delaware in search of new channels through which he might pass quickly to India, the goal of his wishes. Imbued with this idea, he continued his voyage along the coast of New Jersey, and cast anchor, on the 3d of September, within the shelter of what is now Sandy Hook, New York. His subsequent discovery of the river which bears his name, and his ascent to a point in the vicinity of the present city of Albany, are facts too well known to be given repetition here.(9*) The English early gave the name of Delaware Bay and River to the South River of the Dutch, upon the pretext that it was discovered by Lord de la Warr in his voyage to Virginia in 1610. Mr. Brodhead and other writers, however, have plainly shown that Lord La Warr never saw Delaware Bay, and that the name Cape La Warr (10*) was given to Cape May by the roistering Capt. Samuel Argalls, of Lord Somers’ squadron, who, being separated from his commander in a fog off the Bermudas, in that voyage the narration of which is supposed to have given Shakspeare his theme for the Tempest, was carried by a cyclone as far north as Cape Cod, and descending the coast again to Virginia, sighted the cape in question and gave his lordship’s name to it. The Dutch eventually rested their claim to the New Netherlands upon the magnificent discoveries of Hudson, as opposed to the English claim through the general discovery by the Cabots, but they did not immediately profit by them to any great extent, nor did they make prompt endeavors to by that best of all methods, organized colonization. Indeed, when it is taken into consideration that Holland was then the first maritime power and the greatest trading country of the world; that Amsterdam was to the north what Venice had been to the Mediterranean and the less known seas of two continents; that her traffic with Russia frequently necessitated the sending of as many as seventy or eighty ships a year to Archangel, and further, when it is brought to mind that her people had for years been urged by the energetic Usselinx (of whom much more anon), to systematically seek the riches of the New World, it is difficult to form other conclusion than that the Dutch were somewhat dilatory in taking advantage of their enlarged opportunities. There were reasons, which will presently be explained, for the avoidance of colonization schemes, but the tardiness, the comparatively inconsequential character and the incompletely organized efforts of this nation of merchants, towards establishing trade with the rich, new found regions of the world are facts not easily accounted for. What the Dutch at first undertook and actually accomplished, however, was inspired by monetary rather than political ambition. The reports carried to Holland by Hudson were far more favorable in regard to the North than the Zuydt or South River, and to the former were directed the first commercial expeditions of the Dutch. The "Half Moon" in 1610 was sent back to the North River with a trading cargo, and took to Holland a heavy cargo of cheaply bought furs. In 1611 (the same year that Hudson was abandoned to a horrible death) Hendrick Christiaensen, of Cleves near Niemguen, Holland, a West India trader, and Adrien Block, of Amsterdam, chartered a ship in company with the Schipper Rysar, and made a voyage to the Manhattans and "the great river of the mountains," returning with a quantity of furs and bringing also two sons of Indian chiefs, whom they named "Valentine," and "Orson." These young savages, and the rare but cheap furs from their native land, appear to have roused the phlegmatic Hollanders from their lethargy, and public interest in the newly discovered territories began to show some liveliness. A memorial on the subject was presented to the Provincial States of Holland and West Friesland by several merchants and inhabitants of the United Provinces, and, says Brodhead, "it was judged of sufficient interest to be formally communicated to the cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Hoorn and Euckhuysen."(11*) In the following year Christiaensen and Block received material aid from several leading merchants, and fitted out two vessels, the "Fortune" and "Tiger," upon which they sailed again to the Hudson and traded along its banks with the Indians. In 1813 other merchants, allured by the handsome profits of these ventures, caught the New World fever, and the "Little Fox," under command of John De Witt, and "Nightingale," under Thys Volkertsen, were sent out from Amsterdam, while the owners of the ship "Fortune," of Hoorn, placed their vessel under charge of Captain Cornelis Jacobsen Mey (or May). This little fleet sailed to the Hudson River, where Block’s vessel, the "Tiger," was destroyed by fire just as he was about to set sail for Holland in the fall. Undaunted by this misfortune, the mariner built a hut on the shore of a small island (named by him Block Island), and spent the winter of 1613–14 in constructing a boat to supply the place of the "Tiger." This was a yacht of thirty-eight feet keel, forty-four and one-half feet long, and eleven feet wide, with a carrying capacity of sixteen tons. This little craft, the first built by Europeans in that part of America which became the United States, the builder named the "Onrust" or "Restless," and the name passed into history, and became famous as that of the vessel which bore the first actual explorers of the Delaware River. By the time that the "Onrust" was finished and nearly ready for service, in the spring of 1614, the companion vessels of the preceding year, heretofore enumerated, were on their way over the ocean, to begin their second season’s work. This time, however, they came under new auspices, for in consequence of the presentation of petitions by "many merchants interested in the maritime discovery" to the "High and Mighty States General of Holland," an edict or ordinance had been issued (12*) declaring that it "was honorable, useful and profitable" that the people of the Netherlands should be encouraged to adventure themselves in discovering unknown countries, and for the purpose of making the inducement "free and common to every one of the inhabitants," it was granted and conceded that "whoever shall from this time forward discover any new passages, havens, lands or places, shall have the exclusive right of navigating to the same for four voyages." It was provided that the discoverer should, within fourteen days from his return, deliver to the State "a pertinent report of his discoveries," and that in case any discoveries were made simultaneously by different parties, they were to enjoy in common the rights acquired. In the spring, when voyaging began, Christiaensen pushed up the Hudson and erected a trading post and block-house on Castle Island, just below the site of Albany; Block, with the "Onrest," explored Long Island Sound, and Mey sailed directly southward, upon the "Fortune," charted the coast from Sandy Hook to the Delaware and, entering that bay, gave his surname (now spelled May) to the northern cape, his Christian name, Cornelis, to the southern cape opposite, and to the southern cape, facing the ocean, the name of Hindlopen or Henlopen, probably after Thymen Jacobsen Hinlopen, of Amsterdam, or a town in Friesland, though the latter, applied as it was to a false cape, was subsequently transferred to the Delaware cape (near Lewes), which now bears it. There is no evidence that May attempted to change the name of Delaware Bay and River from that given by the Dutch, Zueydt River,(13*) or that he landed at any point. In the fall the vessels of the trading squadron all returned to Holland, except the "Onrust," which was left at Manhattan under the command of Captain Cornelis Hendricksen, doubtless for the express purpose of making a more minute examination of the country. The returned navigators and their associate merchants formed a company, drew up a report and chart of their several discoveries, and proceeded to the Hague to claim a concession under the edict of March 27, 1614. In the presence of the twelve mighty lords of the States General, by John Van Olden Barneveldt, the "advocate" of Holland, they unfolded what they called a "figurative map" of the West India (or American) coast, told their tale of adventures, discoveries, loss and gain, and asked for the monopoly which the edict promised. It was at once granted, and a special charter to them of exclusive privileges to trade for four voyages in the region they had explored, which now, for the first time, obtained the name of the "NEW NETHERLANDS,’ was drawn up and signed October 11, 1614. The territory covered by this charter was all of the region from New France (as the French possessions in Canada were called) and Virginia. The company was granted the privilege, exclusively, to navigate to the newly-discovered lands for five voyages, within the period of three years, commencing the 1st of January, 1615. The privilege expired on the 1st of January, 1618, and there is no evidence now extant that any of the vessels ever traded on the Delaware. This charter had a broader historical importance and greater influence in the chain of cause and effect than the mere granting of a valuable franchise to a half dozen or more individuals, for it, in effect, asserted that the Dutch territory of the New Netherlands embraced all the territory and coast line of North America from the fortieth to the forty-fifth parallel. Hendricksen in the little yacht "Onrust" (scarcely larger than the smallest oyster shallop of the present day), was meanwhile engaged in making the first actual exploration of the Delaware Bay and River, a work which seems to have occupied the greater part of the year 1615, and some portion of the succeeding one. Authorities radically differ as to the extent of the Captain’s explorations, some firmly asserting that he went as far north as the Schuylkill, and that he was, therefore, the first white man to gaze upon the site of the city of Philadelphia, and others stoutly denying that he went beyond the head of the Bay or the mouth of the Delaware River proper. Without entering into an elaborate and unsatisfying discussion of the merits of these clashing assertions, it may be stated that the former possesses the greater portion of probabilities, and has been generally conceded by the not over captious class of critics and historians. The chief ground for belief that he did sail up the river is to be found in his report, in which he speaks of having "discovered and explored certain lands, a bay and three rivers, situated between 38 and 40 degrees," corresponding respectively to the south boundary of Maryland, where it touches the Atlantic and the latitude of Philadelphia. It would seem from this statement that no other than the Delaware Bay and River and the Christiana and Schuylkill could be meant. But little has been preserved of the information which Hendricksen carried to Holland concerning his voyage. What is saved from oblivion may be regarded as the first record of man upon the Delaware, and it is enough to show that he landed at several places, took soundings, drew charts and discovered the contour of the bay and the capabilities of the river. He tells how he traded with the Indians for skins of various kinds, sables, otter, mink, bear robes, etc. He speaks of the vegetation of the shores and mentions the kinds of trees that abound— the oaks, hickories and pines, richly draped and festooned here and there with grape vines and flowering creepers. The forests he says were alive with game, bucks, does, turkeys and partridges. "He hath found," says his report, "the climate of said country very temperate," and he believed it to be similar in temperature to Holland. At Christiana Creek where he landed, and possibly walked over the very ground that was destined to be covered with the streets and buildings of the City of Wilmington, Hendricksen met a band of Minquas (or Mingse) Indians, and redeemed from them three white men, who in the spring of 1616 had left the Dutch Fort near the site of Albany, wandered up the Mohawk Valley, crossed the dividing ridge to the head waters of the Delaware, and descended that stream until they had encountered the Minquas and been made prisoners by them.(14*) In the summer of 1616, Captain Hendricksen was again in Holland, for on August 19, he laid his report of discoveries and claims for extensive trading privileges before the States General.(15*) For some reason which does not clearly appear this was not granted, and the brave and energetic explorer reaped no advantage from his arduous and dangerous undertaking, nor did he further figure in the cisatlantic affairs of his nation.(16*) If of little use to himself, Hendricksen’s discoveries were nevertheless of vast importance to Holland, and of far-reaching influence and effect in the planting of the American Colonies. His report of his voyages along the coast and exploration of the great Zuydt River, did more to bring about be the organization of the Dutch West India Company than any one power, if possibly we except the long continued patient, powerful and adroit manipulations of public opinion by William Usselinx. This man who had long before been a character in the action of the drama of human progress now became a most prominent one. He was a native of Antwerp, in Brabant, a merchant, who had traveled several years in Spain, Portugal and the Azores Islands, and had become thoroughly familiar with the profitable commerce carried on between those countries and West India, as all of the then known America was called.(17*) As early as 1591, on his return to Holland, he proposed to certain merchants a plan to establish a company for carrying on trade with America, and in the following year he presented that plan in writing to the States General, to several cities and numerous individuals. He secured an ardent adherent in the person of Prince Maurice, and at his suggestion traveled throughout Holland to urge his scheme upon the inhabitants, but he could not arouse them, for as he expressed it "The people could not be awakened from their sleep." Now that Hendricksen’s report had awakened fresh interest in America, Usselinx in 1616, resumed the agitation that he had commenced at the beginning of the century, and in that year he presented a petition to the States General of Holland and West Friesland, in which he offered to prove the following points:— "1. That through such a west Indian Company the United Netherlands could be strengthened and be better secured against the King of Spain than through all their revenues. "2. That the country could expect more treasures and a more extensive trade from India than Spain, in case we continue in peace with the King of Spain. "3. That in case we should become involved in war with the King of Spain, we could through the means which we might acquire, not only retain but take places now in his possession, or render them altogether fruitless to him. "4. That money could be collected to carry on this work properly without weakening or reducing the regular trade in the least, even if the sum should amount to ten millions. "5. That this work should not only prove a benefit to merchants, mechanics, and seafaring people, but that each and every inhabitant should derive an advantage from it."(18*) It was not until nearly a year had passed that this document was permitted to be read, and even then its time of fruition had not come, and even when it did, the man who had fostered and nourished the plant received no reward for his indefatigable services which were of vast value to his country. For years he had devoted nearly all of his energies to his favorite scheme, and he became so impoverished and embarrassed in his private affairs, that in 1618 it became necessary that he should be protected from arrest by his creditors through the granting of sureté du corps. But further than this his frequent pleadings for remuneration received no recognition, and the very people who received benefit from his acts harshly criticized them. This was too much for his fiery spirit to bear, and he gave expression to his indignation in unmistakable language. "Crack-brained and overwise pretenders" he wrote:— "Who think that which they cannot comprehend on their crazy heads is not to be found in nature, even if they don’t know what has passed in this affair and what my intentions may have been, are yet so impertinent not only to slander the good work and my propositions, but even dare to accuse persons of high rank and intelligence of inconsiderateness and imprudence, because they give me a hearing and approve of my propositions." If we follow for a brief period the history of this remarkable man, before taking up the organization and affairs of the company which he did more than any other one man to create, we find in his misfortunes the effect of an ingratitude which it is difficult to account for, except upon the ground of the baseness and selfishness of the common herd of man, who often when enjoying the results of wise action forgets the instrument by which they were accomplished. Prince Maurice most earnestly urged a settlement of poor Usselinx’s claim, and in a letter to the States General of the United Netherlands under date of August 30, l622, said:— "Usselinx has during a number of years employed much of his time in laboring faithfully to promote and establish the West India Company, in which he has rendered great and useful services, and still continues in it with the same zeal, for which he justly deserves to be properly rewarded. Therefore it is our desire that your High Mightiness consider well his former and future services, and satisfy his just claim. Do not lose sight of him, do not 1et him go from here, for that may prove dangerous." In spite of this strong advocacy of his rights by an influential personage, the States General on July 4, 1623, positively refused to settle his claim, and referred him to the managers of the West India Company, with a letter in which they warmly attested his zeal and affection for the continuance of the Company, spoke of his willingness to remain and his willingness" to give and explain the knowledge he had acquired by long experience," and begged that the managers "would examine and consider everything favorably, and according as they found him worthy of his services, make a suitable disposition." Usselinx did not deliver this letter, because in the first place he did not regard the managers or company as his debtors, but "that their High Mightinesses the Lords States Generals owed for his services," and secondly, because he had reason to fear the jealousy and unfriendliness of several of the managers. "For these reasons," he says, "I finally resolved not to trouble myself any more about the company, and, after giving due notice, left them and the country to try my luck elsewhere, out of the country." And thus poor, disappointed, stung with ingratitude and embittered in spirit, he transferred his valuable knowledge and energies to the service of Sweden and of Gustavus Adolphus, where as will presently be shown they were not only used to good advantages, but better appreciated than in his native country. The Dutch West India Company was finally incorporated on the 3d of June, 1621, for the time was ripe for the consummation of the great scheme which, indeed, now looked to a colonization of the new world possessions of Holland, as well as the establishment of trade. To understand the long delay of this measure, it is necessary to recall one or two circumstances in the condition and attitude of Holland early in the seventeenth century. The nation had been in war with Spain for several years, but, in 1609, a truce, to last twelve years, was negotiated in lieu of a permanent treaty of peace. Philip II. had consented to the independence of the Netherlands, but would not consent to give them free trade in the East Indies. The Netherlands would not accept a final and permanent treaty which did not guarantee their commercial freedom, hence the truce as a compromise. The negotiation was effected by Grotius and Barneveldt and was bitterly opposed by the distinctively "war party" of the day, headed by Usselinx, for the reason that it destroyed the project for a West India Company. This party was eager to resort to every means to injure and humble their haughty and arrogant enemy, and, indeed, Usselinx appears to have had a bitter, personal hatred of Spain and the other Catholic countries in which he had traveled. The party, too, was infused as a whole with the heat of religious rancor for the Calvinists and Puritans (the latter exiles in Leyden) were in bitter antagonism to the Arminians, who controlled the State.(19*) The Reformers, finally in 1619, carried everything before them in the Synod of Dort, the Arminians were put down and thus one obstacle to the success of colonization was removed. The charter to the Amsterdam merchants expired in 1618; the twelve year truce with Spain ended in the spring of 1621, and the United Provinces must soon be renewed while the necessity for a more vigorous policy on the part of Holland, in support of its claims to the New Netherlands was given an additional force of demonstration by the fact that the English government was preparing to remonstrate against the expansion of the Dutch territory, both on the New England side and on the Delaware, the Virginians having, in Fact, sent one abortive expedition against the traders on the latter stream. Thus various causes conspired to bring about the result that Usselinx and his party had, for more than twenty years, labored to bring about. It was upon the 3d of June, 1621, that the States General, under their great seal, granted the formal patent incorporating the West India Company, for the encouragement of that foreign settlement and commerce that its advocates asserted the welfare of the Netherlands largely rested. The company was invested with tremendous powers. It was authorized, as Brodhead says, to make in the name of the States General," contracts and alliances with the princes and natives of the countries comprehended within the limits of its charter, build forts, appoint and discharge governors, soldiers and public officers, administer justice and promote trade. It was bound to advance the peopling of these fruitful and unsettled parts and do all that the service of those countries and the profit and increase of trade shall require." It had a power in America practically equal to that of Holland itself, for all of the functions of that government, appertaining to its foreign possessions, were unreservedly delegated to it. The States General, reserving the power to declare war, had a sort of general supervision with the privilege of confirming the appointment of superior officers, but that was the limit of its powers. The charter set forth that except in the name of "the United Company of these United Netherlands," for the space of twenty-four years, no native inhabitants of the Netherlands should be permitted to sail to or from, or to traffic on the coast of Africa, from the tropic of Cancer to the Cape of Good Hope, nor in the countries of America or the West Indies, between the south-end of Terra Nova, by the straits of Magellan, La Maire, or any other straits and passage situate thereabout, to the straits of Arrian, neither upon the North or the South Seas, nor any islands situated on the one side or the other, or between both, nor on the Western or Southern Countries, reaching, lying and between both the meridians from the Cape of Good Hope in the west-end of New Guinea in the west," under penalty of forfeiture of goods and ships." The government of the company was vested in five boards of managers— one at Amsterdam managing four-ninths of the whole; one at Middleburg, in Zealand, managing two-ninths; one at Dortrecht, on the Maese, managing one-ninth; one in North Holland, one-ninth; and one in Friesland and Groningen, one-ninth. The general executive power was placed in the hands of a board of nineteen delegates, (usually denominated the College of Nineteen) of whom eight were to come from the Amsterdam Chamber, and the rest from the other Chambers in proportion to their shares, except that the States General was to be represented by one delegate. The States were pledged to defend the company against all comers, to give for its assistance sixteen ships of war, of three hundred tons each, and four yachts of eighty tons each, and were to advance a million guilders in money. The company was to provide at its own expense a number of ships equal to those supplied by the government and to arm and equip them all. The fleet thus constituted it was provided should be placed under the command of an Admiral selected by the States General. The books of the company were only to be kept open for stock subscriptions during the year 1621, and while any inhabitant of the Netherlands might become a stockholder within that period, it was announced that none could do so later. It happened, however, that the books were not closed until June, 1623, when the organization was completed. While the organization was being completed, several ships were sent on trading ventures of more or less private character to the newly discovered countries, between latitudes 40ºand 45º "together with a great river lying between 38 and 40 degrees of latitude," which of course was none other than the Delaware. There is no evidence that they actually traded on this river, but it is to be inferred from the action of the English in Virginia that they did. Indeed it is probable that they visited all of the waters of the coast from Buzzard’s Bay (within twenty miles of Plymouth) down to the Delaware. A plan of colonization was also matured. There were then in the Netherlands a number of Walloons (Belgian Protestants of supposed Waelsche or Celtic origin) who were refugees from Spanish persecution, who had sought to emigrate to Virginia but could not secure satisfactory terms. The West India Company quick to see that these people would be good immigrants with whom to begin the permanent settlement of their possessions in America, at once made provision to carry them over in one of their ships soon to sail. This was the "New Netherlands" in command of Captain Cornelis Jacobsen Mey, who first after Hudson had sailed into the Delaware Bay and who was going out now as the first resident director or governor of the colonies. The vessel sailed from the Texel in March 1623, (Adriaen Joris of Thienpoint being second in command), without about thirty Walloon (20*) families on board and took the southern course to America, (the one then commonly followed) by way of the British Channel, the Canaries, across the Atlantic to Guiana and the Carribees, thence northward between the Bermudas and Bahamas to the Virginia coast, and then skirting the shore to the North River. Reaching his destination Mey distributed his handful of colonists as far as he could. The majority were taken up to the site of Albany where the Dutch had built Fort Orange (Aurania) in 1614, a few to the Connecticut River and four couples who had married on the way out, with several sailors and other men were sent to the Delaware, where they were either accompanied or soon visited by Mey. The site selected for this South River settlement was Verhulsten Island near the present city of Trenton, N.J. While the Walloons were located at this place, it appears that the sailors and soldiers were stationed at a little fort which was hurriedly built for their protection at a spot which the natives called "Tekaacho" near Gloucester Point, immediately opposite the lower part of the city of Philadelphia. This was Fort Nassau, the first building known to have been erected by civilized men on the shores of the Delaware. Its exact site cannot now be pointed out, but it was supposed to be upon the north branch of Timber Creek or as the Dutch called it "Timmer Kill," (21*) then called "Sapackon." It was built close to the point of rocks, its southern rampart being within a few feet of the creek.(22*) The year in which the fort was built is disputed, but it is probable that its construction was undertaken about 1623, which was doubtless also the time of the settlement near the site of Trenton. The men and women of the Walloons at this isolated station grew homesick, and within a year or so returned to Manhattan. The fort too was abandoned after one or two years of occupations though it was irregularly occupied by a few soldiers for short periods, down to 1642 when it was continuously garrisoned until 1650 or 1651 when the Dutch themselves destroyed it, because it was too high up the river and too far from the chief theatre of their activities to serve any valuable purpose. It appears to have been occasionally used as a lodging place by the Indians, probably at such times as they expected trading vessels to arrive which was at least once a year, and De Vries found it thus tenanted by the savages when he visited it in 1633. In 1625, the colony at Manhattan numbered over two hundred souls, and Cornelis Jacobsen May, who administered its simple government, during the year 1624, was succeeded by William Verhulst, as the second director of New Netherlands. He seems to have visited the South River, and his name was for a long time commemorated by "Verhulsten Island," near the bend of the Delaware at Trenton. Upon this island, which is described as being "near the falls of that river, and near the west-side thereof," the West India Company established a trading house, "where there were three or four families of Walloons." The company also had a brick house at Horekill. The Walloon families did not remain very long in their lonely frontier home. By order of the West India Company," all those who were at the South River," at Verhulsten Island, and Fort Nassau, in 1628, were removed to Manhattan. A small vessel only remained there, to keep up the fur trade. That trade, however, was less profitable than traffic on the North River. While ships regularly visited the South River for purposes of trade, half a dozen years elapsed before any further attempt was made to place a colony or build a fort upon its shores, and when this was finally brought about it was largely through private enterprise and resulted in the founding of the first settlement within the present state of Delaware. In the meantime changes had taken place in the management of New Netherland affairs and in the policy of the West India Company. Peter Minuit (23*) came out and succeeded Verhulst as Director of the New England colonies, in 1624, holding the position until 1632, when he was recalled and Van Twiller became governor in his stead-Minuit (as will become apparent in the succeeding chapter) was a man of great sagacity and energy, but he was compelled, so far as what might be called the home affairs of the colonies, to follow a very conservative policy, for the West India Company was sadly neglecting the colonization and commercial schemes it was supposed to have been organized to foster and devoting its strength to far more ambitious and adventurous ones. While the company had been nominally chartered to trade with and colonize the New Netherlands, the real object of its chiefs, had been a colossal system of legalized piracy against the commerce of Spain and Portugal, in Africa and America. And already had it won brilliant successes and acquired vast profits in following this mammon of unrighteousness. It had preyed upon Spanish fleets from one side of the Atlantic to the other. It had in two years taken one hundred and four prizes. It frequently sent out squadrons of seventy armed vessels to sweep the seas. It had captured Bahia and Pernambuco and aspired to the conquest of Brazil. It had declared dividends of fifty per cent. These spectacular and enormously profitable performances had dazzled the wealth-worshipping Dutch mind and completely cast into the shade humble profits of plodding, but legitimate trade and the company did not care to be bothered with the discharge of such common-place duties as directing the settlement of the Dutch possessions and organizing commerce. It was this abandonment or dwarfing in importance of the original purposes of the company which had been one of the chief causes of the withdrawal of William Usselinx, its promoter, in 1624. But there were, nevertheless, among the members of the Amsterdam chamber some shrewd minds albeit of conservative character, who did not, amid the excitement of conquest and quick making of vast fortunes, forget that there was an abiding value in lands. Of this class— all rich, all well-informed, all interested in the support and development of the colonies, all, also, not unwilling to make investments which would further enrich themselves— were John De Laet, the historian, Killiaan Van Rensselaer, Michael Pauw Peter Evertsen Hueft, Jonas Witsen, Hendrick Hamel, Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert. These Amsterdam men of substance, after consulting with Isaac De Rasieres, Minuit’s secretary, who, for some reason, had been sent back to Holland, secured, from the College of Nineteen, a "Charter of Exemption and Privileges" to all such as shall plant colonies in New Netherlands, which the States General confirmed on June 7, 1629. This created a complete feudal system and planted it upon the soil of the western world, destined not, indeed, long to nourish it, but to become the globe’s broadest field of democracy. A landed aristocracy was brought into existence and the New Netherlands were handed over pretty much to its control. The charter gave the privilege to members of the company to send to America by the company’s ships, on certain conditions, three or four persons to select lands, which on purchase from the Indians and on prescribed conditions of planting colonies, should in tracts of fixed size, become the properties of feudal lords, or patroons, who were also to have the control and government of their inhabitants. The land selected for a colony might extend sixteen Dutch miles in length if confined to one side of a navigable river or eight miles on each side, if both banks were occupied, and extend as far into the country as the situation of the occupiers should make desirable (though this latter clause seems afterwards to have been revoked and the extent inland to have been modified to one half of a Dutch mile, or two English miles). These great grants were to be bestowed upon any members of the company (to none others were the privileges open) who should within four years plant a colony of fifty adults upon the tracts in question anywhere in New Netherlands except upon the Island of Manhattan. More immigrants entitled the patroon to proportionately more land. The patroons acquired their estates in fee simple, with power of disposing by will; they were magistrates within their own bounds— "had chief command and dower jurisdiction" — and each patroon had the exclusive privilege of fishing, fowling and grinding corn within his own domain. They had also the power of founding cities and appointing officers and could trade anywhere along the coast or to Holland on payment of five per cent. Duty to the company, at its reservation of Manhattan. The company prohibited engagement in manufacturing and retained exclusive monopoly of the fur trade. In all other matters the patroons were to be sovereign in their lordship. Among the very first to act under the Charter of Exemptions and Privileges were Samuel Blommaert and Samuel Godwyn. In 1629 they sent two persons to the Delaware to examine and buy land, and these agents purchased from the Indians, on the south (or west) side of the bay, a tract, thirty-two miles long and two miles deep, extending from old Cape Henlopen (about where the south boundary of Delaware touches the ocean), northward, to the mouth of a river, the patent being registered and confirmed June 1, 1630.(24*) Other would-be patrons soon followed the example of Blommaert and Godwyn, and made similar purchases elsewhere in New Netherlands, Van Rensselaer becoming the proprietor of nearly all of the present Counties of Albany and Rensselaer in New York, while their comrades secured almost equally extensive, and in some cases even more valuable estates. But these lords of the soil began to quarrel among themselves, and to avoid exposure and scandal (for the land "pool" had much to fear because of the peculiar nature of its transactions), they divided the lands equally among the disaffected ones of their number, the historian, De Laet, Blommaert and Godyn, each receiving a fifth interest in Van Rensselaer’s patents, and Blommaert and Godyn sharing similarly with their partners the tract on the South River and Bay (or Godyn’s Bay, as it now began to be called). Godyn and Blommaert, in order to hold, or rather secure full title to their tract, had to colonize and improve it, and, in the accomplishment of this, David Pietersen De Vries, of Hoorn, a North Holland port, "a bold and skilful seaman and master of artillery in the service of the United Provinces, became the leading instrument." De Vries, a skipper who was known to Godyn and, who in 1624, had tried, unsuccessfully, to invade the West India Company’s monopoly, and now newly returned from a three years’ cruise to the East Indies, was offered an opportunity to go the New Netherlands as a captain and "second patroon." But he declined to enter into the project on any terms save equality with the rest, which finally being agreed to, he was made a patroon on October 16, 1630, and taken into partnership with Godyn, Blommaert, De Vries and Van Rensselaer, and about the same time four other directors of the West India Company, Van Ceulen, Hamel, Van Haringhoeck and Van Sittorigh, were admitted to the land "pool," as it would now be called. The captain now set to work to advance the enterprise of his associates. The ship "Walvis," or "Whale," of eighteen guns, and a yacht were immediately equipped and sailed from the Texel, in December, 1630, to plant the first settlement within the present boundaries of the State of Delaware, a settlement which has a mournful interest, from the fact that all of its people were massacred by the Indians. The vessels carried out immigrants, cattle, food and whaling implements, for De Vries had been told that whales abounded in Godyn’s Bay, and he intended establishing a whale and seal fishery there, as well as a settlement and plantations for the cultivation of tobacco and grain. The expedition sailed from the Texel, in December, under the command of Peter Heyes, of Edam (for De Vries did not go out at this time, as stated by same writers).(25*) They arrived in South River, in April, 1631. Sailing up the southern or west shore the "Walvis" and her consort, just above the present Cape Henlopen, entered "a fine navigable stream; filled with islands, abounding in good oysters;’ and flowing through a fertile region, and there the immigrants— about thirty in number, all males— were landed, and the first colony in Delaware established. The place was near the site of Lewes, and the stream was what is now known as Lewes Creek, but was then named, by Heyes, Hoornkill, and subsequently corrupted into Whorekill or Horekill.(26*) The settlement was called Zwaanendael or Swanvale, and a small building,(27*) surrounded with palisades, was given the name of Fort Oplandt. The land at Zwaanendael, or the Valley of Swans," was again purchased, evidently in a kind of confirmatory way, by Peter Hëyes and Gillis Hassett, respectively the captain and commissary of the expedition, on May 5, 1631, from Sannoowouns, Wiewit, Penehacke, Mekowetick, Teehepewuga, Mathamem, Sacoock, Anchoopoen, Janqueus and Pokahake, who were either Lenape or Nanticoke Indians. Soon after the colonists were comfortably settled at Zwaannendael, Heyes crossed to Cape May and bought from ten chiefs on behalf of Godyn, Blommaert and their associates a tract of land twelve miles square which purchase was registered at Manhattan June 3, 1631. Then after demonstrating that nothing was to be expected from the whole fishery, Heyes sailed in September for Holland to report to his employers, leaving Hossett in command of Fort Oplandt and the colony of Zwaanendael. Just how the massacre of the settlers came about was never known, but there is reason to believe that it was incited by wrongful or at least unwise acts on the part of Hossett and his men. The Dutch says one account (given to De Vries by an Indian) as was the custom, erected a pillar and placed a piece of tin upon it, traced with the coat of arms of the United Provinces. One of the chiefs not knowing the gravity of the offence, took away the tin to make pipes from it, which created great indignation among the officers of the little garrison. The Indians, continues this narrative, were exceedingly anxious to make amends to the white men, for they entertained an awe and reverence scarcely inferior to that which they accorded the gods, and slaying the offending chief brought a token of their act to the fort hoping thus to appease the white Manitou’s anger. They were rebuked for this act, which they thought would prove propitiatory, and went away displeased. Some of the friends of the murdered chief who had taken no part in the crime and regarded it as being actuated by the Dutch, resolved upon revenge, and stealing upon them when with the exception of one sick man they were all at work in the fields, slew them, afterwards going to the fort and making the massacre complete by killing its solitary occupant, and shooting twenty-five arrows into a huge chained mastiff. This account of the destruction of the first colony of white men within the boundaries of Delaware is open to doubt, so far as the provoking cause is concerned, but it appears certain that the whites were greatly to blame. Whatever may have been its causes the massacre was a melancholy fact, and thus was shed the first white blood upon the Delaware. De Vries early in 1632 had made preparations to visit the colony, inspect its condition and place more settlers there. Just as he was ready to sail from the Texel in command of another ship and yacht, on May 24, Governor Minuit arrived from Manhattan with the startling intelligence of the massacre at Zwaanendale. Notwithstanding this discouraging news he sailed, and after a tedious voyage (making their customary immense detour to the southward) arrived off the Delaware coast early in December, knowing long before he saw land that it was near "by the odor of the underwood which at this time of the year is burned by the Indians in order to be less hindered in their hunting." On the 3d of December the weary voyagers saw the entrance of the Bay; on the 5th sailed around the Cape, and on the 6th ran with the coast up the Hoornkill, having first taken precautions against an ambushed attack by the savages. De Vries doubtless had hopes that the massacre would prove to have been of a less pending character than had been represented; that some of the men had escaped or been spared; but he found that his worst fears had been realized and the scene that met his eyes, even before landing told too well of the fact of the settlement. The stockade had been burned and the dwelling or store house which constituted the stronghold of Fort Oplandt was nearly ruined. But the worst was reached when they came to the place where their countrymen had been butchered, when they found "the ground bestrewed with heads and bones of their murdered men, and near by the remains of their cattle.’(28*) Silence and ruin and desolation reigned in the once lovely valley. The melancholy little search party returned to their ship, and having as yet seen no Indians, De Vries ordered a cannon fired with the hope of bringing some of them down to the shore, but none came that day. Upon the next, the 7th of December, they discovered several Indians near the ruins of the fort, but they would not come down to the ship. They evidently feared to approach and desired the whites to come on shore, which De Vries did the following day, being anxious to learn some particulars of the massacre if possible. He went up the stream in the yacht in order that he might "have some shelter from their arrows," and found a number of the natives, but they were very shy, and it was some time before he could induce any of them to go on the vessel, though he finally succeeded in gaining their confidence. He then received the story, already given in substance, which was very probably a fabrication designed to palliate the action of the Indians and at the same time to conciliate the Dutch. De Vries did not care to investigate too clearly a deed which was irreparable, and which he felt assured originated in some brutality or debauchery among his own race. He already knew something of Dutch cruelty, and attributed the massacre of Hossett and his men to "mere jangling with the Indians" and made a treaty of peace with them and sealed it with presents— duffels, bullets, hatchets and Nuremburg toys" after the usual custom. De Vries and his men lingered in the region of Lewes Creek through the remainder of December, attempting, it is supposed, to capture whales, but on January 1, 1633, navigation being open, they weighed anchor and sailed up the bay and river to Fort Nassau, where he arrived on the 5th. There De Vries met some of the natives, who desired to barter furs for corn, of which, however, he had none, and was thus unable to trade with them. The Indians made a show of offering peace, but their actions were suspicious, and he was warned by a squaw whom he gave a cloth dress, that their intentions were evil. He noticed, too, that some of them wore English jackets, and presently learned that they had recently murdered the crew of an English sloop, said to have come up the river from Virginia, and, as they greatly out-numbered his men, the wary captain dealt with them very cautiously. On the 6th he anchored in front of the Timmer Kill (Timber Creek), fully prepared for the Indians if they intended harming him, and soon their canoes came shooting from the shore and approached the yacht. Forty odd of the natives clambered on board. Their visit was probably made with pacific intent, but they were closely watched, and when the captain thought they had been there long enough, he ordered them ashore, threatening them to fire if they refused to depart, and telling them that he had been warned by their Manitou (God or devil) of their wicked designs. On the 8th, after cruising up and down the river, he again returned to his position before the fort, which was now thronged with Indians, and presently a canoe came off with nine of them, who, when they came on to the yacht, were found to be chiefs. They crouched in a circle, and gave the captain to understand they had found he was afraid of them, but that they desired only peace and trade, and presented ten beaver skins, with much ceremony, in token of their friendship. On the 9th and 10th he obtained from them a small quantity of corn and a few furs, and on the latter day dropped down the river and anchored half a mile above the Minquas Kill (Christiana River), on the lookout for whales His yacht was afterwards twice frozen fast in the ice, and he was in some danger from Indians, of whom he saw numerous bands, there being some internecine war among them. He reached Zwaanendael, after most vexatious delays, on February 20th, and on March 6th sailed for Virginia to procure, if possible, supplies for his colony. He was upon his arrival there met by the Governor and some officers and soldiers, who treated him very cordially, but told him that the South River belonged to the British by right of discovery. The Governor appeared never before to have heard that the Dutch had built forts and placed settlements upon the river, but spoke of a small vessel that had been sent some time before to explore the stream, and of which nothing had since been heard although she was long since due. De Vries then narrated what had been told him by the Indian squaw in regard to the murder of a boat’s crew, and related the circumstance of having seen some of the Indians wearing English garments. Purchasing provisions and receiving a present of half a dozen goats, De Vries set sail again to the northward, and in due time reached Zwaanendael. He found that his men stationed there had taken seven whales from which they had rendered thirty-two cartels of oil, but as the fishing was too expensive in proportion to the proceeds, and the colony being so small that it could not reasonably be expected to maintain itself and resist the Indians, he took the few adventurers there and sailed to Manhattan and thence to Holland some time in the summer of 1633. Thus the Delaware Bay was again abandoned to the Indians, and no people but they broke the solitude of its shores or trod the melancholy, blood-stained and desolate ground of the "Valley of Swans" the site of Delaware’s first settlement, for many years. According to English rule, occupancy was necessary to complete a title to the wilderness. The Delaware having been reconquered by the natives, before the Dutch could renew their claim, the patent granted to Cecilius Calvert, second Lord Baltimore, on June 20, 1632, gave the Dutch an English competitor in the person of the proprietary of Maryland. Two years after the departure of De Vries and his colonists from the Delaware on the 7th of February, 1635, the whole of the patroon lands on both shores of the bay, one stretching along the coast thirty-two miles and the other embracing Cape May and the surrounding country for a distance of twelve miles, were sold by Godyn, Blommaert and their associates to the West India Company, for fifteen thousand six hundred guilders or six thousand two hundred and forty dollars. This was the first land sold by whites upon the Delaware Bay or River. Fort Nassau, which was unoccupied except by Indians in 1633, must have been garrisoned soon afterwards, for in 1635 a party of Englishmen from the colony on the Connecticut River, who sought to make a settlement on the Delaware endeavored to capture it, but were thwarted, captured and sent as prisoners to Manhattan. It is probable that the fort was continuously occupied by the Dutch from this time to and after the settlement on the river by the Swedes in 1638, and it certainly was in that year as the accounts of expeditions for its maintenance in the West India Company’s books prove. But other than this infinitesimal dot of slowly dawning civilization, near the present town of Gloucester, N.J., there was nowhere upon the shores of the river and bay any sign of human habitation, save the occasional wigwam of the natives; and the great wilderness that stretched away, no one knew whither, from the royal water-way lay as a virgin region awaiting the coming of man. But preparations were again making beyond the ocean— this time in far away Sweden— for the peopling of these shores. * Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia de la Florida. Por don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano. Madrid, 1723. ** We know surprisingly little of Henry Hudson. He is said to have been the personal friend of Capt. John Smith, the founder of Virginia, and it is probable that he was of the family of that Henry Hudson who, in 1554, was one of the original incorporators of the English Muscovy Company. This man’s son, Christopher, supposed to have been the father of the great navigator, was as early as 1560 and up to 1601 the factor and agent on the spot of the London Company trading to Russia, and it seems likely that the younger Hudson, from his familiarity with Arctic navigation, and his daring pertinacity in attempting to invade the ice-bound northern wastes, may have served his apprenticeship as a navigator in trading, on behalf of the Muscovy Company, from Bristol to Russia, as was then often done through the North Channel, and round the Hebrides, Orkneys, Shetlands, and North Cape to the White Sea and Archangel. At any rate when Hudson makes his first picturesque appearance before us, in the summer of 1607, in the Church of St. Ethelburge, Bishopsgate Street, London, where he and his crew are present to partake of the Holy Sacrament together, it is preparatory to a voyage in the service of the newly-organized "London Company" in Jewett’s own words, "for to discover a passage by the North Pole to Japan and China." The navigator was at that time a middle-aged man, experienced and trusted. Hudson reached Spitzbergen, and there the ice forced him back. He repeated next year the attempt to reach Asia by crossing directly over the Pole, and again he failed after having reached Nova Zembla. The London Company now became disheartened, and Hudson at once transferred his services to the Dutch, who were then also eagerly seeking a northern route to Asia, and preparing under the ardent urgings of Usselinx (of whom more will be said presently) to establish a West India Company. The Amsterdam directors of the Dutch East India Company put him in command of a yacht or vlie boat, the "Half-Moon" (the "yagt ‘Halve-Maan’"), of forty "lasts" or eighty tone burden, manned by a motley crew of sixteen or eighteen English and Dutch sailors, and bade him continue to search for a route to the Eastern seas such as the Spaniards and Portuguese could not obstruct. It was on his third voyage when, beaten back by the ice from the Greenland seas, he sailed as far south as the capes of the Chesapeake, and discovered Delaware Bay and Hudson River. In his fourth voyage he returned again to the service of England, discovered and entered Hudson’s Bay, wintered there, and in the spring, having angered his crew by harshness and by persisting in going westward, was cast adrift by them in a small boat and left, with his son, to perish in the ice on the desolate border of the bay which bears his name. He was never heard of afterward. For further particulars of this stern, bold, and intelligent navigator, who was a man full of spirit, energy, and well-defined purpose, the reader may consult Purchas, Hakluyt, and the monographs of Hon. H.C. Murphy, Dr. Asher, Gen. John M. Read, Jr, and Rev. B.F. de Costa. *** In an official report drawn up by a Dutch Chamber, from documents and papers placed in their hands, December 15, 1644, it is said that "New Netherland, situate in America, between English Virginia and New England, extending from the South (Delaware) River, lying in latitude 38 1/2º, to Cape Malabar, in latitude 41 1/2º, was first frequented by the inhabitants of this country in the year 1598, and especially by those of the Greenland Company, but without making any fixed settlements, only as a shelter in the winter; for which purpose they erected there two little forts on the South and North Rivers, against the incursions of the Indians." O’Callaghan’s History of New Netherlands, Vol. I. p. 418. (4*) Juet’s Journal, Purchas III. p. 590. (5*) Cape May. (6*) De Laet Niewe Werelt fol. Amsterdam, 1625, Book III.’ Chap. 7, Hazard’s Annals, p. 3, N.Y. Hist. Sect. Coll. Vol. I.N.S. p. 290. (7*) Juet’s Journal, Purchas III. 590. Vander Donck speaking of the South River, or Delaware, says: "This is the place where the ship Half-Moon first took possession." See also O’Callaghan’s Hist. of New Netherland, Vol. I. p. 34. (8*) De Laet’s Nieuwe Werelt. (9*) See Historical Inquiry Concerning Henry Hudson by John Meredith Read, Jr., delivered before the Historical Society of Delaware. The little "Half-Moon," the first craft other than the frail Indian canoes, that is known to have entered the waters of the Delaware Bay, was wrecked about six years later (in 1615) at the island of Mauritus. Brodhead’s N.Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. p. 43. (10*) Lord de la Warr’s real name was Sir Thomas West, and he was Lord Delawarre only by courtesy, being the third son of Lord de la Warr and therefore ineligible to the title. He was the first Governor of Virginia and was appointed to that position for life, but was soon compelled to return to England and his government was administered by deputies. His married in 1602 the daughter of Sir Thomas Shirley from whom the name of the well-known old Virginia estate comes. Per( )ons descended from the West stock are still living in Virginia and West Point, N.Y., perpetuates the name of the old Dominion Governor. The family still exists in England and numbers among its members an Earl de la Warr, whose brother, Hon. L.S. Sackville West, is the present British Minister to Washington. Lord de la Warr in whose honor the bay, river and state were named is asserted to have died in 1618 while returning from Virginia to England, and some writers have stated that he was poisoned, which however seems improbable that sixty persons perished on the ship, some malignant malady prevailing. While the majority of his orians declare that he died at sea, it is circumstantially and positively asserted in Walpole’s Royal and Noble Authors as enlarged by Thomas Park and quoted by Bancroft (Vol. I., that he died at Wherwell, Hauts, in England, June 7, 1618. Bancroft says of this personage in honor of whom Delaware received its name) "his affection for Virginia ceased only with his life," and all students accord him a high character as a man and ruler. (11*) Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 46, N.Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Series, Vol. II. p. 355. (12*) It was dated March 27, 1614. (13*) Also variously called by the Indian names of Poutaxat, Makiriskitton, Makarish-Kisken, and Lenape Wihittuck, while Heylin, in his Cosmography, bravely gives it the further name of Arasapha. When it became better known, the Dutch sometimes called it the Nassau, Prince Hendrick’s or Prince Charles’ River; and the Swedes, New Swedeland stream. The earliest settlers sometimes styled it New Port May and Godyn’s Bay. (14*) By those who deny that Hendricksen ascended the Delaware to the Schuylkill it is claimed that he obtained his knowledge of the upper portion of the river from these men who passed down its shore. (15*) Penn. Archives, 2d Series, Vol. I. (16*) Hendricksen was doubtless a Hollander, although his name was Swedish. He is said in Dutch documents to have been from Monnikendam, eight miles from Amsterdam on the Zuyder Zee. (17*) Joseph J. Mickley’s "Some Account of William Usselinx and Peter Minuit," published by the Historical Society of Delaware. (18*) Mickley. (19*) It is a fact that the Puritans, in 1620, applied to the Netherlands, through the Amsterdam merchants, for permission to settle upon the North River, but that because of the opposing religious preferments of the State General, that body peremptorily rejected their proposition. It is interesting to speculate as to what, but for this refusal, might have been the course of American history. (20*) The name comes, it is said, either from wall, (water or sea) or more probably, from the old German word Wahle, signifying a foreigner. (21*) On the map in Campanius’ work it is designated as being between the two branches of Timber Creek. (22*) Various discoveries and relics have been made at different times in digging at the site of the fort. In 1745 a Spanish privateer threatened to land on the Delaware, and fears being entertained that they would attack Wilmington, attempts were made to place the old fort in repair. In digging the ground for that purpose, they found several pieces of money, with Queen Christina’s stamp upon it. On the 31st of March, 1755, on taking up by chance some pieces of the walls, there were found many cannon balls, granadoes, and other similar things, which had been kept carefully concealed since the surrender of the fort by Rising. Five pieces of cannon (according to Acrelius) wore kept mounted there previously, as at the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1646, an English salute was fired from them, in honor of the Governor, who was going to meet the Legislature at New Castle. (23*) The name is variously spelled Minvet, Minnewit and Minnewe. (24*) This tract of land was the first ever purchased by the whites within the limits of the State of Delaware. This first purchase from the Indians was recognized by the Directors and Council of New Netherlands acting for Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert, in a so-called deed dated at the Island of Manhattan July 15, 1630. This document, which is rather an acceptance or memorandum of purchase than a deed, being unsigned by the Indian grantors, has been preserved in the New York State Library and a photographic copy was given to the Historical Society of Delaware by Gen. Meredith Read. It has also been published in Hazard’s Annals, p 23, It is impossible at this day to determine the bounds of the tract but it meet have comprised the greater part of the bay front of the present counties of Sussex and Kent from Cape Henlopen northward being thirty-two miles (eight Dutch miles) long and two miles (or half a Dutch groote Mylen brood). The Dutch probably over-measured the land and came north to the mouth of the Mahon River, (38) instead of (32) miles, and that in a straight line instead of following the curves of the coast. The document which is signed by Peter Minuit, Jacob Elbertson Wissink, Jan Jansen Brouwer, Simon Dircksen Pos, Reyner Harmensaer and Jan Lampe reads in part as follows: "We, the Directors and Council of New Netherlands, residing on the Island of Manhattan and in Fort Amsterdam, under the authority of their High Mightinesses the Lord’s State General of the United Netherlands, and of the Incorporated West India Company Chamber at Amsterdam, hereby acknowledge and declare, that on this day, the date underwritten came and appeared before us in their proper persons, Queskacous and Entquet, Siconesius and the inhabitants of the village, situate at the South Cape of the bay of South River, and freely and voluntarily declared by special authority of the rulers, and consent of the commonality there, that they already on the first day of June, of the past year 1629, for, and on account of certain parcels of cargoes, which they previous to the passing hereof, acknowledged to have received and got into their hands and power, to their full satisfaction, have transferred, ceded, given over, and conveyed, in just, true, and free property, as they hereby transport, code, give over, and convey to, and for the behoof of Messrs. Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert absent; and for whom, We, by virtue of our office under proper stipulation, do accept the same, namely, the land to them belonging, situate on the south side of the aforesaid Bay, by us called the Bay of the South River, extending in length from Cape Hinloffin, off into the mouth of the aforesaid South River, about eight leagues (groote mylen), and half a league in breadth into the interior, extending to a certain marsh (lieyte) or valley, through which these limits can clearly enough be distinguished. And that with all the action, right, and jurisdiction, to them in the aforesaid quality therein appertaining, constituting and surrogating the Messrs. Godyn and Blommaert, in their stead, state, zeal, and actual possession thereof; and giving them at the same time, full and irrevocable authority, power, and special command to hold in quiet possession, occupancy and use, tanquam Actores et Procuratores in rem propriam the aforesaid land, acquired by the above mentioned Messrs. Godyn and Blommaert, or those who may hereafter obtain their interest; also, to so barter and dispose thereof, as they may do with their own well and lawfully acquired lands.". . . . So much of this quasi deed must suffice, the remainder being unimportant and technical. The first actual Indian deed on record in Delaware is given in the preceding chapter. (25*) Ferris and Vincent have both fallen into this error, doubtless from the fact that De Vries was at the head of the enterprise and that he was afterwards on the Delaware. (26*) There is not the slightest evidence that this name had its origin in the alleged ill behavior of the Indian women of the region. It was undoubtedly named after Hoorn of Holland with the affix of "kill" the Dutch for river, and corrupted by the English into Whorekill which name after the arrival of Penn was applied to all of the territory included in Sussex County. Cape Horn was also named after the "fatherland" town of Hoorn by William Cornelius Schouten. (27*) This is said to have been a brick house, but there is no mention of either of the ships bringing over bricks or brick-making implements in their cargo. (28*) De Vries, p. 251. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume One- pp. 61-68. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware7.htm CHAPTER VII. DELAWARE UNDER THE DUTCH. AFTER the conquest of the Swedish settlements on the Delaware, Director Stuyvesant left for New Amsterdam, leaving the administration of justice and the superintendence of public interests in the hands of John Paul Jacquet, who he afterwards confirmed as vice-director. Andries Hudde was made secretary and surveyor, and Elmerhuysen Klein counselor. These three officers, with two of the "most expert freemen," were to form the Court of Civil Justice. Fort Casimir, now regaining its original name, was to be the seat of government, above which no trading vessels were to go, unless they received a permit. In the settlement of the country, the colonists were to concentrate themselves in families of sixteen to twenty in number, and were to pay annually for their lands twelve stivers a morgen in lieu of tenths. The town lots were forty feet by fifty, and the streets from four to five rods in breadth.* The Swedes were to be closely watched, and if any should be found disaffected, they were to be sent away "with all imaginable civility," and, if possible, be induced to come to Manhattan. The vice-director was also required to "maintain and protect the Reformed religion, as it is learned and taught in this country, in conformity to the Word of God and the Synod of Dordrecht, and to promote it as far as his power may extend." The whole number of inhabitants consisted, at the time, of about a dozen families. Police regulations were adopted, and a liberal commercial treaty was arranged with the Indians with the assistance of the inhabitants. New Sweden ceased to be the name of the territory, as it was now part of the Dutch territories of New Netherlands, and went by that name. The Delaware River was called the South River. Meanwhile, information reached the States General, through their ambassador at the Court of London, of the fall of Fort Christina, and of the expulsion of the Swedes from the Delaware. The Swedish government remonstrated with their High Mightinesses at Amsterdam, but the protest was of no avail. The Swedes could not follow up their protests with a sufficient force to command respect, for "they had their hands full" of the war they were then waging against Poland. On May 26, 1656, the Directors communicated to Stuyvesant their approbation of his conduct, "though they should not have been displeased had such a formal capitulation not taken place;" for "what is written is too long preserved, and may be produced when not desired, whereas words not recorded are in the lapse of time forgotten, or may be explained away." The Dutch West India Company being much in debt, caused by its operations in Brazil and Guinea, now became embarrassed by the aid it extended Stuyvesant in recovering South River. In order to liquidate the debt which the company owed to the city of Amsterdam for the aid which that city afforded in the expulsion of the Swedes, and to strengthen the southern boundaries of New Netherland, it proposed to cede Fort Casimir and a proportionate tract in its vicinity to the Burgomasters of Amsterdam." Conferences followed, the result of which was that the above fort, with all the country from the west side of the Minquas, or Christina Kill, to the mouth of the Delaware Bay (named "Boomtye’s Hoenck" by the Dutch, now corrupted into "Bombay Hook," and Canaresse by the Indians), inclusive, and so far as the Minquas land extended, became, with the Company’s rights and privileges, the property of the city of Amsterdam, and was erected into a colony of the first class, under the title of Nieuwer Amstel, named after one of the suburbs belonging to the city, between the River Amstel and the Haerlem Sea. Six commissaries were appointed by the Burgomasters to manage the colony, who were "to sit and hold their meetings at the West India House on Tuesdays and Thursdays." A set of "conditions" was drawn up, offering a free passage to colonists, lands on the river side for their residence, and provisions and clothing for one year. The city engaged to send out "a proper person for a schoolmaster, who shall also read the holy Scriptures in public and set the Psalms." The municipal government was to be regulated "in the same manner as here in Amsterdam. The colonists were to be exempted from taxation for ten years; after that time they should not "be taxed higher than those who are taxed lowest in any other district under the government of the West India Company in New Netherland." Specific regulations were adopted with respect to trade; and besides the recognitions payable to the West India Company on goods exported from Holland, four per centum was to be paid in New Netherland. All these arrangements were ratified and confirmed by the States General, upon condition that a church should be organized and a clergyman established as soon as there were two hundred inhabitants in the colony. Preparations were immediately made to organize the colony, of which Jacob Alrichs, an uncle of Beck, the vice-director at Curaçoa, was appointed director. Martin Kregier, of New Amsterdam, upon Stuyvesant’s "good report," was commissioned as captain of a company of sixty soldiers, and Alexander d’Hinoyossa, who had formerly served in Brazil, was made lieutenant. Ordinances were also passed requiring the colonists to take an oath of allegiance to the States General, the burgomasters of Amsterdam, and the director and council of New Netherland, and likewise to promise faithfully to observe the articles which defined their duties and obligations to the city. These, among other things, required them to remain four years at New Amstel, unless they gave satisfactory reasons for leaving, or repaid, within the proper time, the expenses incurred on their account. The West India Company informed Stuyvesant of all these arrangements, and instructed him to transfer the territory which the city had purchased to Alrichs on his arrival in New Netherland. At Forts Christina and New Gottenburg, "now called by us Altona and the island of Kattenberg," he was to maintain for the present a small garrison. "The confidence which we feel," they added, "about the success and increase of this new colony, and of which we hope to see some prominent features next spring, when, to all appearance, large numbers of the exiled Waldenses, who shall be warned, will flock thither as to an asylum, induces us to send you orders to endeavor to purchase, before it can be accomplished by any other nation, all that tract of land situated between the South River and the Hook of the North River, to provide establishments for these emigrants."** About 167 colonists embarked on December 25, 1656, in the ships "Prince Maurice," the "Bear," and the "Flower of Guelder," and set sail from the Texel for South River. The emigrants, after suffering many discomforts, arrived in the South River early in 1657. Alrichs’ arrival on April 21, terminated the official career of Jacquet. Upon his return to Manhattan on account of this misgovernment, he was arrested and prosecuted. In a few days after the arrival of the first colonists, Stuyvesant, in obedience to the orders of the Dutch West India Company, formally transferred to Alrichs "the Fort of Casimir, now named New Amstel, with all the lands dependent on it, in conformity with our first purchase from and transfer by the natives to us on the 19th of July, 1651." Upon his arrival at Fort Casimir, Alrichs received from Jacquet a surrender of his authority, and the colony of New Amstel was formally organized. The region north of Christina Kill remained under the jurisdiction of the West India Company, in obedience to whose orders the name of Fort Christina was changed to that of "Altona." During the few months of Alrichs’ directorship, New Amstel prospered. The municipal government was remodeled, the town was laid out, buildings were rapidly erected, a bridge was placed over the creek near Fort Casimir, a magazine erected, the fort repaired, a guard house, bake house and forge built, together with residences for the clergymen and other public officers;*** industry promised success, and thirty families were tempted to emigrate from Manhattan to the flourishing colony on South River.(4*) At the end of the first year, New Amstel was "a goodly town of about 100 houses!"(5*) An inevitable consequence, however, of the establishment of the city’s colony was the increase of smuggling. Large quantities of furs were exported without payment of duties, which caused the regular traders to complain, and the revenue suffered severely. To remedy these irregularities, at his suggestion, Director-General Stuyvesant was sent by the council of New Amsterdam, in company with Peter Tonneman, to South River. On his arrival at Altona, the Swedes were called upon to take the oath of allegiance which was required of all the other colonists, and they were allowed to choose their own officers. Upon his return to New Amsterdam, Stuyvesant informed the council that "many things are there not as they ought to be," and to maintain the rights of the company he appointed William Beekman Vice Director of that district. His instructions required him to live at first at Altona, but to have his permanent residence at or near New Amstel, where he could more conveniently attend to the collection of the revenue. He was invested with all the powers of the company on the whole of the South River, except the district of New Amstel, and was bound to maintain the Reformed religion. The prosperity of New Amstel had, meanwhile, become clouded. The colonists had planted in hope; but heavy rains setting in, their harvest was ruined, and food became scarce and dear. An epidemic fever broke out; the surgeon and many children died; and most of the inhabitants suffered from a climate to which they were not accustomed. While the disease was yet raging, the ship "Mill" arrived from Holland, after a disastrous voyage, bringing many new emigrants, among whom were several children from the Orphan House at Amsterdam. The population of New Amstel now exceeded six hundred; but its inhabitants were "without bread," and the ship which brought the new emigrants brought no supply of provisions. Industry was crippled, while wages advanced. Commissary Rynvelt and many "respectable" inhabitants perished, and a long winter stared the famished survivors in the face. On the 25th of April, 1658, Evert Pieterson, whose official position was that of schoolmaster and comforter of the sick, landed at New Amstel. He is the first schoolmaster of whom there is any record on the Delaware. He at once commenced keeping school, and had twenty-five scholars on the 10th of August following. In a letter of his to the Commissioners of Amsterdam, he states that "wharves were already laid out" at New Amstel, "and almost built." He also says that he "found twenty families, mostly Swedes," in the City’s Colony (that portion of Delaware south of the Christina), "and not more than five or six belonging to our (the Dutch) nation." New Amstel was in deep distress early in 1659. Disease and famine had almost decimated its population, and the heat of the summer had enfeebled the unacclimated survivors. The wife of Alrichs was one of the victims. Everyone had been occupied in building houses and in preparing gardens, so that little grain was sown; and the emigrants from Holland brought very scanty supplies of provisions. "Our bread magazine, our pantry room, our only refuge is to Manhattan," wrote the desponding Alrichs to Stuyvesant. The conditions of settlement were also altered at this time by the burgomasters of Amsterdam, which only added difficulties to the colony. The despairing colonists began to leave South River, the soldiers of the garrison deserted, and took refuge in Virginia and Maryland. To add to the alarm of the distressed settlers, intelligence was received that the English in Maryland claimed the property on South River, and that persons would soon be sent to claim possession. The panic caused by the last report had not had time to subside before Col. Nathaniel Utie with a suite of six persons from Maryland arrived. He spent some days in sowing "seditious and mutinous seed among the community," and finally peremptorily commanded the Dutch to leave South River, or else declare themselves subject to Lord Baltimore. Two days afterward, Lord Baltimore’s agents returned to Maryland, and rumors soon spread that five hundred men were to march upon the South River. Messengers were despatched to New Amsterdam for re-enforcements and Director General Stuyvesant sent overland sixty soldiers under the command of Captain Kreiger, who, with Secretary Van Ruyven, was commissioned to act as general agents for the service of the company. August Heermans and Resolved Waldron, were also despatched on an embassy to the government of Maryland, to settle the difficulties. They proceeded, with a small escort, from New Amstel, and after many embarrassing adventures, arrived in a week at Patuxent. After being hospitably entertained, and meeting Governor Fendall and his council, and Secretary Calvert, and discussing the merits of the respective claims to the property in dispute, the commissioners returned, having failed in their mission. Pending these discussions, anxiety and alarm prevailed among the Dutch colonists; business was suspended, and every one prepared for flight. Within a fortnight, fifty persons, including several families, removed to Maryland and Virginia. Scarcely thirty families remained at New Amstel. The colony was overwhelmed with debt; of the soldiers who had been sent out from Holland, but five remained at the Horekills, and ten at New Amstel. At the close of the year 1659, the inhabited part of the colony of the South River did not extend beyond two Dutch miles from the fort.(6*) In the midst of these troubles, vice-director Alrichs died, having intrusted the government to Alexander D’Hinoyossa, with Gerrit Van Sweringen and Cornelis Van Gezel as councillors. On assuming the government of New Amstel in January, 1660, Hinoyossa, by his indiscreet conduct, produced great discords, which were increased when news of the proposed retransfer of the colony to the West India Company reached the South River. With Beekman his relations were scarcely pleasant; and complaints were constantly made to New Amsterdam of his haughty and insolent demeanor, and his contempt of the provincial regulations respecting the sale of liquors to the savages. The hostile attitude of the Maryland authorities had, in the mean time, been under the consideration of the Amsterdam directors, who ordered Stuyvesant to oppose their encroachments, "first warning them in a civil manner not to usurp our territory; but if they despise such kind entreaties, then nothing is left but to drive them from there, as our claims and rights on the lands upon South River are indisputable." But while the company was thus strenuous in asserting its territorial rights to the whole South River, it declined to receive back from the city of Amsterdam the colony of New Amstel; and the city’s commissaries, obliged to continue their reluctant support, appointed Hinoyossa director in place of Alrichs.(7*) In 1661, public attention was drawn toward the South River, and various plans of emigration were proposed. Finally, a colony of Mennonists, or Anabaptists, established themselves at the Horekill. Pieter Cornelis Plockhoy was principal leader of the colony.(8*) The Dutch West India Company, seeing the impossibility of its colonial enterprise on the South River, proposed favorable terms to the city of Amsterdam for the surrender of "the whole of the Delaware from the sea upwards as far as the river reached, with the territory on the east side, three Dutch miles into the interior, and on the west as far as the country extended toward the English, saving the rights of the settlers and proprietors in the neighborhood." After formal, and somewhat lengthy negotiations, it was at length determined, on the 12th of February, 1663, that the Company should confer on the city the entire South or Delaware River. By this grant, the "high and low jurisdiction" which the city of Amsterdam possessed formerly over the colony of New Amstel alone was now extended over the whole territory on the river. The formal transfer of the territory on the Delaware to the city of Amsterdam did not take place until December 22, 1663, when a deed for the whole territory was executed by Stuyvesant to Alexander D’Hinoyossa, who became sole commandant, or vice-director; and William Beekman, left without position on the Delaware, was afterwards appointed Sheriff or Schout of a district on the North River. In the meantime Hinoyossa, who had arrived at Amsterdam, induced the burgomasters to appropriate large sums of money for the vigorous prosecution of the work of colonization. He represented the Maryland authorities, with whom he had communicated, as anxious to promote intercolonial commerce; that the Swedes, Finns and others had already one hundred and ten plantations, and thousands of cattle and swine, besides horses and sheep; that the city had already two or three breweries, and more were wanted to supply the English with beer, who, in return, could furnish a thousand tubs of tobacco a year; and that ten thousand furs and other articles could be annually procured from the Indians, and exported from the colony. These representations had their effect. The next month Hinoyossa set sail for the South River with about one hundred and fifty colonists, and arrangements were made to dispatch another ship. Not long afterwards he arrived, and Beekman, in obedience to the company’s orders, immediately recognized him as chief of the Dutch on the South River. His administration, however, was of short duration, extending from December 28, 1663 to October 1, 1664. During this limited period, arrangements were made for extending the fur and tobacco trade; a governmental revenue was provided for by the imposition of a tax on imported goods, and upon tobacco and furs exported, and to prevent trouble from savage excess, the brewing and distilling of liquors was prohibited in the colony. The relations between the English in Maryland and the Dutch on the Delaware during all this time were far from being harmonious. Hardly had Charles II. reached the throne of England, before Lord Baltimore instructed Captain James Neale, his agent in Holland, to require of the West India Company to yield up to him the lands on the south side of the Delaware. Neale, accordingly, made a formal demand for the surrender of New Amstel, and informed the directors that Lord Baltimore would use all lawful means to defend his rights and subject the Dutch to his authority. The Amsterdam Chamber referred the question to the College of the XIX. who resolved, on Sept. 1, 1660, that they would defend their rights with "all the means which God and nature had given them." Doubts had, meanwhile arisen in the council of Maryland, whether New Amstel was really within the limits of that province, and all further demonstrations were delayed until Lord Baltimore obtained from the king a confirmation of his patent. Pending these proceedings, the two colonies concluded a treaty of peace with the Indians at the head of Apoquinnimy creek. The Marylanders, at the same time, proposed to deliver two or three thousand hogsheads of tobacco annually to the Dutch in return for negroes and merchandise. In 1663, news came that the heir of Lord Baltimore was about to visit Altona, and Beekman, finding that "here on the river not a single draught of French wine is obtainable," requested Stuyvesant to send him some from Manhattan, "to treat the nobleman with." The next month, Lord Baltimore’s son, Charles Calvert, came to New Amstel and Altona with a suite of twenty-six or twenty-seven persons. Beekman entertained him, not as a proprietary, but as a guest, and their intercourse was pleasant and harmonious. In conjunction with Van Sweringen, the schout of New Amstel, Calvert renewed the treaty with the savages, but when it was proposed to define the limits of the two colonies, he replied that he would communicate with Lord Baltimore. The young nobleman took leave of his Dutch hosts in all good feeling, and proposing to visit Boston the next spring, by way of Manhattan, he desired Beekman to convey his thanks to Stuyvesant for his "offer of convoy and horses."(9*) The circumstances which led to the overthrow of the Dutch in the New Netherlands, do not demand any long recital. The facts are few, and there is no stirring episode in connection with them. No revolution could have been more tame, no transfer of an empire more apathetic. The Dutch had always had the sagacity to know that the English were their worst enemies in this continent. New Netherland lay like a wedge between Virginia and New England, separating and weakening those colonies, while at the same time it kept both from access to the best soils, the most desirable and salubrious climates, and the boldest navigable waters in America. From the time of Lord Baltimore’s settlement on the Chesapeake (1634), the pressure which the Dutch felt so much upon their eastern frontier was repeated with an added strain on the southern. Baltimore’s charter called for all the land north of the Potomac and south of the fortieth parallel. This line would have included the present site of Philadelphia, and Baltimore was urgent in asserting his claim. As has been stated, he sent Col. Nathaniel Utie to New Amstel (now New Castle) to give notice of his rights and how he meant to enforce them, and his ambassador went among the simple-hearted, timid Dutch and Swedes like a hectoring constable armed with a distraint warrant. Utie and others assisted the Indians who were at war with those tribes who were clients and allies of the Dutch, and Fendall and Calvert repeatedly made it appear that they meant to invade the South River colony and overthrow the Dutch power, either by sailing in at the mouth of the Delaware or by an invasion overland by way of Elk River. So great was the pressure put upon them that the Dutch abandoned their settlements about the Horekills, and withdrew farther up the bay. As a further precaution, and to erect "a wall between them and the English of Maryland," the Dutch West India Company, as we have shown, ceded to the city of Amsterdam, to which it owed heavy debts, its entire jurisdiction over the South River colony. But the English to be dreaded did not live in the colonies but at home. The Stuarts were in power again, and so greedy were they and their followers, after their long fast during the period of the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, that England, though clean stripped, did not furnish spoils enough to "go round." Charles II., moreover, had no liking for the Dutch, and it had already become the policy of Great Britain to obtain control of the North American continent. On March 12, 1664 (O.S.), the king granted to his brother James, Duke of York and Albany (afterwards King James II.), a patent for all the land embraced between the St. Croix River on the north and the Delaware Bay on the south. This covered all of New England, New York, and New Jersey, but it did not include the west side of the Delaware River and Bay, showing clearly that the king respected his father’s charter conveying this territory to Calvert. All of the land granted by this patent, from the St. Croix River to the Passaic, had been previously conceded to the Plymouth or North Virginia Company by King James I. The duke, in July, sold or granted the territory between the Hudson and Delaware Rivers— the whole of New Jersey, in fact— to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. War between the English and Dutch broke out two months after the Duke of York received his patent, and the latter, who was lord high admiral of the British navy, at once (May 25, O.S.) fitted out an expedition to capture the New Netherlands— in other words, to take possession of the country patented to him by his brother. The expedition, consisting of four vessels, with one hundred and twelve guns and three hundred soldiers, besides the ships’ crews, was under command of Col. Richard Nicholls, who was accompanied by Sir Robert Carr, Kt., George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, commissioners to the several English colonies to hear complaints, redress grievances, and settle the "peace and security of the country." Their instructions bound them first to reduce the Dutch colonies, as the fountain of sedition and sanctuary of discontent and mutiny, to "an entire obedience." The massacres of Amboyna were cited in proof that the Dutch were not fit to be intrusted with great power, and it was declared to be "high time to put them without a capacity of doing the same mischief in America, by reducing them to the same rule and obedience with the English subjects there." Submission to English authority was all that was to be required of them, and no man who submitted was to be "disturbed or removed from what he possessed." The Dutch, both at home and in New Netherland, were acquainted with the expedition and its objects, but took no real measures of defense. The first vessel of the expedition arrived at the outer bay of New Amsterdam August 25th, and a proclamation was at once issued, offering protection to all who submitted. Stuyvesant repaired the walls of his fort, but he could not rally the people to reinforce the garrison. They would not leave their villages and boueries, their wives and children, upon any such venture. On the 30th, Col. Nicholls demanded the surrender of the fort and island, replying to Stuyvesant’s commissioners that he was not there to argue questions of title, but to obey orders, and the place must surrender to him without debate, or he would find means to compel it to do so. Stuyvesant was still disposed to argue, to temporize, to fight if he could, but the frigate ran up alongside the fort, broadside on, and demanded an immediate surrender. The people assembled in town-meeting and declared their helplessness, the dominies and the old women laid siege to Stuyvesant, and on the 9th of September, 1664, New Amsterdam surrendered, the Dutch marching out of their fort with all their arms, drums beating, and colors flying. The terms of the capitulation were very liberal, considering that no defense was possible. In fact, the English did not want any war. They sought territory, and they knew that that takes half its value from being in a pacific state. After arranging affairs at New Amsterdam, the name of which was now changed to New York, Sir Robert Carr, with two frigates and some soldiers, was sent to the Delaware to receive the submission of the Dutch there. They reached New Amstel on September 30th. The inhabitants at once yielded, but the truculent D’Hinoyossa, with Alrichs and Van Sweringen, threw himself into the fort, and declined to come to terms. Carr landed some troops, made his frigates pour two broadsides into the fortress, and then incontinently took it by storm, the Dutch losing three men killed and ten wounded, the English none. The result of D’Hinoyossa’s foolhardiness was the sack of the fort, the plunder of the town, the confiscation of the governor’s property, as well as that of several of his supporters, and the selling of the Dutch soldiers into Virginia as slaves. A good many negro slaves also were confiscated and sold, a cargo of nearly three hundred of these unhappy beings having just landed at South Amboy and been run across the Delaware with the idea of escaping the English in New York. The name of New Amstel was changed to New Castle, and D’Hinoyossa retired to Maryland, where he was naturalized and lived for several years in Talbot County, but finally finding he could not recover his property, which had been taken by Carr and others, he returned to Holland, entered the Dutch army, and fought in the wars against Louis XIV.(10*) In May, 1667, Nicholls was superseded by Sir Francis Lovelace as governor of the Dutch settlements on the North and South Rivers, and in July of that year peace was made between the Dutch and English on the basis of the uti possedetis. On the Delaware, the government remained in charge of Sir Robert Carr, with Capt. Robert Needham acting as military commander. In May, 1672, the town of New Castle was erected into a corporation, and Capt. Edmund Cantwell was appointed the first High Sheriff, and Peter Alrichs Bailiff, or chief magistrate, for the town and river. In August, 1669, some disturbance arose on the Delaware in consequence of the conduct of a Swede called "the long Finn," who gave himself out as the son of General Count Konigsmark, made seditious speeches, and tried to incite some sort of a rebellion. He is thought to have had the countenance, if not the active support, of Printz’s daughter, Armgart Pappegoja. He was arrested, put in irons, tried, convicted, and sentenced to be publicly whipped, branded on the face and breast, and sent to the Barbadoes to be sold, all of which was done as set forth. In 1673 war again broke out between the Dutch and English in consequence of the malign influence of Louis XIV. upon Charles II. The French king invaded the Netherlands with two hundred thousand men, and there was a series of desperate naval battles between the combined French and English fleets, with one hundred and fifty ships, and the Dutch fleet of seventy-five vessels, under De Ruyter and the younger Tromp. The last of these battles, fought off the Helder, resulted in the defeat of the allied squadrons, and the Prince of Orange at once dispatched several vessels under Binckes and the gallant Evertsen to recover possession of New Netherlands. The British made but little resistance, while the Dutch welcomed their old friends. Lovelace fled, and in a few days the Dutch had resumed control of all their old provinces in North America. Captain Anthony Colve was made governor, but there were only a few administrative changes, though a general confiscation act was passed against the English. In 1674, February 10th (O.S.), the treaty of Westminster was signed, and peace again made between the Dutch and English, with a proviso enforcing the restitution of all countries taken during the late war. Under this treaty, the English resumed their conquests of 1664. The Duke of York’s patents were renewed, and the duke appointed Sir Edmund Andross governor over the whole country from the west side of the Connecticut River to the east side of the Delaware. Andross arrived out November 10th, and at once proceeded to restore the statu quo ante bellum as far as he could. He was an astute, well-informed man, of good habits, with the tact of a practiced courtier, and many of the rare accomplishments of a statesman. Under his administration and that of his deputies on the Delaware, Capt. Cantwell,(11*) Capt. Collier, and Christopher Billop, the settlements on the South River prospered, and grew rapidly in population, resources, and in sympathy and fellow-feeling with the other colonies. * This laying out of lots was the beginning of the town of New Amstel, now New Castle. For a long time it was the most important town on the banks of the Delaware. On the 5th of February, 1656, Jacobus Crabbe presented a petition to the Council "respecting a plantation near the corner, where brick and stone are made and baked." ** Broadhead’s History of New York, vol. 1, p. 631. *** A city-hall for the burghers was also erected. It was a log-building, two stories high, and twenty feet square. The whole of the buildings were inclosed within a square. (4*) Salt works are referred to in the records at this period. Forty cows were, at the same time, introduced in the colony, which were purchased by Alrichs at prices ranging from one hundred and twenty-eight to one hundred and thirty guilders per head, or about $78.80 each. (5*) Alrichs, in one of his letters, thus speaks of the government of New Amstel, before and after his arrival: "I found the government to consist of a military council over the soldiers, who were here of old. The differences between the old settlers, who consisted of about twelve or thirteen families, were decided by the commander and two persons acting as schepens, and a secretary appointed from among the inhabitants, by the general, on the part of the West India Company. These expressed a desire, now that the place had changed hands, that a burgher-like government should be continued, according to the conditions, as it was under the director-general and the West India Company; so it was, and they continued to decide all differences between burgher and burgher. All affairs appertaining to the city and military matters were disposed of by me and the council, and differences between the city’s servants, soldiers, trainsbands and freemen, until the arrival of the "Balance," (this day,) when seven city councillors were elected, and from them three new schepens were chosen; another secretary and schout were also appointed, two elders and two deacons, for the management of church affairs." — Hol. Doc. quoted in note by O’Call. Vol. ii., p. 337. (6*) About this time one of the Swedish ministers attempted to preach in the City’s Colony— in the town of New Amstel. The commissioners of the colony would not permit this on account of the difference between the religious faiths of the Dutch and Swedes. In a letter to Alrichs they say: "The bold undertaking of the Swedish parson to preach in the colony without permission does not greatly please us. No other religion but the reformed can or may be tolerated there, so you must, by proper means, put an end to prevent such presumption on the part of other sectaries." In a letter dated August 16th, to the Commissioners at Amsterdam, Alrichs gives the following unflattering account of the settlers at New Amstel. "In the ‘Prince Maurice,’" said he, "were 35 colonists, free handicraft’s men, amongst them some workmen, but the major part tradesmen, who did not learn their trades very well, and ran away from their masters too early, in consequence of their own viciousness. Also 47 soldiers, 10 civil servants, 76 women, children and maid servants. Those who arrived in the vessels ‘De Waig,’ ‘De Sonne,’ ‘De Muelen’ were of no good repute, scarcely three good farmers among the whole lot. The total was 137 tradesmen and servants, 70 soldiers and civil servants, 300 women and children, and the maid servants of the married women and children, &c., who came here as single women. The wages for labor, at this time, on the Delaware, according to Alrichs’ letters, were, for laborers, three guilders a day; for mechanics, four guilders a day. In 1660 the following mechanics were employed at New Amstel. They are the first named as following these trades in this State, viz.: Andries Andriessen, a carpenter; Theunis Servaes, of Harlem, a cooper; Cornelius Theunissen, a smith; William Van Raesenberg, a surgeon; Thys Jacobsen, a boy working at carpentering with Andries Andriessen; he is the first carpenter’s apprentice recorded. There were also Joost, of Amsterdam, and Antony Willimsen, of Vreedlandt, masons. (7*) Broadhead’s History of New York, vol. 1, p. 682. (8*) The association was to consist of married males and single men who had attained the age of twenty-four years, who were not bound to service or indebted to the association. No superiority or office was to be sought for; but all persons were to obey the ordinances for the "maintenance of peace and concord." No minister of the gospel was to be allowed in the association; for being composed of persons of various religious opinions, no one minister could preach in accordance with the sentiments of the whole of their community, and to get one of each sect, it was argued, would not only be impossible, "but an inevitable pest to all peace and union." The number that agreed to settle was thirty-five men. The city of Amsterdam agreed to loan each of them one hundred guilders. The whole community were to be secured for this loan. Thus every man was surety for all the rest. (9*) Broadhead’s History of New York, vol. 1, p. 717. In the early part of June a battle took place between the Minqua and Seneca Indians. "The Senecas, to the number of eight hundred, blockaded the Minquas in their fort whilst a large proportion of their numbers were out hunting. When the Senecas approached, three or four men were dispatched to the fort with the offer of peace, while their force remained at a distance; but a Minqua returning from hunting discovered the Senecas, so that the next day those in the fort concluded to meet them with twenty or thirty men. The other Minquas at the same time, with their forces, made an attack, put the Senecas to flight, and pursued them for two days, retaking ten person sand killing ten Senecas." The Governor of Maryland assisted the Minquas with two cannon and four men to manage them. The accounts of this battle handed down to us are confused. It is more than probable the assistance rendered by the Marylanders contributed to the Minquas victory. The site of the battle is not definitely known; but it is supposed to have been within the limits of the State,— probably in the neighborhood of Iron or Chestnut Hill, near Newark, as the Minquas fort was situated on a high mountain. These hills answer best to the description given by Campanius as the site of the Minquas stronghold. On the South River at this time, according to the report of the Commissioners of the city of Amsterdam, the Swedes, Finns and other nations had established about 110 good boweries or farms, which had a stock of 2000 cows and oxen, 20 horses, 80 sheep, and several thousand swine. It was recommended that no Hollander should be employed in agriculture; but that Swedes, Finns and other foreign nations should be induced to emigrate to the South River for that purpose. The city was to offer to lend such people sufficient to pay their passage and purchase agricultural implements. Most of the emigrants who arrived in the "Parmeland Church" with D’Hinoyossa were Swedes and Finns, who were aided by the city of Amsterdam in this manner. The Dutch of the Delaware at this time brewed a great deal of strong beer, which was sold to the Marylanders (who did not manufacture any) for tobacco. On the 4th of November, Andreas Hudde, who figured so prominently in the early part of our history, died at Appoquinimy, which was then the name of Appoquinimink. He had been a faithful servant of the Dutch for many years, and his services were appreciated by them; but he had been robbed and all his property destroyed by the Indians, and he had sunk from the position of commissary, or governor, to that of clerk. He petitioned for his discharge as clerk, and it being granted, had left Altona on the 1st of November, and was going by the way of Appoquinimy to Maryland, where he intended engaging in the brewing business; but he died before he reached there of an "ardent fever." His first service under the Dutch was as surveyor at Manhattan, 1642, from which station he was removed; in 1645 he was commissary at Fort Nassau, since which time he had been identified with the Dutch on South River.— Vincent’s History of Delaware, pp. 402, 408–409. (10*) Vincent says: "After the capture of the town and fort of New Amstel a general scene of plunder took place. All the soldiers and many of the citizens of New Amstel were sold as slaves to Virginia (for white slavery or forced service then existed, as well as black). The negroes brought by the "Gideon" and run across New Jersey by Alrichs were forfeited, and mostly divided among his captors, save those that the Dutch managed to conceal. Several were taken belonging to Alrichs. Eleven were returned to him some four years afterwards by Ensign Arthur Stock as a free gift. They also took from the Dutch all the produce of the land for that year, and amongst other things were 100 sheep, 30 or 40 horses, 50 to 60 cows and oxen, a brew-house and still belonging to it, and a saw-mill ready to put up. (This is the first mention we have of a saw-mill in Delaware.) They also plundered the settlement of the Mennonists at the Hoernkill, leaving the inhabitants there (to use the words of Van Sweringen) "not even a nail." Stuyvesant also, in writing of this affair, says: "That although the citizens of New Amstel made no resistance, ‘they were striped’ and ‘utterly plundered.’" He also confirms the selling of the citizens and soldiers as slaves. The amount of plunder obtained amounted to £4000. Carr, notwithstanding the amount of sheep and cattle taken from the unfortunate citizens of New Amstel, in writing to Colonel Nicholls giving an account of the expedition, says: "That nothing was to be had on the Delaware but what was purchased from other places, and that to supply the wants of the garrison he had to send into Maryland some negroes belonging to D’Hinoyossa, which he sold for ‘beef, pork, and salt,’" and, to use his own words, "other small conveniences," which, he said, "the place affordeth not." (11*) Captain Edmund Cantwell and William Zorn were authorized to take possession of the fort at New Castle, and see to the preservation of all stores of war at that place, or any part of the river. The former was appointed Sheriff, or Schout, and the latter Secretary, or clerk. Both, in conjunction, were ordered to collect the quit-rents and other duties established by the English, before the coming of the Dutch. The officers of the government on the Delaware, at this time, were, therefore, as follows: Sheriff, or Schout, Captain Edmund Cantwell; Secretary, William Zorn; Magistrates of New Castle, Hans Block, John Moll, Foppo Outhont, Joseph Chew, Dirck Alberts. Magistrates on the river, Peter Cock, Peter Rambo, Israel Helme, Lars Adriesen, Woolle Swain. The government continued thus constituted until the 23d of September, 1676, when Cantwell and Zorn were relieved by the appointment of Captain John Collier, as Commander on Delaware River and Bay, and of Ephraim Hermans as Secretary. The following Magistrates were also commissioned: For New Castle, John Moll, Henry Ward, William Zorn, Foppo Outhont, Jean Paul Jacquett, Gerritt Otto. For the River, Peter Cock, Peter Rambo, Israel Helme, Lars Adriesen, Woolle Swain, Otto Earnest Cock. On the 13th of August, 1677, Captain John Collier was relieved by Governor Andross, of the command of affairs on the Delaware, by the appointment, in his place, of Captain Christopher Billop, as Chief Officer. Billop continued as Commander, or Chief Officer, on the Delaware, until the latter part of 1679, when he was removed for misconduct. We have no record of the appointment of his successor. By the Governor’s proclamation, introducing the Duke of York’s laws upon the Delaware; three judicial districts upon the river were also established, viz.: One at New Castle, one at Upland, and one at the Whorekill. In 1680, a fourth district was established, by a division of the Whorekill, which was called St. Jones. Duke of York’s Book of Laws, pp. 454, 455, 457. Hazard, under date of 1675, says: "It appears, from a reference on the New Castle Court Records, to ‘proceedings of a court held in New Castle, March 24, 1674,’ (1675,) that courts were established here as early, or perhaps prior to this date. The records are, at present, not among those at New Castle, where the earliest that we have seen are October, 1676. We have seen no evidence of courts in the time of Lovelace, though there must, no doubt, have been some legal proceedings. Courts were held ‘at a place now called Troy on Jones’s Creek, near Dover, for Jones’s, now Kent, at Whorekill, now Lewistown, for the county of Deal, now Sussex county.’" Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 416. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware7.htm ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume One- pp. 146-184. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware13.htm CHAPTER XIII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE EARLY INHABITANTS. THIS history would not be complete if we did not pause here, at the birth of the State of Delaware, to give something like a picture of the social and domestic life of the inhabitants of the prosperous and growing colony about the year 1775, and the manners and customs of the early settlers, the pioneers among those hardy pale-faces before whose advance the natives of the soil melted away and disappeared. When the first white man came within the present limits of Delaware he found the ground closely occupied with a continuous growth of the primeval forests, except where swamp and marsh and the daily flow of the tide prevented the trees from growing. The sole population were the Delaware, Susquehanna and Nanticoke Indians— hunters and fishers, with corn-fields and patches for beans, squashes and melons. In the deep but not impenetrable forests, of oak, hickories and pines, a few, but not many, Indians had their lodges or huts. The hunting and fishing were good; the deer came to the borders of all the small streams, and the surface of the waters was populous with dense flocks of wild-fowl,* while their depths teemed with fishes of every size, from the sturgeon to the smallest pan-fish. The great oak-groves were favorite resorts of bucks and does, turkeys and partridges, and wild pigeons, and there seemed to have been a regular "pigeon-roost," or breeding-place for the gregarious bird (if we may accept the ordinary interpretation of such Indian names) at Moyamensing.** In the spring and early summer months, just after the Indians of the interior had planted their corn and beans, the Delaware and Schuylkill were filled with incalculably large shoals of the migratory fish, pressing towards fresh water in order to deposit their spawn, and pursued by schools of the predatory sea fish. At these seasons the shores of the rivers were thronged with Indians and their lodges, while their canoes darted gayly over the surface, men, women and children spearing or netting fish, and cleaning and drying them. The sturgeon, the porpoise, now and then the salmon, were all caught, with innumerable shad, herring, alewives and bream, pike and perch. In the autumn again the Indians were drawn to the river-shore by the attractions of the oyster bars and banks. This was in the interval after the corn harvesting and the beginning of the winter hunting. The territory in the neighborhood of New Castle had grown to be familiar for councils and general conferences of the Indian tribes. At the time the whites came to the Delaware, the Nanticokes, the Susquehannas, the Delawares, the Shawanees and the Iroquois were accustomed to kindle their council-fires, smoke the pipe of deliberation, exchange the wampum belts of explanation and treaty, and drive hard bargains with one another for peltries, provisions and supplies of various kinds, on the banks of the river and bay which bears the name of Delaware. The trails made by the savages in going to and from their points of union were deep and broad at the coming of the whites, and they have generally been followed in laying out the early roads. The first white settlers within the present bounds of Delaware, as has already been shown in the preceding chapters, and the only white settlers previous to the coming of Penn who made any distinct and durable impress upon the country, were the Swedes. Their first, second and third colonies, which arrived out in 1638 and 1640, and the fifth colony also, which came between those of Printz and Risingh, contained a good many Dutch, and were indeed partly recruited and fitted out in the Netherlands, with Dutch capital and under Dutch management. It is also the fact that the Dutch sent parties frequently to the Zuydt River to settle and plant, as well as to trade with the Indians, and that Stuyvesant, after the recapture of Fort Casimir, the overthrow of Risingh’s government and the subjugation of New Sweden, sent many of his people to the south side of Delaware to settle the country. For all that the Swedes were the first permanent colonists. The Dutch were adventurers, fond of trading and navigation. As a rule they did not bring their families to the Delaware with them, and they could easily reach their own countrymen in New York after English rule had been established by Lovelace, and the trade in furs and peltries was no longer profitable so low down on the Delaware. The Swedes and Finns, on the other hand, had no such migratory propensity. They were like trees, and grew in the soil to which they had been transplanted, as if they had never known any other. As a rule they had not emigrated from their native country from choice, but were transplanted by force. One reason, indeed, why the Dutch partners had been invited to co-operate with the Swedish West India Company was that emigrants and volunteers to the new country were so hard to procure. The Swedish and Finnish peasants had very strong local attachments. They did not wish to abandon their native soil, in spite of the scanty livelihood it assured them. The "Kalmar Nyckel" and the "Gripen" were delayed a long time in getting their passengers for the first voyage under Minuit. It is not certainly known that of this party with Minuit, more than one person— Lieut. Mäns Kling— was a Swede. Anders Svensson Bonde, Peter Gunnarsson Rambo, Per Andersson, Anders Larsson Daalbo, Sven Larsson, Sven Gunnersson, his son, Sven Svensson, Lars Svensson Käckin, Moens Andersson, Iven Thorsson and Märten Göttersson were all of them certainly in New Sweden in 1640,*** but it cannot be shown whether they came over with Minuet or with his successor, Hollandaer. As Prof. Odhner shows by the record, "the people entertained a repugnance to the long sea-voyage to the remote and heathen land. It is affirmed in the letters of the administration to the Governors of the provinces of Elfsborg and Värmland, that no one spontaneously offered to accompany Capt. Van Vliet (who was originally appointed to command the ship that bore Hollandaer’s party, but was superseded before sailing by Capt. Powel Jansen). The government ordered these officers, therefore, to lay hands on such married soldiers as had either evaded service or committed some other offense, and transport them, with their wives and children, to New Sweden, with the promise to bring them home again within two years,— to do this, however, ‘justly and discreetly,’ that no riot might ensue." In 1640 again the Governor of the province of Orebro was ordered to prevail upon the unsettled Finns to betake themselves, with their wives and children, to New Sweden. Lieut. Mäns Kling, who was now back in Sweden, was sent to recruit for emigrants in the mining regions of Westmanland and Dalarne. He was also particularly instructed to enlist the "roaming Finns,’ who were tramps, or squatters living rent free in the forests. Next year, when Printz had received his commission, he was sent to hunt up the same class of persons, the Governors of Dal and Värmland receiving orders to capture and imprison, provided they could not give security or would not go to America, the "forrest-destroying Finns," who, as described in a royal mandate, "against our edict and proclamation, destroy the forrests by setting tracts of wood on fire, in order to sow in the ashes, and who maliciously fell trees." A trooper in the province of Skaraborg, who had broken into the cloister garden of the royal monastery at Varnhem, in Westergothland, and committed the heinous crime of cutting down six apple-trees and two cherry-trees, was given the option of emigrating or being hung. The "Charitas," which sailed in 1641 for New Sweden, had four criminals in a total of thirty-two passengers, the greater number of the remainder being indentured servants or "redemptioners." In fact, Lieut.-Col. Printz was himself a disgraced man, having been court-martialed and dismissed from the army for the dishonorable and cowardly capitalization of Chemnitz, of which he was commandant, so that his appointment to the colony of New Sweden was in some sort a punishment and a banishment. But this very reluctance of the Swedes to emigrate made them the best of immigrants. They stayed in the place to which they had been removed, and became permanent fixtures in the new soil just as they had wished to be left in the old. They were quiet, orderly, decent, with no injurious vices, and in that kindly soil and climate the natural fruitfulness of their families was greatly increased. Acrelius, noticing this prolificness, says quaintly, "Joseph Cobson, in Chester, twenty years ago, had the blessing to have his wife have twins, his cow two calves, and his ewe two lambs, all on one night in the month of March. All continued to live." And he gives several other instances of the sort. Be this as it may, the Swedes remained on the spot through all the changes of administration as if adscripti gleboe, and they multiplied so rapidly that when Carl Christopherson Springer wrote his letter to Postmaster Thelin at Stockholm, in 1693, only forty-five years after the first immigration, he was able to furnish "a roll of all the (Swedish) men, women and children which are found and still live in New Sweden, on the Delaware River," to the number of one hundred and eighty-eight families, nine hundred and forty-two persons. This does not include the Swedes on the other side of the Delaware, many families residing on the east bank being included in the list of "Tydable" (taxable) persons returned in the Duke of York’s Court at Upland, in November, 1677.(4*) The Swedes on the Delaware have sometimes been reproached as a lazy people because they did not clear the forests at a rapid rate, nor build themselves fine houses. But this is not the character which Penn gives them, nor that to which their performances entitle them. Penn says, "They are a plain, strong, industrious people, yet have made no great progress in the culture or propagation of fruit-trees as if they desired to have enough, not a superfluity." He speaks also of their respect for authority, adding, "As they are a people proper and strong of body, so they have fine children, and almost every house full; rare to find one of them without three or four boys and as many girls; some six, seven and eight sons. And I must do them that right, I see few men more sober and industrious." In speaking of their lack of diversified husbandry, Penn forgot that their leading crop was tobacco, which, being without slaves almost entirely, they had to cultivate with their own hands. Their intelligence must have been at least equal to their loyalty, for they were more than fully represented, on the basis of comparative population, in all the early assemblies, councils and magistrates’ courts, under Lovelace and Penn, and they were the only interpreters Penn could get in his intercourse with the Indians. They were not devoid, moreover, of what would nowadays be esteemed remarkable industrial enterprise. There can be no doubt that the Swedes— probably those "wandering Finns" from the Swedish iron ore regions— discovered and worked the ore-banks of Cecil and Harford Counties, Md., long before George Talbot’s manor of Susquehanna was patented or Principio Furnace thought of. The mill afterwards used by Talbot, and to which his tenants were compelled to bring their corn to be ground was originally started by the Swedes to drive a rude bellows blast of their own. The Swedes, as emigrants from an exceedingly well-watered country, cut up in every direction by bays, sounds, rivers, lakes and fiords, naturally followed the water-courses in the new country. They found a homelike something in the network of streams back of Tinnecum Island and thence to the Schuylkill, and in the rivers and meadows about Christiana Creek and the Brandywine. They clung to those localities tenaciously, and the only thing in Penn’s government which roused their resentment and threatened to shake their loyalty was the attempted interference with their titles to these lands and the actual reduction of their holdings by the proprietary and his agents. It is a fact that some of their tenures were very uncertain and precarious in the eyes of plain and definite English law, and probably the Quakers took advantage of this to acquire escheat titles to many very desirable pieces of land which the Swedes fancied to be indisputably their own. The purchasers of New Sweden from the Indians had vested the title to the entire tract bought in the Swedish crown, and this right of property was recognized and exercised by the crown. Two land grants from Queen Christina are on record in Upland Court, one to Lieut. Swen Schute and Printz several times solicited a grant to himself, which he finally obtained, giving the property to his daughter Armgart, Papagoya’s wife. The other land-holders secured their tracts in accordance with the fifth article of the Queen’s instructions to the "noble and well-born John Printz." In this article, after describing the bounds of the territory of New Sweden, and the terms of the contract under which it was acquired from "the wild inhabitants of the country, its rightful lords," it is laid down that this tract or district of country extends in length about thirty German miles, but in breadth and into the interior it is, in and by the contract, conditioned that "her Royal Majesty’s subjects and the participants in this Company of navigators may hereafter occupy as much land as they may desire." The land thus bought in a single block and attached to the crown was originally managed by the Swedish West India Company. The revenue and public expenses were paid out of an excise on tobacco, and it was the interest of the company to have tobacco planted largely. In part this was accomplished by servants indentured to the company, who were sent over and paid regular wages by the month.(5*) In part the land was regularly conveyed to settlers who sought to better their fortunes; finally, criminals and malefactors were sent out to some extent at first to labor in chain-gangs upon the roads and public works. The land secured by settlers and servants who had worked out their term of years was granted in fee under grants which came directly or indirectly from the crown. The difficulties about title, which vexed the Swedes, grew out of the changes in the tenure under the Swedish, Dutch, English, and later under Penn’s grants, all of them having peculiar features of their own. It is important to understand these differences, which have not been clearly explained by writers on the subject, some of whom have hastily concluded that the land tenure system in Pennsylvania originated with Penn’s laws. So far as land is concerned, Penn’s "great law" and the subsequent enactments were all founded upon the "Duke of York’s laws," the titles under which Penn was particular to quiet and secure.(6*) A transcript of the first grant of land within the limits of the State of Delaware appears in the "York Records" in the recorder’s office at Dover, with a translation in English accompanying it. It was granted in 1646 by William Kieft, Director-General of the West India Company, at New Amsterdam, and bears only the date of the year and says: "We, on the day and date underwritten, have permitted and allowed Abraham Planck, Simon Root, Jan Andriessen and Peter Harmensen to settle on the South River of New Netherland and take possession of the lands lying on the said South River almost opposite to the small island called S’Vogele Lant or Bird Land, of which lands they are permitted to appropriate to themselves one hundred morgen and to erect thereon four farms or plantations and to cultivate the same within a year from the date, or sooner, if possible, under penalty of forfeiting this their right," with the privilege of securing other lands by settlement.(7*) When the Swedes were conquered by the Dutch, in 1655, the articles of capitulation gave the Swedes who desired to leave one year and six weeks in which to dispose of their immovable property, subject, however, to the oath of allegiance. It was further provided that such of the Swedes or Finns who did not desire to go with Governor Risingh, and remained voluntarily, should "have the privileges of the Augsburg Confession and have a person to instruct them therein."(8*) Those who accepted these terms and took the oath of allegiance were: Jan Eckhoff, Constantius Groenenburgh, Harmon Janz, Jan ( ) Schoffel, Klaess Thomassen, Limen Stidden, Lucas ( ) ( ) Petersen, Thoomas ( ) Bruyn, William Morris, Gostaffsen Anies. Mark of ( ) Baernt Jonsen. Mark of ( ) Oloff Franien. Mark of ( ) Andries Jonsen. Mark of ( ) Jon Justen. Mark of ( ) Mathys Esselse. Mark of ( ) Moens Andriessen. Mark of ( ) Marten Martense. Mark of ( ) Lambert Michaelsen. Mark of ( ) Samuel Petersen. Of the above, the names of Janz, Jonsen, Stidden, Petersen, Justen, Groenenburgh and Andriessen were identified for many years with the history of the State, and some are still extant. When the Dutch settled at Fort Casimir a village was ordered laid out in the rear of it and lots were given by the Vice-Director to those who desired them. The Swedes were ordered to colonize in villages, but they objected and were permitted to remain undisturbed pending the year and six weeks granted them in the articles of capitulation. At the expiration of that period, on August 14, 1656, Gregorius Van Dyck, deputy-sheriff, was sent as commissary to the Swedes to colonize them in villages or require their removal. June 12, 1657, the Swedes were directed to concentrate at Upland, Passyonk, Finland, Kinghsessing on the "Verdrietige Hoeck," or at some other place after notification to the Director-General and the Council.(9*) In 1656 and 1657 the Dutch granted a few warrants and patents to Swedes, and many others resided on non-warranted lands. Among the Swedes who held warrants under the Dutch were Constantius Groenenburg, in 1656; Claes Petersen, Barent Jansen, Pieter Harmence, Peter Laurence, Cornelis Steinwyck, Louder Leendersen, Jan Eckhoff, Jan St. Gaggen and Peter Laurensen, in 1657. When the English took possession, in 1663, all persons holding land without titles were ordered to obtain them, but the order was disregarded and was again made the subject of official instructions by Col. Richard Nicholls in 1669 and by the Governor and Council in 1671. In the latter year patents were issued, among others, to Captain Carr and Mr. Wharton. Warrants for survey were issued by Col. Nicholls, Francis Lovelace and Sir Edward Andross, as Governors of the province, the latter, in 1676, limiting the holding to fifty acres per capita. In 1678 the court directs attention to the fact that very few persons have had their land recorded. In the latter part of this year the Governor officially announced that lands having been taken up and not settled upon nor improved, the same must be recorded and settled upon in six months or be forfeited. In 1680 the New Castle court made a similiar announcement. Several months later the inhabitants of Croine Hook petitioned the Governor to confirm the original Dutch grants held by them. In 1683 William Penn gave public notice that all lands granted during the two preceding years must be settled in twelve months or forfeited. He also gave two years for the payment of quit-rents and established future quit-rents on a basis of one bushel of wheat for each hundred acres as before. From this time until Delaware became a State, warrants for surveys and patents were granted by the proprietors or by the commissioner of the Land Office. The Swedes, both under Minuit’s and later instructions, were allowed to take up as much land as they could cultivate, avoiding land already improved and that reserved for the purposes of the Swedish West India Company. This land, so taken up, was to remain to the possessors and their descendants "as allodial and hereditary property," including all appurtenances and privileges, as "fruit of the surface, minerals, springs, rivers, woods, forests, fish, chase, even of birds, the establishments upon water, windmills, and every advantage which they shall find established or may establish." The only conditions were allegiance to the Swedish crown and a payment of three florins per annum per family.(10*) This form of quit-rent per family gave something of a communal aspect to the Swedish tenures, and it was probably the case that but few tracts were definitely bounded and surveyed in the earlier days of the settlement. Governor Printz received no special instructions in regard to land grants further than to encourage agriculture and to use his discretion in all matters, guided by the laws, customs and usages of Sweden. We may suppose he followed the colonial system which was already in operation. Governor Risingh’s instructions from the Swedish General College of Commerce required him to give the same title and possession to those who purchased land from the savages as to those who bought from the company, with all allodial privileges and franchises, "but no one to enter into possession but by consent of the government, so that no one be deprived improperly of what he already possesses." The Swedish tenure, therefore, was by grant from the crown, through the Governor, the quit-rent being commuted into a capitation tax, payable annually by heads of families, the only limits to tracts granted being that they do not trespass on other holdings and are cultivated. After the conquest of New Sweden by the Dutch the Swedes were ordered to come in, take the oath of allegiance, and have their land titles renewed. The Dutch were very liberal in their grants, especially under D’Hinoyossa, but the tenure of lands was entirely changed, and a quit-rent was now required to be paid of 12 stivers per morgen, equal to 3.6 cents per acre.(11*) This was a high rent, in comparison with that which the Swedes had been paying, and with the rents charged by the English. Besides, the land had to be surveyed, and the cost of survey, record and deeds for a tract of 200 or 300 acres was 500 or 600 pounds of tobacco. Many Swedes were unwilling, some perhaps unable, to pay these fees and rents; some abandoned their lands entirely, some sold, and many paid no heed to the mandate, thus in fact converting themselves into squatters. After the English took possession new oaths of allegiance and new confirmations of title were required. Andross and Lovelace made patents very freely, doing all they could to promote and extend the settlements, but the Duke of York’s laws exacted a quit-rent of one bushel of wheat per one hundred acres. Wheat, as we find by the Upland record, was taken for taxes (and of course for rent likewise) at the rate of "five guilders per scipple," — five guilders per scheepel or bushel, thirty pence stirling, or sixty cents, or thirty pence Pennsylvania currency, equal to forty-four and one-fifth cents,— a rent, therefore, of three-fifths or two-fifths of a cent per acre. Under Penn the regular quit-rents were a penny per acre, the conveyancing costing fourteen to eighteen shillings per plat, and the surveying and registering as much more, say thirty shillings, or seven dollars and fifty cents, initial payment, and two dollars annual payment per one hundred acres. This was in addition to the local tax for county and court expenses, amounting to thirty-five or forty guilders per tydable,— four dollars and fifty cents per family or per freeman— and an occasional "war-tax" of a penny in the pound on a valuation which, in 1694, reached £182,000 currency. There is no wonder that the Swedes, who had under their own rules paid only a nominal rent, should have shrunk in fright at these heavy charges and either given up their land or neglected to take out deeds for it, and thus lost possession of it entirely under Penn’s severe law of 1707. As Acrelius says in his general statement of these changes of tenure: "Under the Swedish government no deeds were given for the land; at least there are no signs of any, excepting those which were given as briefs by Queen Christina.(12*) The Hollanders, indeed, made out quite a mass of deeds in 1656, but most of them were upon building lets at Sandhook. Meanwhile, no rents were imposed. The land was uncleared, the inhabitants lazy, so that the income was scarcely more than was necessary for their sustenance. But when the English administration came, all were summoned to take out new deeds for their land in New York. . . . A part took the deeds; but others did not trouble themselves about them, but only agreed with the Indians for a piece of land for which they gave a gun, a kettle, a fur coat, or the like, and they sold them again to others for the same, for the land was superabundant, the inhabitants few and the government not strict. . . . Many who took deeds upon large tracts of land were in great distress about their rents, which, however, were very light if people cultivated the lands, but heavy enough when they made no use of them; and they therefore transferred the greater part of them to others, which their descendants now lament."(13*) The history of taxation in Delaware dates to the administration of Jean Paul Jacquet, who was appointed Vice-Director on South River, Nov. 29, 1655. In the provisional instructions to him, "in order to prevent immoderate desire for land," he was directed to exact from each morgen of land twelve stivers annually. William Beekman, in a letter to Director Stuyvesant, January 14, 1660, presented a proposition of the sheriff and commissary for the taxation of every Swedish family for defraying court expenses. The expenses of the court, however, were paid by quit-rents and customs until 1676, when Governor Andross reorganized the courts and the magistrates asked for instructions in reference to public charges. In reply, the Governor, Nov. 26, 1676, authorized a levy of one penny in the pound on the real estate "in New Castle, up the river and in the bay." To this the magistrates, on Feb. 6, 1677, demurred, and requested permission to make the levy "by the pole," as in Maryland and Virginia, which was accorded April 6, 1677. In September, the constables were instructed to make lists of all persons liable to taxation.(14*) Samuel Land was constable of New Castle District; Walter Rowles of Oppequenomen; Charles Rumsey of Cristeen. In November, 1677, the court met at New Castle, and laid a levy of twelve gilders and ten stivers for every person, to be paid in "Wheat at 5 gilders, Rye att 4 gilders, Barley att 4 gilders per schipple, Indian Corne att 3 gilders per schipple, Tobbacco att 8 styvers per tb; Porke att 8 and Bacon att 16 styvers p tb; or Ells In Zewant or Skins att Pryce Courrant," and instructed Captain Cantwell, high sheriff, to collect a list of taxables by March 25, 1678. The list as returned under these instructions was as follows: James Viccory. Justa Andries... Neither the magistrates nor officials were taxed, although their servants were included in the list. Out of a list of 108 taxables in New Castle constablery in 1683, 43 were owners of land outside of the town.(15*) Of these, the largest were Peter Alrichs and Captain Markham, each of whom had 1000 acres. The estate of the former was probably on the Christiana and Delaware north of Croine Hook; that of Captain Markham was north and west of New Castle. Charles Rumsey and John Watkins had 640 acres each on the Christiana between Swart Nutter Island (now Nonsuch) and Fern Hook, opposite Wilmington; John William Neering, 500 acres; John Ogle, 400 acres; Mary Block, widow of Hans Block, 350 acres above New Castle; John Moll, 300 acres near Swanwyck; John Darby, 300 acres (Swart Nutter Island); Thomas Spry, physician and attorney, 300 acres; William Haigh, a number of Penn’s Council, 400 acres; John Jacquet, son of Jean Paul Jacquet, 280 acres; on Long Hook; Edmund Cantwell, high sheriff, 100 acres; Arnoldus De Lagrange, 300 acres. Fifteen of the land-owners also owned lots in New Castle, and William Penn also held one lot. Among the lot-owners were John Moll, Arnoldus De Lagrange, John Conn and Johannes de Haes, magistrates; Wm. Welch, who subsequently succeeded John Moll on the bench Acrelius is not just to his fellow-countrymen in calling them idle. They were timid, and they lacked enterprise to enable them to grapple with the possibilities of the situation. They were simple peasants of a primitive race and a secluded country, thrown in among people of the two most energetic commercial and mercantile nations the world has ever seen. They were among strangers, who spoke strange tongues and had ways such as the Swedes could not understand. It is no wonder that they should have shrunk back, bewildered, and contented themselves with small farms in retired neighborhoods. But these small farms, after the Swedes settled down upon them, were well and laboriously tilled, and, small though they were, we have the acknowledgment of the Swedes themselves that they yielded a comfortable support, with a goodly surplus each year besides to those large and rapidly increasing families which attracted William Penn’s attention and commanded his admiration. The husbandry of the Swedes was homely, but it was thorough. The soil which they chiefly tilled was light and kindly. In the bottoms, swamps, and marshes along the streams, which the Swedes knew quite as well as the Dutch how to dyke and convert into meadows,— the Brandywine meadows are to this day famous as examples of reclaimed lands,— the soil was deep, rich and very productive. The earlier Swedes did not sow the cultivated grasses on these meadows; they simply dyked them and mowed the natural grass, planting corn and tobacco, and sowing wheat wherever it was dry enough. Acrelius speaks of the high price which these lands brought in his time— "six hundred dollars copper coin (sixty dollars) per acre" — when thoroughly ditched and reclaimed, though constantly liable to inundations from the tunneling of the muskrat and the crayfish. The Upland soils were excellently adapted to corn, wheat and tobacco when they had been cleared. The forest growth on these soils comprised the several varieties of American oak familiar in the Middle States, the black-walnut, chestnut, hickory, poplar (tulip-tree), sassafras, cedar, maple, the gums, locust, dogwood, wild cherry, persimmon, button-wood, spice-wood, pine, alder, hazel, etc. The forests gave the Swedes much trouble, and undoubtedly had an influence upon the modes of cultivation employed. The cost of labor made it difficult to clear the thick woods.(18*) Hence the common expedient was resorted to of removing bushes and undergrowth only and girdling the larger trees, which were left to stand leafless and dead till they rotted and fell, when the logs were after a time "niggered up," or cut into lengths, rolled into piles and burnt. It was difficult to plow between and among so many trunks and stumps, and this led the Swedes, in order further to economize labor, to resort to a system of husbandry which still, in a great measure, regulates the pitching and rotation of crops in the Delaware, Maryland and Virginia peninsula. The ground was cleared in the winter, and then, unless tobacco was grown, the "new ground," as it was called, was planted in corn in the spring. The process, which is known as "listing," was to throw two furrows or four furrows together, by plowing up and down the field instead of around it, leaving a series of ridges with an unplowed space between. The soil of the ridges was pulverized with the harrow and then stepped off into hills about four feet apart, the corn-planter dropping his five grains in each hill, scooping the hill out, dropping and covering with a heavy hoe,— a simple operation which experts dispatched with two motions of the implement. At the last working of the corn, when it had grown stout and waist or breast-high, the "middle" of the lists were plowed out and the fresh earth thrown about the roots of the vigorous plant. This "listing" process was found excellently well suited to the low, flat lands of the peninsula, as, besides saving labor, it afforded a sort of easy drainage, the bottom of every furrow being a small ditch, and this enabled the farmers to plant their corn much earlier than they otherwise could have done. When the corn had gone through the "tasseling" and "silking" processes and the ear was fully developed, the "blades" were pulled and the "tops" cut for fodder. In September the ground was lightly plowed with small shovel-plows (as yet the "cultivator" was not) and sowed in wheat, the stalks being broken down after frost with the hoe or by running rollers over them. Wheat thus sowed on ridges was so well protected by the drainage from frost and "winter-killing" that many farmers in the peninsula still throw their wheat-ground into cornrows even where they use drills to sow it. Where wheat was not sowed on the corn-ground, and oats was not sowed in the spring, the stalk-field was summer-fallowed, being plowed in May, July and again before seeding. The wheat was cut with sickles, bound in sheaves, and thrown into "dozens," each shock being expected to yield a bushel. Rye, wheat and oats were thrashed with flails, and the former, sowed in November, was a favorite crop with the Swedes, the straw being sometimes shipped to Europe. Buckwheat was often sowed on the rye, wheat or oats stubble, the grain being used to feed stock. Flax and oats were sowed in the spring, either on the corn-ground or stubble-fields. Potatoes were planted on the bare ground and covered with the listing-plow. Sweet potatoes, however, were planted in hills after the ground had been deeply furrowed. Turnips were not much sown, except on new ground, and tobacco, in Acrelius’ time, was only planted on such tracts or in the gardens. The implements were few and rude, as were also the apparatus of the farm animals. The plows often had wooden mould-boards, and were not capable of working deeply; the harrows were of the primitive triangular shape, and the oxen or horses working them were attached by means of double links to the apex of the V. The ox-yokes had bows made of bent hickory-wood, the horses’ traces were of twisted deer-hide and the collars of plaited corn-husks. The rest of the harness was homemade, of the same serviceable deer-skins, and the farmers and their lads, all fond of riding on horseback, were content with a bear or deer-skin girt about the horse, with a rawhide surcingle in lieu of a saddle, imitating the Indians in dispensing with stirrups. Beans, pumpkins, squashes and melons were commonly planted in the hills with the corn. Much cabbage was produced, but the variety of other vegetables was limited to onions, peas, beets, parsnips, turnips, radishes, peppers, lettuce, pepper-grass and scurvy-grass, with a few herbs, such as chamomile, sage, thyme, rue, sweet marjoram, lavender, savory, etc., to supply the domestic pharmacy, or afford seasoning for the sausages, liver-puddings, head-cheese, etc., which were made at "hog-killing." Penn, in his letter to the Free Society of Traders, speaks rather disparagingly of the orchards of the Swedes, as if they declined to profit by the peculiar adaptedness of their soils to fruit culture. Yet they must have been the first to naturalize the apple, the cherry and the peach on the Delaware, and we must give them the credit of having anticipated the cherry and apple orchards of Eastern Pennsylvania and Cumberland Valley, and the grand peach-tree rows for which the streets of Germantown became famous. It was a Dutchman, settled among the earlier Swedes,(19*) who produced the best cooking apple, and one of the best sort for eating— the Vandevere— that is grown in the Middle States, and it was a family of Delaware Swedes,(20*) who earliest cultivated the peach by wholesale, and made it an article of commerce. The peach-tree probably came to Delaware from Maryland, having traveled along the coast from the early Spanish settlements in Florida; but it has nowhere become so completely naturalized, so healthy, so productive of large, succulent, delicious fruit as in the country which the Swedes first reclaimed from the wilderness. In the time of Acrelius the peach was supposed to be indigenous, and was cultivated so extensively as to be relied upon as a standard food for swine. Domestic animals increased very rapidly among the Swedes. They imported their own milch kine and oxen in the first instance, but they found horses and swine running at large and wild, many having escaped into the "backwoods" from the Maryland planters.(21*) These horses had a good touch of the true Barb blood in them, as descendants of Virginia thoroughbred sires, and they were probably crossed with pony stock from Sweden. It seems likely that it is to this cross and the wild, half-starved existence they have led for two hundred years, living on salt grass and asparagus and fish, bedding in the sand and defying storm and mosquitoes, that we owe the incomparable breed of "beach" or Chingoteague ponies, fast, wiry, true as steel, untiring, sound, with hoofs as hard as iron and spirits that never flag. Acrelius noticed them acutely. He would not have been a parson if he had not had a keen eye for a horse. He says, "The horses are real ponies, and are seldom found over sixteen hands high. He who has a good riding horse never employs him for draught, which is also the less necessary, as journeys are for the most part made on horseback. It must be the result of this, more than of any particular breed in the horse, that the country excels in fast horses, so that horse-races are often made for very high stakes. A good horse will go more than a Swedish mile (six and three-quarters English miles) in an hour, and is not bought for less than six hundred dollars copper coinage" (sixty dollars). The cattle, says Acrelius, are middling, yielding, when fresh and when on good pasture, a gallon of milk a day. The upland meadows abounded in red and white clover, says this close observer, but only the first Swedish settlers had stabling for their stocks, except in cases of exceptionally good husbandry. Horses, cattle, sheep and hogs ran out all the time, being inclosed at night, and sometimes sheltered in severe weather. They were, however, fed with grain, such as oats, corn and buckwheat, in addition to fodder in winter, the food of milch cows being bran or other ground mill-stuff. Acrelius says, in his dry, humorous way, "the man-servant takes care of the foddering of the cattle, whilst the house-wife and women-folks roast themselves by the kitchen fire, doubting whether any one can do that better than themselves." The excellent Swedish pastor was a connoisseur in drinks as well as horse-flesh, and he has catalogued the beverages used by the Swedes with the accuracy and minuteness of detail of a manager of a rustic fair. After enumerating the imported wines, of which Madeira was the favorite of course, he describes, like an expert, the composition of sangaree, mulled wine, cherry and currant wine, and how cider, cider royal, cider-wine and mulled cider are prepared. Our reverend observer makes the following commentary upon the text of rum: "This is made at the sugar plantations in the West India Islands. It is in quality like French brandy, but has no unpleasant odor. It makes up a large part of the English and French commerce with the West India Islands. The strongest comes from Jamaica, is called Jamaica spirits, and is the favorite article for punch. Next in quality to this is the rum from Barbadoes, then that from Antiguas, Montserrat, Nevis, St. Christopher’s, etc. The heaviest consumption is in harvest-time, when the laborers most frequently take a sup, and then immediately a drink of water, from which the body performs its work more easily and perspires better than when rye whiskey or malt liquors are used." Rum, he tells us, was drunk raw, or as egg-nog ("egg-dram"), or in the form of cherry bounce or billberry bounce; "punch," our learned author says, "is made of fresh spring-water, sugar, lemon-juice and Jamaica spirits. Instead of lemons, a West India fruit called limes, or its juice, which is imported in flasks, is used. Punch is always drunk cold; but sometimes a slice of bread is toasted and placed in it warm to moderate the cold in winter-time, or it is heated with a red-hot iron. Punch is mostly used just before dinner, and is called ‘a meridian.’"(22*) The other preparations in which rum was an ingredient included Mämm (mum), made of water, sugar and rum ("is the most common drink in the interior of the country, and has set up many a tavernkeeper"); "Manatham," small beer, rum and sugar; "tiff" or "flipp," same as foregoing, with the addition of a slice of toasted and buttered bread; hot rum punch, rum and water warmed up, with sugar and allspice,— "customary at funerals;" mulled rum hot, with eggs and allspice; Hätt-Pät, warmed beer with rum added; "Sampson," warmed cider with rum added; grog; "sling" or "long sup," half-and-half sweetened rum and water; milk punch; mint-water; egg-punch, etc. "Sillibub" is made like the Swedish "Oelost," of milk-warm milk, wine and water,— a cooling beverage in summer-time; "still liquor" was the country name for peach or apple brandy; whiskey, our author says, "is used far up in the interior of the country, where rum is very dear on account of the transportation." The people in the town drink beer and small beer; in the country, spruce, persimmon-beer and mead. Besides this there are numerous liquors. Tea was commonly used, but often brandy was put in it, coffee was coming into use as a breakfast beverage, the berries imported from Martinique, San Domingo and Surinam, and chocolate also was not neglected.(23*) In spite of all these liquids the early Swedes did not neglect solids. Their meals were four a day,— breakfast, dinner, "four o’clock piece" and supper, the latter sometimes dispensed with. There was no great variety of dishes, but such as were served were substantial; ham, beef tongue, roast beef, fowls, "with cabbage set round about," was one bill of fare; roast mutton or veal, with potatoes or turnips, another; a third might be a pasty of deer, turkey, chickens, partridges or lamb; a fourth, beef-steak, veal cutlets, mutton-chops, or turkey, goose or fowls, with potatoes set around, "stewed green peas, Turkish beans or some other beans;" apple, peach, cherry or cranberry pie "form another course. When cheese and butter are added, one has an ordinary meal." For breakfast, tea or coffee, with chipped beef in summer, milk-toast and buckwheat-cakes in winter, the "four o’clock piece" being like the breakfast. Chocolate was commonly taken with supper. The Swedes used very little soup and very little fish, either fresh or cured. "The arrangement of meals among country people is usually this: for breakfast, in summer, cold milk and bread, rice, milk-pudding, cheese butter and cold meat. In winter, mush and milk, milk-porridge, hominy and milk; supper the same. For noon, in summer ‘säppa’ (the French bouillon, meat-broth, with bread-crumbs added, either drunk or eaten with spoons out of common tin-cups), fresh meat, dried beef and bacon, with cabbage, apples, potatoes, Turkish beans, large beans, all kinds of roots, mashed turnips, pumpkins, cashaws and squashes. One or more of these are distributed around the dish; also boiled or baked pudding, dumplings, bacon and eggs, pies of apples, cherries, peaches, etc."(24*) The land was so settled in the time of Acrelius that each had his separate ground, and mostly fenced in. "So far as possible the people took up their abodes on navigable streams, so that the farms stretched from the water in small strips up into the land." The Swedes used boats a great deal. They always went to church in boats if the ice permitted, and they had a great quarrel with Franklin, to whom Penn had given the monopoly of the Schuylkill Ferry, because he would not let their boats cross without paying toll. The houses were solid; in Acrelius’ time mostly built of brick or stone, but earlier of logs, often squared oak logs, not often more than a story and a half high. The roofs were covered with oak or cedar shingles; the walls plastered and whitewashed once a year. The windows were large, often with hinged frames, but very small panes of glass when any at all was used, and all the chimneys smoked. In some houses straw carpets were to be found, but the furniture was always simple and primitive, made of country woods, with now and then a mahogany piece. The clothing was plain, domestic linen being worn in summer and domestic woolens, kerseys and linseys in winter, with some calicoes and cottons of imported stocks. The domestic cloth was good in quality, but badly dyed. For finer occasions plush and satin were sometimes worn. Our good parson, by whose observations we have been profiting, notes the progress luxury had been making among the Swedes. He says: "The times within fifty years are as changed as night is from day. . . . Formerly the church people could come some Swedish miles on foot to church; now the young, as well as the old, must be upon horseback. Then many a good and honest man rode upon a piece of bear-skin; now scarcely any saddle is valued unless it has a saddle-cloth with galloon and fringe. Then servants and girls were seen in church barefooted; now young persons will be like persons of quality in their dress; servants are seen with perruques du crains and the like, girls with hooped skirts, fine stuff-shoes and other finery. Then respectable families lived in low log houses, where the chimney was made of sticks covered with clay; now they erect painted houses of stone and brick in the country. Then they used ale and brandy, now wine and punch. Then they lived upon grits and mush, now upon tea, coffee and chocolate." Stray hints of the simple manners of these primitive times, and of the honesty, ingenuousness and quaint religious, faith of the people, crop out now and then in the accounts which Acrelius gives of the churches and his predecessors in their pulpits. When the "upper settlers" and "lower settlers" quarreled about the place for their new church, and Wicaco carried the day, the lower settlers were placated with a flat-boat, maintained at the expense of the congregation, to ferry them over the Schuylkill. The church wardens kept the keys of the boat. This was the beginning of the church "Gloria Dei," so venerable in the eyes of Philadelphians. The pastor’s pay was sixty pounds, the sexton’s eight pounds. If a man came drunk to church he was fined forty shillings and made to do public penance. The penalty for "making sport of God’s word or sacraments" was five pounds fine and penance. For untimely singing, five shillings fine. If one refused to submit to this kind of discipline he was excluded from the society and his body could not be buried in the churchyard. The pastor and wardens looked carefully after betrothals and marriages. The whole congregation were catechized and also examined upon the contents of the sermon. There were also "spiritual examinations" made once a year in families. Each church had its glebe, the income from which was the pastor’s, who also received a considerable sum from funerals, marriages, etc. The church bell was swung in a tree. Among the fixtures of the parsonage was a negro woman belonging to the congregation and included in the inventory of glebe property. When she grew old, "contrary" and "useless," she was sold for seven shillings. When the Christina Church was restored there was a great feast and a general revival of interest in the ancient Swedish ways. Matins were held at Christmas, Easter and Pentecost; garlanded lights and side lights of pine wood for Christmas services, and bridal pairs came to the services in the church with crowns and garlands, their hair dressed after the old-time Swedish custom. Among the new regulations of Pastor Hesselius was one to prevent people from driving across the churchyard, another forbidding them to sing as if they were calling their cows. People with harsh voices were ordered to stand mute or "sing softly." The Christina Church owned town lots in Wilmington, and used to hire out its "pallcloth" for five shillings each funeral. The charge for burying a grown person was twelve shillings, children half-price. The Swedish pastors were generally learned and accomplished men, who exerted themselves successfully in directing the minds of their congregations to the necessity of education. The original settlers were ignorant people, few of whom could write their names. Even Lasse Cock, agent for Penn and Markham for twenty years, could not at first do better than sign his "mark" to writings. The pastors, however, always made a brave stand for education, and were the means of preventing the Swedish tongue in America from sinking into oblivion. They also maintained as many of the old observances and religious ceremonies as possible, such as baptism soon after birth, an actual instead of formal sponsorship on the part of the god-parents, the old service of the churching of women, a general attendance upon the service and sacrament of the altar and a return to the ancient forms of betrothal and marriage. "The old speak of the joy," says Acrelius, "with which their bridal parties formerly came to church and sat during the whole service before the altar." Burials were solemn occasions, but had their feasts as well. The corpse was borne to the grave on a bier, the pall-bearers, chosen from those of the same sex and age of the deceased, walking close alongside and holding up the corners of the pall. A few of the log cabins occupied by the primitive Swedes are said to be still standing. Watson, in his "Annals," describes one of the better class in Swanson’s house, near Wicaco. John Hill Martin, in his "History of Chester," recalls two or three of these ancient houses. They were very rude affairs, with seldom more than a living room with a loft over it, door so low that one had to enter stooping, windows small square holes cut in the logs, protected by isinglass or oiled paper, or thin stretched bladders, often with nothing but a sliding board shutter.(25*) The chimney was in the corner, of sticks and clay, or sandstone blocks, generally built outside the house. The first Swede settlers imitated the Indians by dressing in skins and wearing moccasins. The women’s jackets and petticoats and the bed-clothes were of the same materials. The furs were by and by superseded by leather breeches and jerkins, while the women spun, wove or knit their own woolen wear, as well as the linen for summer. The women, old and married, wore hoods in winter, linen caps for summer, but the unmarried girls went uncovered except in the hot sun, dressing their abundant yellow hair in long, broad plaits. The proof of the industry of the early Swedes is to be sought in their works. They were a scattered, ignorant race, with no capital, few tools and no occupations but those of husbandry and hunting. They were only a thousand strong when Penn came over, yet they had extended their settlements over a tract nearly two hundred miles long and seven or eight miles deep, building three churches and five or six block-houses and forts, clearing up forests and draining swamps to convert them into meadow land. They had discovered and worked the iron deposits of Maryland in two or three places. They had built about a hundred houses, fenced in much of their land and made all their own clothes, importing nothing but the merest trifles, besides arms and ammunition, hymn-books and catechisms. They had built grist-mills and saw-mills, having at least four of the latter in operation before Penn’s arrival.(26*) According to Ferris, however, the frame house in which Governor Lovelace entertained Gerorge Fox in 1672 was made entirely of hewn timbers, none of the stuff being sawed, the mortar and cement being made of oyster-shell lime; the house itself was built of brick. Governor Printz found a wind-mill at Christiana in 1643, but he says it never would work. On the other side of the river there were horse-mills. One at South Amboy in 1685, it was estimated, would clear the owner £100 a year, the toll for grinding a "Scotch bell" (six bushels) of Indian corn being two shillings sterling, equal to one bushel in every four and a half. But probably more than half the early settlers had to do as a primitive denizen in Burlington reports himself as doing, pounding Indian corn one day for the next. In 1680, two years before Penn, Thomas Olive had finished his water-mill at Rancocas Creek, and Robert Stacey his at Trenton. Printz mill on Cobb’s Creek was built in 1643, and Campanius reports it as doing admirable work. Joost Andriansen & Co. built a grist-mill at New Castle in 1662. In 1671 there was a proposition made by New Castle to erect a distillery for grain, but the court negatived it, except the grain be "unfit to grind and boult," because the process of distilling consumed such "an immense amount of grain." Hallam is right in saying that "No chapter in the history of national manners would illustrate so well, if duly executed, the progress of social life as that dedicated to domestic architecture." After the saw-mill the brick-kiln follows naturally and rapidly. Hazard produces a petition to New Amstel court, in 1656, from Jacobus Crabbe, referring to a plantation "near the corner where bricks and stones are made and baked." The Dutch introduced brick-making on the Delaware, the Swedes being used to wooden houses in their own country. The court-house at Upland, in which, it is said, Penn’s first Assembly was held, was of brick. The Swedes not only made tea of the sassafras, but they made both beer and brandy from the persimmon, and small beer from Indian corn. Kalm says that the brewing and distilling were conducted by the women. The Dutch had several breweries in the settlement about 1662. Coffee was too high to be much used in the seventeenth century. Penn’s books show that it cost eighteen shillings and six-pence per pound in New York, and that would buy nearly a barrel of rum. Tea fetched from twenty-two to fifty shillings, currency, a pound. William Penn set-out a vineyard at Springettsbury, and had a French vigneron to tend it, but the experiment failed. He had a brew-house, however, at Pennsbury, still standing, which was more successful. Governor Printz was expressly instructed to encourage all sorts of domestic manufactures and the propagation of sheep. There were eighty of these animals in New Sweden in 1663, and the people made enough woolen and linen cloth to supplement their furs and give them bed and table linen. They also tanned their own leather, and made their own boots and shoes, when they wore any. Hemp was almost as much spun and woven as flax. The Swedes who had the land owned large herds of cattle, forty and sixty head in a herd. The Dutch commissaries were enjoined to search closely for all sorts of mineral wealth on the South River, and those who discovered valuable metal of any kind were allowed the sole use of it for ten years. The Dutch discovered and worked iron in the Kittatinny Mountains, and, as has already been shown, the Swedes opened iron ore pits in Cecil County, Md. Charles Pickering found the copper with which he debased the Spanish reals and the Massachusetts pine-tree shillings on land of his own in Chester County. When William Penn arrived in the Delaware in 1682, on October 27th, there were probably 3500 white people in the province and territories and on the eastern bank of the Delaware from Trenton to Salem. A few wigwams and not over twenty houses were to be found within the entire limits of what is now Philadelphia County. There were small towns at Horekills, New Castle, Christiana, Upland, Burlington and Trenton, and a Swedish hamlet or two at Tinicum and near Wicaco. Before the end of his first year in the province eighty houses had been built in the new city of Philadelphia, various industrial pursuits had been inaugurated and a fair and paying trade was opened with the Indians. When Penn left the province in 1684 his government was fully established, his chief town laid out, his province divided into six counties and twenty-two townships. He had sold 600,000 acres of land for £20,000 cash and annual quit-rents of £500. The population exceeded 7000 souls, of whom 2500 resided in Philadelphia, which had already 300 houses built, and had established considerable trade with the West Indies, South America, England and the Mediterranean. When Penn returned again in 1699, the population of the province exceeded 20,000, and Philadelphia and its liberties had nigh 5000 people. It was a very strange population moreover. Not gathered together by the force of material and temporary inducements, not drawn on by community of interests nor the desire of betterments instinctive in the human heart, with no homogeneousness of race, religion, custom and habit, one common principle attracted them to the spot, and that was the desire of religious liberty, the intense longing to escape from under the baneful, withering shadow of politico-religious persecution to which the chief tenet of their faith, non-resistance and submission to the civil authority, prevented them from offering any opposition. They desired to flee because their religious opinions bound them not to fight. They were not of the church militant, like the Puritans and Huguenots and Anabaptists, and so it became them to join the church migratory and seek in uninhabited wilds the freedom of conscience denied them among the communities of men. They were radicals and revolutionists in the highest degree, for they upheld, and died on the scaffold and at the stake sooner than cease to maintain, the right of the people to think for themselves, and think their own thoughts instead of what their self-constituted rulers and teachers commanded them to think. But they did not resist authority: when the statute and their consciences were at variance they calmly obeyed the latter and took the consequences. They knew themselves to be abused and shamefully misused, but they believed in the final supremacy of moral and intellectual forces over despotic forces. They believed with Wiclif that "Dominion belongs to grace," and they waited hopefully for the coming of the period of intellectual freedom which should justify their action before men and prove the correctness of their faith in human progress. But all this trust in themselves and the future did not contribute materially to lighten the burden of persecution in the present, and they sought with anxiety for a place which would give them rest from the weariness of man’s injustice. They became pilgrims, and gathered their little congregation together wherever a faint lifting in the black cloud of persecution could be discerned. Thus it was that they drifted into Holland and the lower Rhine provinces of Germany, and became wanderers everywhere, seeking an asylum for conscience’ sake,— a lodge in some wilderness, where "rumor of oppression and deceit might never reach," and where they might await in comparative peace the better time that was coming. The great King Gustavus Adolphus perhaps meant to offer them such an asylum in America, but his message was sent in the hurry of war and it was not audible in the din of battles. When, however, this offer was renewed and repeated in the plain language of the Quakers by William Penn, it was both heard and understood, and the persecuted peoples made haste to accept the generous asylum and avail themselves of the liberal offer. They did so in a spirit of perfect faith that is creditable both to their own ingenuousness and to the character which Penn had established among his contemporaries for uprightness and fair and square dealing. It is pathetic to read, in the records of the Swiss Mennonites, how, after they had decided to emigrate, "they returned to the Palatinate to seek their wives and children, who are scattered everywhere in Switzerland, in Alsace, and in the Palatinate, and they know not where they are to be found." Thus the movement into Pennsylvania and the three lower counties began, a strange gathering of a strange people, much suffering, capable of much enduring. Of the Germans themselves one of their own preachers (27*) wrote: "They were naturally very rugged people, who could endure much hardships; they wore long and unshaven beards, disordered clothing, great shoes, which were heavily hammered with iron and large nails; they had lived in the mountains of Switzerland, far from cities and towns, with little intercourse with other men; their speech is rude and uncouth, and they have difficulty in understanding any one who does not speak just their way; they are very zealous to serve God with prayer and reading and in other ways, and very innocent in all their doings as lambs and doves." The Quakers, too, bore proof in their looks of the double annealing of fanaticism and persecution. They wore strange garbs, had unworldly manners and customs, and many of them had cropped ears and slit noses, and were gaunt and hollow-eyed from long confinement in jails and prison-houses. The influence of George Fox’s suit of leather clothes was still felt among them. They were chiefly of the plebeian classes, the true English democracy, yeomen, tinkers, tradesmen, mechanics, retail shopmen of the cities and towns; scarcely one of the gentry and very few of the university people and educated classes. From Wales, however, the Thomases, Rees, and Griffiths came, with red, freckled faces, shaggy beards and pedigrees dating back to Adam. Persecution had destroyed their hitherto unconquerable devotion to their own mountains, but they took their pedigrees with them in emigrating, and settling on a tract of hills and quaking mosses, where the soil recommended itself much less to them than the face of the country, they sought to feel at home by giving to the new localities names which recalled the places from which they had banished themselves. Such were the emigrants who sailed— mostly from London and Bristol— to help build up Penn’s asylum in the wilderness. The voyage was tedious, and could seldom be made in less than two months. The vessels in which they sailed were ill appointed and crowded. Yet at least fifteen thousand persons, men, women and children, took this voyage between 1681 and 1700. The average passage-money was, allowing for children, about seventy shillings per head; so the emigrants expended £50,000 in this one way. Their purchases of land cost them £25,000 more; the average purchases were about £6 for each head of family; quit-rents one shilling sixpence. The general cost of emigration is set forth in a pamphlet of 1682, republished by the Pennsylvania Historical Society, and attributed to Penn, and he must have directed the publication, though it is anonymous. In this pamphlet it is suggested that a man with £100 in pieces-of-eight may pay his own way and his family’s by judicious speculation. The "advance in money" — i. e., the difference between specie value in London and on the Delaware— is thirty per cent., on goods the advance is fifty per cent., and this pamphlet supposes that these advances will pay the cost of emigration. The figures are too liberal; however, they give us an idea of what the expenses were which a family had to incur. They are as follows: £ s. d. For five persons— man and wife, two servants and a child of ten— passage-money 22 10 0 For a ton of goods— freight (each taking out a chest without charge for freight) 2 0 0 Ship’s surgeon, 2s. 6d. per head 12 6 Four gallons of brandy, 24 lbs. sugar 1 0 0 Clothes for servant (6 shirts, 2 waistcoats, a summer and winter suit, hat, 2 pair shoes, under-clothing, etc.) 12 0 0 Cost of building a house 15 0 0 Stock for farm 24 10 0 Year’s provisions for family 16 16 0 Total £96 00 00 This, it will be observed, on a favorable, onesided showing, is £20 per capita for man, woman, child and servant, outside of the cost of land. If we allow £10 additional for cost of land, transportation and other extras, leaving out clothes for the family, we shall have £30 a head as the cost of immigration and one year’s keep until the land begins to produce crops. It thus appears that the early immigrants into Pennsylvania and the three lower counties must have expended at least £450,-000 in getting there in the cheapeast way. The actual cost was probably more than double that amount. In a letter written by Edward Jones, "Chirurgeon," from "Skoolkill River," Aug. 26 1682, to John ap Thomas, founder of the first Welsh settlement, we have some particulars of a voyage across the ocean at that time. Thomas and sixteen others had bought a five-thousand-acre tract of Penn. The rest sailed from Liverpool, but Thomas was ill, and not able to come. Hence the letter, which is published in a memoir of "John ap Thomas and his friends," in the Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. iv. The voyage took more than eleven weeks. "And in all this time we wanted neither meat, drink or water, though several hogsheads of water ran out. Our ordinary allowance of beer was three pints a day for each whole head and a quart of water, 3 biskedd (biscuits) a day & sometimes more. We laid in about half hundred of biskedd, one barrell of beere, one hogshed of water, the quantity for each whole head, & 3 barrells of beefe for the whole number— 40— and we had one to come ashore. A great many could eat little or no beefe, though it was good. Butter and cheese eats well upon ye sea. Ye remainder of our cheese & butter is little or no worster; butter & cheese is at 6d. per pound here, if not more. We have oat meale to spare, but it is well yt we have it, for here is little or no corn till they begin to sow their corn, they have plenty of it. . . Ye name of town lots is called now Wicoco; here is a crowd of people striving for ye Country land, for ye town lot is not divided, & therefore we are forced to take up ye Country lots. We had much adoe to get a grant of it, but it Cost us 4 or 5 days’ attendance, beside some score of miles we traveled before we brought it to pass. I hope it will please thee and the rest yt are concerned, for it hath most rare timber. I have not seen the like in all these parts." Mr. Jones also states that the rate for surveying one hundred acres was twenty shillings— half as much as the price of the land. At this rate, Jones Thomas and company had to pay £50 for surveying their tract of five thousand acres. It will be noticed that the face of the country pleased Dr. Jones, and he is satisfied with the land selected by him. All the early immigrants and colonists were pleased with the new land, and enthusiastic in regard to its beauty and its promise of productiveness. Penn is not more so than the least prosperous of his followers. Indeed, it is a lovely country to day, and in its wild, virgin beauty must have had a rare charm and attraction for the ocean-weary first settlers. They all write about it in the same warm strain. Thus, for instance, let us quote from the letter written in 1680 to his brother by Mahlon Stacey, who built the first mill on the site of the city of Trenton. Stacey was a man of good education and family. He had traveled much in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, where he made a great fortune and became a leading citizen, his children intermarrying with the best people in the two colonies. The latter, which we quote from Gen. Davis’" History of Bucks County," says that "It is a country that produces all things for the sustenance of man in a plentiful manner. . . I have traveled through most of the settled places, and some that are not, and find the country very apt to answer the expectations of the diligent. I have seen orchards laden with fruit to admiration, planted by the Swedes, their very limbs torn to pieces with the weight, and most delicious to the taste and lovely to behold. I have seen an apple tree from a pippin kernel yield a barrel of curious cider, and peaches in such plenty that some people took their carts a peach gathering. I could not but smile at the sight of it. They are a a delicate fruit, and hang almost like our onions that are tied on ropes. I have seen and known this summer forty bushels of bolted wheat harvested from one sown. We have from the time called May to Michaelmas great stores of very good wild fruits, as strawberries, cranberries and huckleberries, which are much like bilberries in England, but far sweeter; the cranberries much like cherries for color and bigness, which may be kept till fruit comes in again. An excellent sauce is made of them for vension, turkey and great fowl; they are better to make tarts than either cherries or gooseberries; the Indians bring them to our houses in great plenty. My brother Robert had as many cherries this year as would have loaded several carts. From what I have observed it is my judgment that fruit trees destroy themselves by the very weight of their fruit. As for vension and fowls we have great plenty; we have brought home to our houses by the Indians seven or eight fat bucks of a day, and sometimes put by as many, having no occasion for them. My cousin Revels and I, with some of my men, went last Third month into the river to catch herrings, for at that time they came in great shoals into the shallows. We had no net, but, after the Indian fashion, made a round pinfold about two yards over and a foot high, but left a gap for the fish to go in at, and made a bush to lay in the gap to keep the fish in. When this was done we took long birches and tied their tops together and went about a stone’s cast above our said pinfold; then hauling these birch boughs down the stream, we drove thousands before us, and as many got into our trap as it would hold. Then we began to throw them on shore as fast as three or four of us could bag two or three at a time. After this manner in half an hour we could have filled a three-bushel sack with as fine herring as ever I saw. . . As to beef and pork, there is a great plenty of it and cheap; also good sheep. The common grass of the country feeds beef very fat. . . We have great plenty of most sorts of fishes that ever I saw in England, besides several sorts that are not known there, as rock, catfish, shad, sheephead, and sturgeon; and fowls are as plenty— ducks, geese, turkeys, pheasants, partridges and many other sorts. Indeed the country, take it as a wilderness, is a brave country, though no place will please all. There is some barren land, and more wood than some would than some would have upon their land; neither will the country produce corn without labor, nor is cattle got without something to buy them, or bread with idleness, else it would be a brave country indeed. I question not but all would then give it a good word. For my part I like it so well I never had the least thought of returning to England except on account of trade." "I wonder at our Yorkshire people," says Stacey, in another letter of the same date, "that they had rather live in servitude, work hard all the year, and not be threepence better at the year’s end, than to stir out of the chimney-corner and transport themsleves to a place where, with the like pains, in two or three years they might know better things I live as well to my content and in as great plenty as ever I did, and in a far more likely way to get an estate." Judge John Holme, in his so called poem on "the flourishing State of Pennsylvania," written in 1696, seems to have tried to set the views of Stacey to music. True there is not much tune nor rhythm in the verse, but the Pennsylvania writer of Georgics has a shrewd eye for a catalogue, and he would have shone as an auctioneer. He sings the goodness of the soil, the cheapness of the land, the trees so abundant in variety that scarcely any man can name tham all, the fruits and nuts, mulberries, hazelnuts, strawberries, and "plumbs," "which pleaseth those well who to eat them comes," the orchards, cherries so plentiful that the planters bring them to town in boats (these are the Swedes, of course), peaches so plenty the people cannot eat half of them, apples, pears and quinces, "And fruit-trees do grow so fast in this ground That we begin with cider to abound." The fields and gardens rejoice in the variety as well as the abundance of their products; in the woods are found "wax berries, elkermis, turmerick and sarsifrax;" the maple trunks trickle with sugar, and our author tells how to boil it; he gives the names of fish, flesh and fowls, including whales and sturgeons. The Englishman of that day was still untamed. He had a passion, inherited from his Anglo-Saxon forbears, for the woods and streams, for outdoor life and the adventures which attend it. He had not forgotten that he was only a generation or two younger than Robin Hood and Will Scarlet, and he could not be persuaded that the poacher was a criminal. All the emigration advertisements, circulars, and prospectuses sought to profit by this passion in presenting the natural charms of America in the most seductive style. While the Spanish enlisting officers worked by the spell of the magic word "gold!" and the canny Amsterdam merchant talked "beaver" and "barter" and "cent. per cent.," the English solicitors for colonists and laborers never ceased to dwell upon the normal attractions of the bright new land, the adventures it offered, and the easy freedom to be enjoyed there. Thus in advocating his West Jersey settlements John Fenwick wrote in this way: "If there be any terrestrial happiness to be had by any People, especially of any inferior rank, it must certainly be here. Here any one may furnish himself with Land, and live Rent free, yea, with such a quantity of Land, that he may weary himself with walking over his Fields of Corn, and all sorts of Grain, and let his Stock amount to some hundreds; he needs not fear their want of Pasture in the Summer of Fodder in the Winter, the Woods affording sufficient supply, where you have Grass as high as a Man’s Knees, nay, as his Waste, interlaced with Pea-Vines and other Weeds that Cattell much delight in, as much as a Man can pass through; and these Woods also every Mile and half mile are furnished with fresh Ponds, Brooks, or Rivers, where all sorts of cattell, during the heat of the Day, do quench their thirst and Cool themselves. These Brooks and Rivers being invironed of each side with several sorts of Trees and Grape-Vines, Arbor-like interchanging places, and crossing these Rivers, de shade and shelter them from the scorching beams of the Sun. Such as by their utmost labors can scarcely get a Living may here procure Inheritance of Lands and Possessions, stock themselves with all sorts of Cattle, enjoy the benefit of them while they live and leave them to their Children when they die. Here you need not trouble the Shambles for Meat, nor Bakers and Brewers for Beer and Bread, nor run to a Linen-Draper for a supply, every one making their own Linen and a great part of their Woollen Cloth for their ordinary wearing. And how prodigal (if I may say) hath Nature been to furnish this Country with all sorts of Wild Beasts and Fowl, which every one hath an interest in and may Hunt at his pleasure, where, besides the pleasure in Hunting, he may furnish his House with excellent fat Venison, Turkies, Geese, Heath-hens, Cranes, Swans, Ducks, Pigeons, and the like; and, wearied with that, he may go a Fishing, where the Rivers are so furnished that he may supply himself with Fish before he can leave off the Recreation. Here one may Travel by Land upon the same Continent hundreds of Miles, and pass through Towns and Villages, and never hear the least complaint for want nor hear any ask him for a farthing. Here one may lodge in the Fields and Woods, travel from one end of the Country to another, with as much security as if he were lock’d within his own Chamber; and if one chance to meet with an Indian Town, they shall give him the best Entertainment they have, and upon his desire direct him on his Way. But that which adds happiness to all the rest is the healthfulness of the Place, where many People in twenty years’ time never know what Sickness is; where they look upon it as a great Mortality if two or three die out of a Town in a year’s time. Besides the sweetness of the Air, the Country itself sends forth such a fragrant smell that it may be perceived at Sea before they can make the Land; No evil Fog or Vapor doth any sooner appear but a North-West or Westerly Wind immediately dissolves it and drives it away. Moreover, you shall scarce see a House but the South side is begirt with Hives of Bees, which increase after an incredible manner; so that if there be any terrestrial Canaan, ’tis surely here, where the land floweth with Milk and Honey." This is the tenor of all the Maryland invitations to immigration likewise, and Penn follows the model closely. His letter to the Society of Free Traders in 1683 has already been mentioned, and also his proposals for colonists. In December, 1685, he issued a "Further Account of Pennsylvania," a supplement to the letter of 1683. He says that ninety vessels had sailed with passengers, not one of them meeting with any miscarriage. They had taken out seven thousand two hundred persons. "Houses over their heads and Garden-plots, covets for their cattle, an increase of stock, and several inclosures in Corn, especially the first comers, and I may say of some poor men was the beginning of an Estate, the difference of laboring for themselves and for others, of an Inheritance and a Rack Lease being never better understood." The soil had produced beyond expectations, yielding corn from thirty to sixty fold; three pecks of wheat sowed an acre; all English root crops thrive; low lands were excellent for rope, hemp and flax; cattle and abundant food in the woods; English grass seed takes well and yields fatting hay; all sorts of English fruits have taken "mighty well;" good wine may be made from native grapes; the coast and bay abound in whales, the rivers in delicate fish; and provisions were abundant and cheap, in proof of which he gives a price current. Penn concludes by quoting an encouraging letter he had received from Robert Turner. In 1687, Penn published another pamphlet, containing a letter from Dr. More, "with passages out of several letters from Persons of Good Credit, relating to the State and Improvement of the Province of Pennsilvania." In 1691 again he printed a third pamphlet, containing "Some Letters and an Abstract of Letters from Pennsylvania." Dr. More takes pains to show the plenty and prosperity which surround the people of the province. "Our lands have been grateful to us," he says, "and have begun to reward our Labors by abounding Crops of Corn." There was plenty of good fresh pork in market at two and a half pence per pound, currency; beef, the same; butter, sixpence; wheat, three shillings per bushel; rye at eight groats; corn, two shillings in country money, and some for export. Dr. More had got a fine crop of wheat on his corn ground by simply harrowing it in; his hop garden was very promising. Arnoldus de la Grange had raised one thousand bushels of English grain this year, and Dr. More says, "Every one here is now persuaded of the fertility of the ground and goodness of climate, here being nothing wanting, with industry, that grows in England, and many delicious things not attainable there; and we have this common advantage above England, that all things grow better and with less labour." Penn’s steward and gardener are represented as writing to him that the peach-trees are broken down with fruit; all the plants sent out from England are growing; barn, porch and shed full of corn; seeds sprout in half the time they require in England; bulbs and flowers grow apace. David Lloyd writes that "Wheat (as good, I think, as any in England) is sold at three shillings and sixpence per Bushel Country money and for three shillings ready money (which makes two shillings five pence English sterling), and if God continues his blessing to us, this province will certainly be the granary of America."(28*) James Claypoole writes that he has never seen brighter and better corn than in these parts. The whale fishery was considerable; one company would take several hundred barrels of oil, useful, with tobacco, skins, and furs for commerce and to bring in small money (of which there is a scarcity) for change. John Goodson writes to Penn of the country that "it is in a prosperous condition beyond what many of our Friends can imagine;" if Penn and his family were there "surely your Hearts would be greatly comforted to behold this Wilderness Land how it is becoming a fruitful Field and pleasant Garden." Robert James writes to Nathaniel Wilmer: "God prosper his People and their honest Endeavors in the wilderness, and many have cause to Bless and Praise his holy Arm, who in his Love hath spread a Table large unto us, even beyond the expectations or belief of many, yea, to the admiration of our Neighboring Colonies. . . . God is amongest his People and the wilderness is his, and he waters and refreshes it with his moistening Dew, whereby the Barren are becoming pleasant Fields and Gardens of his delight; blessed be his Name, saith my Soul, and Peace and Happiness to all God’s People everywhere." In 1685 a pamphlet called "Good Order Established," and giving an account of Pennsylvania, was published by Thomas Budd, a Quaker, who had held office in West Jersey. Budd was a visionary, mixed up with Keith’s heresy, and wanted to get a bank established in Philadelphia. He built largely in that city, and was a close observer. He pays particular attention to the natural advantages of the country in its soil, climate, products and geographical relations. The days in winter are two hours longer, and in summer two hours shorter than in England, he says, and hence grain and fruits mature more swiftly. He enumerates the wild fowls and fishes, the fruits and garden stuff, and thinks that the Delaware marshes, once drained, would be equal to the meadows of the Thames for wheat, peas, barley, hemp. flax, rape and hops. The French settlers were already growing grapes for wine, and Budd thought that attempts should be made to produce rice, anise seed, licorice, madder and woad. He has much to say about the development of manufactures, and he proposes to have a granary built on the Delaware in a fashion which is a curious anticipation of the modern elevator, and he projects a very sensible scheme for co-operative farm-work, on the community plan, the land to be eventually divided after it has been fully cleared and improved, and the families of the commune have grown up. In 1698 was published Gabriel Thomes’" Historical and Geographical Account of the Province and Country of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey in America." This well-known brochure descants in florid and loose terms upon "The richness of the Soil, the sweetness of the Situation, the Wholesomeness of the Air, the Navigable Rivers and others, the prodigious increase of Corn, the flourishing condition of the City of Philadelphia, etc. The strange creatures, as Birds, Beasts, Fishes, and Fowls, with the Several Sorts of Minerals, Purging Waters, and Stones lately discovered. The Natives, Aborigines, and their Language, Religion, Laws and Customs The first Planters, Dutch, Swedes and English, with the number of its inhabitants; as also a Touch upon George Keith’s New Religion, in his second change since he left the Quakers; with a Map of both Counties." The title-page leaves the book but little to say. Gabriel is enthusiastic about pretty much everything. He makes some shrewd remarks, however, as when he says that he has reasons to believe Pennsylvania contains coal, "for I have observed the runs of water have the same color as that which proceeds from the coal mines in Wales." He shows the abundance of game by telling how he had bought of the Indians a whole buck (both skin and carcass) for two gills of gunpowder. Land had advanced in twelve years from fifteen or eighteen shillings to eighty pounds per one hundred acres, over a thousand per cent. (in Philadelphia), and was fetching round prices in the adjacent country. The Swedes had no roads. They followed bridle-paths on foot or on horseback, and carried their freight by water. It was in 1686 that the people of Philadelphia began to move for better highways. The Schuylkill ferry monopoly was then exciting public attention, and the Council took the whole matter of thoroughfares into consideration. The first control of roads was by the courts, which appointed overseers and fence-viewers, the grand jury laying out the roads. In 1692 the control of roads was given to the townships, and this lasted until the adoption of a general road law. Precisely what sort of houses were built by the first settlers may be known with satisfactory exactness from the contemporary records. In Penn’s tract of "Information and Direction to such Persons as are inclined to America," we have a description of such houses, and we may assume that the "Welcome’s" passengers erected exactly such structures during their probationary period of cave life or hut life in the wilderness. The dimensions given are almost those of the house of Pastorius: "To build them an House of thirty foot long and eighteen foot broad with a partition near the middle, and another to divide one end of the House into two small Rooms, there must be eight Trees of about sixteen inches square, and cut off to Posts of about fifteen foot long, which the House must stand upon, and four pieces, two of thirty foot long and two of eighteen foot long, for Plates, which must lie upon the top of these Posts, the whole length and breadth of the House, for the Gists (joists) to rest upon. There must be ten Gists of twenty foot long to bear the Loft, and two false Plates of thirty foot long to lie upon the ends of the Gists for the Rafters to be fixed upon, twelve pare of Rafters of about twenty foot to bear the Roof of the House, with several other small pieces, as Windbeams, Braces, Studs, &c., which are made out of the Waste Timber. For covering the House, Ends and Sides, and for the Loft we use Clabboard, which is Rived feather-edged, of five foot and a half long,(29*) that, well Drawn, lyes close and smooth: The Lodging Room may be lined with the same, and filled up between, which is very Warm. These houses usually endure ten years without repair." The cost of such a house is given as follows: Carpenter’s work (the owner and his servants assisting), £7; a barn of the same dimensions, £5; nails and other things to finish both, £3 10s.; total for house and barn, £15 10s. These houses had dirt floors, clapboard floors for garret. Oldmixon copies these directions verbatim in his description of the houses of the first settlers. The directions, however, are very incomplete; no provisions are made for doors, windows or chimneys. Of the latter these houses had but one, built outside the gable of the sitting-room, sometimes of stone, sometimes of clay and sticks, sometimes of wood only. The doors could be made of riven stuff, of course, with deer-skin hinges and wooden latch and bar, and the windows could be closed with clapboard shutters. A large fire-place was needed, with a stone hearth; the table could be made of hewn stuff, resting on puncheons driven into the ground, and blocks, stools and benches would answer for seats Rude wooden bedsteads or berths could be contrived along the walls, and a few bearskins, with the bedclothes brought over by every emigrant, would make them warm. The other furniture would comprise chiefly kitchen utensils; pork fat, whale or sturgeon oil, and pine knots or "light wood" would give all the artificial light needed. Iron articles were most costly and hardest to get. Edward Jones, at Merion, writes in August, 1682, for nails, sixpennies and eightpennies; for milliron, an iron kettle for his wife, and shoes, all of which he says are dear; "Iron is about two and thirty or forty shillings a hundred; steel about 1s. 5d. per pound." In Penn’s "Directions" he recommends colonists to bring out with them, in the way of utenils and goods, "English Woollen and German Linen, or ordinary Broad-Clothes, Kereseys, Searges, Norwhich-Stuffs, some Duffels, Cottons and Stroud-waters for the Natives, and White and Blew Ozenbugs (Osnaburgs), Shoe and Stockings, Buttons, Silk, Thread, Iron Ware, especially Felling Axes. Hows, Indian Hows, Saws, Frows (frowers, for splitting shingles), Drawing Knives, Nails, but of 6d. and 8d. a treble quantity, because they use them in shingling or covering of Houses," For the first year’s stock for a farm he advises "three milch cows, with young calves by their sides, £10; yoke of oxen, £8; Brood mare, £5; two young Sows and a Boar, £1 10s.,— in all £24." For first year’s provisions: Eight bushels of Indian corn per capita, and five bushels of English wheat, for five persons, £8 7s. 6d.; two barrels of molasses (for beer), £3; beef and pork, 120 pounds per head, at 2d. per pound, £5; five gallons spirits at 2s. per gallon, 10s. Three hands, with a little help from the woman and boy, can plant and tend 20,000 hills of corn (planted four feet each way, there are 2717 hills to an acre, or seven and one-third acres to the whole number of hills), and they may sow eight acres of spring wheat and oats, besides raising peas, potatoes and garden stuff. The expected yield will be 400 bushels of corn, 120 bushels of oats and wheat, etc. These calculations were moderate for a virgin soil, free from vermin. Dr. More in his letter to Penn in September, 1686, says, "I have had seventy ears of Rye upon one single root, proceeding from one single corn; forty-five of Wheat; eighty of Oats; ten twelve and fourteen of Barley out of one Corn. I took the curiosity to tell one of the twelve Ears from one Grain, and there was in it forty five grains on that ear; above three thousand of oats from one single corn, and some I had that had much more, but it would seem a Romance rather than a Truth if I should speak what I have seen in these things." A better class of houses than these clapboard ones with dirt floors were soon built. Indeed, the old log houses of the Swedes were more comfortable, especially when built like that of Sven Seners’ at Coaquannoc, with a first story of stone and the superstructure of logs. A well-built log house, on a stone foundation, well filled in with bricks or stone and mortar, and ceiled inside with planking like a ship, makes the dryest, warmest and most durable country-house that can be built. But the settlers immediately began to burn bricks and construct houses of them, often with a timber framework, in the old Tudor cottage style. This sort of building went on rapidly as soon as limestone began to be quarried and burnt.(30*) This better class of houses was, of course, more elaborately furnished. It may be noticed that in John Goodson s directory in Philadelphia, cabinet-makers and other workmen in furniture and interior movables are mentioned, but all the first settlers must have brought or imported their furniture from Europe. It was stiff and heavy, scarcely anticipating that slim and spindling style which came in with the next English sovereign, and has recently been revived with an extravagance of pursuit seldom exhibited exhibited except in bric-a-brac hunters and opera-bouffe artisties. As yet not much mahogany and rosewood were used by the Northern nations (except the Dutch), but good solid oak, well-carved, and walnut were the favorite woods. There were great chests of drawers, massive buffets, solid tables, with flaps and wings, straight-back oak chairs, well-carved, leathern-seated chairs, studded with brass nails, and tall Dutch clocks. Much of the table furniture was pewter or common delfware; brass and copper served in the kitchen where now tin is used. Wood was the only fuel, and the fire-places, enormously capacious, had great iron dogs in them, to which, in winter-time, the backlog was often dragged by a yoke of oxen with the log-chain. Cranes and hooks, suspended in these fire-places, held pots for the boiling, and the roasting was done on spits or upon "jacks," which dogs had to turn. The bread was baked in a brick oven usually outside the house, and the minor baking in "Dutch ovens," set upon and covered over with beds of red-hot coals. In the family part of the house the brass andirons and tongs and fender made the fire glow upon the deep hearth look doubly cheerful. The Quakers did not use stoves until Benjamin Franklin inveigled them into it with that simulacrum of an open fireplace called the Franklin stove. The Swedes scarcely had chimneys, much less stoves, but the Germans early imported the great porcelain stoves which they were familiar with at home, and which they used until Christopher Saur, the Germantown printer, invented the ten-plate stove, for which lovers of the beautiful will scarcely know how to forgive him. All well to-do families had good store of linen for bed-clothes, blankets, etc.; the washing was not done often, and the chests of drawers were filled with homespun. Especially was this the case among the German settlers, who scarcely washed up the soiled house and person wear more than once in a quarter. It was the pride and test of a good housewife to have more linen made up than she knew what to do with.(31*) It is noteworthy that the Germans built their houses with one chimney, in the centre of the building, the English with a chimney at each end, and this distinction was so commonly marked as to attract the attention of travelers.(32*) In their bedroom furniture the Germans substituted the "feather deck" for the blanket,— more majorum,— and this uncomfortable covering is still retained. In the houses the floors down-stairs were sanded. There were no carpets as yet, not even home-made ones, and the Germans have not been using these for a hundred years. William Penn had no carpets in his Pennsbury Manor house. The large, heavy tables in the dining and living rooms of the early homes groaned with plenty, and the great pewter dishes were piled high. The people worked hard, and they did not stint themselves. The Swedes, Germans and Quakers were all of them hearty feeders, and they liked gross food. No dread of dyspepsia limited their dishes; they had abundance and enjoyed it. Only a few men of English habits and fond of port, brandy and madeira, like Capt. Markham, ever had the gout.(33*) The rivers teemed with fish, and the Quakers early learned the virtues and delicious flavor of the shad, broiled on a plank at one side the fireplace, while a johnny-cake browned on another plank at the other side of the fire. Penn grew so fond of these that in 1686 he wrote to Harrison to send him some "smoakt haunches of venison and pork. Gett them of the Sweeds. Some smoakt shadd and beef. The old priest at Philadelphia (Fabricius) had rare shadd. Also some peas and beans of that country." Richard Townshend, in 1682, says that the first year colonists almost lived on fish, of which great quantities were caught, the winter being an open one, and venison,— "We could buy a deer for about two shillings, and a large turkey for about one shilling, and Indian corn for about two shillings and sixpence per bushel." Six rockfish or six shad could be bought for a shilling; oysters two shillings a bushel, herrings one shilling and sixpence per hundred. Sturgeon were caught for food, and also for the oil they supplied. The Delaware and the Schuylkill and adjacent pools and marshes were the resort of myriads of wild-fowl, from swan and geese down to rail and reed-birds. As soon as the settlers became established, the flesh of all domesticated animals was cheap in the markets. Every family kept its own cows, made its own butter and cheese, salted, cured and smoked its own bacon, beef, herring, shad, venison and mutton. The smoke-house, dairy and poultry-house were append-ages to all town houses, and most of them had their own vegetable gardens likewise. It was the custom then, and remained so until long after the beginning of the present century, for every house to be provisioned as if to stand a siege. The cellars had great bins for potatoes and other roots and apples; there were tiers of barrels of fresh cider, and casks for vinegar to ripen in, and in a locked recess were usually some casks of madeira, sherry, port, rum, brandy, gin, etc., for the master and his guests, with marsala and malaga for the women and children. There was an astonishing amount of drinking going on all the time; all drank something, if it was only ale or small beer. The pantry and store-house of the mistress was for use, not ornament. Her barrels of saur-kraut were in the cellar, her firkins of apple-butter occupied the ample garret, along with strings of onions, hampers of dried peaches and apples, and great bundles of dried herbs; but in the store-room the deep-bottomed shelf was ranged around with gray stone jars of large capacity, filled with pickles, the shelf above it marshaled a battalion of glass jars of preserves of every sort, and the upper shelves bent under the weight of bottles filled with sauces and srubs, and "bounce" and ketchups, and soys, cordials, lavender, aromatic vinegars, and a hundred deft contrivances to tickle the palate, and deprave all stomachs but such as those of these hardy toilers in the open air. The gardens yielded all the common vegetables, and people who ate so largely of salted meats and fish required much vegetable food and many sweets and acids to protect them from scorbutic affections. Onions, turnips, cabbage, potatoes were supplemented with the more delicate vegetables known in Germany. The Indians supplied the colonists with their first peas, beans and squashes, taught them how to boil mush, to pound hominy, to roast the tender ears of corn and prepare the delightful succotash. Much pastry was used, many sweetmeats and pickles, but not very high seasoning. At table, until tea and coffee became regular articles of diet with all classes, cider and the small beers of domestic brewing were served without stint at every meal. In winter the beers were sweetened, spiced, warmed and drunk for possets. Wines did not appear except upon the tables of the well-to-do, but rum and spirits were in every house, and all took their morning and noon drams in some shape or other. The effects of alcohol were neutralized by the active out-door life all led, and by the quantities of coarse food taken at every meal. In the journal of William Black, who was in Philadelphia in 1744,(34*) it is made to appear among the duties of hospitality to be treating to something or other every hour in the day. This young fellow either had a very strong head, or alcohol did not make the same impression upon the strong, healthy frame of the youth of that day which it does upon modern effeminate men. There was bread, cider, and punch for lunch, rum and brandy before dinner, punch, madeira, port and sherry at dinner, bounce and liqueurs with the ladies, and wine and spirits ad libitum till bedtime. The party are welcomed, too, with a bowl of fine lemon punch big enough to have "swimm’d half a dozen young geese." After five or six glasses of this "poured down their throats," they rode to the Governor’s house, were introduced and taken into another room, "where we was presented with a glass of wine," and it was punch, spirits or "a few glasses of wine" wherever they went during their stay, his friends being, as he says, as liberal with their good wine "as apple-tree of its fruit on a windy day in the month of July." The dress of the people in the early days of which we write was simple, plain, but not formal as that of the Quakers subsequently became. The country people, for their ordinary wear, made much use of serviceable leather doublets and breeches, woolen waist-coats, felt hats, heavy shoes with leather leggings, or else boots. They wore stout flannel next to the skin in winter, rough coats and many woolen wraps about the throat; in summer, coarse Osnaburgs and home-made linens. All wore wigs, and the dress suits of cloth or camlet were brave with buttons, braid and buckles, silk stockings and embroidered waist-coats, gold-laced hats and fine lace ruffles and cravats. Gentlemen wore their small swords; workmen and laborers either dressed in leather, druggets, serge, fustian or lockram, or else in Osnaburgs. Common women and servants wore linen and domestics, linseys and calicoes; on their heads a hood or quilted bonnet, heavy shoes, home-knit stockings of thread or yarn, petticoats and short gowns, with a handkerchief pinned about the shoulders. The ladies had, of course, more brilliant and varied wardrobes; the hat was high-crowned, the hair much dressed; stomachers and corsage long and stiff; much cambric about the neck and bosom, much gimp, ribbon and galloon; silk or satin petticoats, and dainty shoes and stockings. A friend in 1697 sent Phineas Pemberton’s wife "an alamode hood," and the ladies would contrive always to have something "à la mode." In the inventory of Christopher Taylor’s estate are enumerated "a baratine body, stomacher, and petticoat, cambric kerchiefs and forehead cloths." In that of John Moon were a "fine Brussels camlet petticoat, a yellow silk mantle, silk band and sash, silk and satin caps, hoods, lute-strings, white silk hoods." William Stanley’s store had for sale "frieze, serge, broadcloath, Holland linen, yellow, green and black calicoes, satins, lute-strings, tabby, silk plush, ribbon, striped petticoats, phillimot, ferret, flowered silks, thread laces, gimps, whalebones, galloons." Letitia Penn did not disdain to buy finery in Philadelphia, caps, buckles, a watch and other goldsmith’s articles. There was not a great amount of luxury, however, nor much plate nor display of fine articles. The people’s habits were simple. They were all industrious, ploddingly so, and the laws and sentiment and temper of the influential classes frowned equally upon display and extravagance. The wild youth, the sailors and laborers sometimes broke bounds, but the curb was in their mouths and they were soon reined up. The population seemed to realize that they had their fortunes to make, and that good pay and great industrial opportunities made idleness and loose, extravagant living inexcusable. Wages were comparatively high, labor was respectable and respected. In 1689 there were ten vessels sent to the West Indies freighted with produce of the province, and the same year fourteen cargoes of tobacco were exported. In 1698 the river front at Philadelphia abounded with the conveniences and facilities requisite for an extensive commerce, and for building and repairing vessels, as well as loading and unloading them. Ship carpenters earned five and six shillings a day in wages, and on that pay would soon save money. The trade to the West Indies and Brazil consisted of horses and other live-stock, provisions, staves, etc. The vessels themselves were sold with their cargoes, and every one might have his little venture in a traffic which paid double the investment on each risk. Thus the ship carpenter, who laid by one day’s wages a week, could, in a month or two, be trading to the Indies so as to give him £50 or £60 clear money at the end of the year, and that would buy him a farm, build him a house or give him a share in some vessel on the stocks. In ten years he could become a capitalist, as many of his trade did so become. The timber of the Susquehanna and Delaware was sometimes sent across the ocean in huge raft ships, rigged with sails and manned by regular crews. We read of one of these, the ‘Baron Renfrew," measuring five thousand tons, which arrived safely in the Downs. Mills were established rapidly under the proprietary government. Penn had two on the Schuylkill. Richard Townshend had one at Chester and one on Church Creek in 1683. The Society of Free Traders had a saw-mill and a glass-house in Philadelphia the same year. The saw-mills still could not meet the demand for number, and in 1698 hand-sawyers were paid six and seven shillings per hundred for sawing pine boards; in 1705, ten shillings. Shingles in 1698 sold for ten shillings per thousand; hemlock "cullings," ten shillings per hundred; timber, six shillings per ton. Printz’s grist-mill on the Karakung was soon duplicated after the proprietary government took possession. Pastorius says the colony had mills enough; the Frankford Company had established several as early as 1686. Some of the large mills added to their profits by having bakeries connected, where ship-bread was baked in quantities for sea-going vessels. We have already spoken of the early manufacture of bricks. The Swedes’ Church at Wicaco, still standing, was built of brick in 1700. The first Proprietary Assembly at Upland was held in a brick house, but these bricks were probably imported. The first Quaker meeting-house in Philadelphia was of brick, built in 1684. Penn’s brew-house at Pennsbury, still standing, was built before his mansion. Penn, Dr. More and several others of the first settlers made strong efforts to improve native grapes, introduce the exotic grape and manufacture wine. They had wine made of fox-grape juice and fancied it was as good as claret. Penn set out a vineyard at Springettsbury and had a French vigneron to tend it. The experiment failed, however, and was abandoned before Penn’s second visit. Pastorius was deceived also, and wrote to Germany for a supply of wine-barrels, which, however, he never filled, unless with cider or peach-brandy. No wonder Penn wanted to make wine at home, — his province imported four hundred thousand gallons of rum and sixty thousand gallons of wine a year, costing over fifty thousand pounds annually. Penn’s leading object in establishing fairs in Philadelphia and the province was to promote industrial enterprises. At the first fair in 1686 only ten dollars’ worth of goods was sold. There was no money in Philadelphia and exchanges could not be made. The fairs were held twice a year, three days each in May and November. Another plan of Penn’s was to offer prizes for superior work in manufactures. In 1686, Abraham Op den Graaffe, of Germantown, petitioned Council to grant him the Governor’s premium for "the first and finest piece of linen cloth." About the same time Wigart Levering, one of the Germantown colonists, began weaving in Roxborough. Matthew Houlgate, in 1698, bought property in the same township and began a fulling-mill on the Wissahickon. The price in 1688 for spinning worsted and linen was two shillings per pound; knitting heavy yarn stockings, half a crown per pair. Wool-combers received twelve pence per pound; linen-weavers twelve pence per yard of stuff half a yard wide; journeyman tailors were paid twelve shillings a week and "their diet." The domestic manufactures of the day in linen and woolen wear supplied a large part of family wants. Fabrics were coarse but serviceable; and the women of the household, after the men had broke and hackled the flax and sheared the sheep, did all the subsequent work of carding, spinning, weaving, bleaching and dyeing. While wages were good, the clothes of apprentices and laborers were not expensive. Leather shoes with brass buckles and wooden heels lasted as long almost as leather breeches and aprons. Hemp and flax Osnaburgs, dyed blue, cost only a shilling or one and sixpence per yard, and a felt or wool hat and two or three pairs of coarse yarn stockings were good for two seasons. Wealthy people, who wore imported velvets, satins, silks and nankeens, however, had to pay extravagant prices for them, and the cost of a fashonable outfit often exceeded the money value of an eligible farm. The rapid increase of their "bestial" not only gave the planters a valuable line of exports, but also early encouraged the manufacture of leather. Penn and the Society of Free Traders established a tannery in Philadelphia in 1683 and it was well supplied both with bark and hides. Leather was in general use for articles of clothing, such as are now made of other goods Penn himself wore leather stockings, for which he paid twenty-two shillings a pair. In 1695 the exportation of dressed and undressed deer-skins was prohibited, in order to promote their utilization at home. Raw hides cost one and a half pennies per pound, while leather sold for twelve pence. A fat cow went to the butcher for three pounds, while beef sold for from three to four and a half pence per pound,— a profit of over one hundred per cent. to butcher and tanner. But land was cheap, the Barbadoes market was always ready to pay well for cattle on the hoof, and these things secured good wages for labor in the mechanic arts. Curriers, who paid twenty pence a gallon for their oil, received three shillings and four pence a hide for dressing leather. Journeymen shoemakers were paid two shillings a pair for men’s and women’s shoes, and last-makers got ten shillings a dozen for lasts; heel-makers two shillings a dozen for wooden heels. Men’s shoes sold for six shillings and sixpence and women’s for five shillings per pair. Great skill and taste were displayed in the various makes of "white leather," soft leather and buckskin for domestic wear,— a branch of manufactures taken up by the Swedes in imitation of the Indians. The mineral wealth of Pennsylvania, suspected by the Swedes, began to be revealed very early to the primitive settlers under the proprietary government. A Dutch colony is claimed to have worked iron in the Minnesink long before Penn came over, but there is nothing but tradition in regard to these pioneers. Penn wrote to Lord Keeper North, in 1683, that copper and iron had been found in divers places in the province. Gabriel Thomas speaks of the existence of iron-stone richer and less drossy than that of England; the copper, he says, "far exceeding ours, being richer, finer, and of a more glorious color." These "finds" were in Chester County, the seat of the earliest iron-works in the province. Thomas also mentions limestone, lodestone, isinglass, asbestos and amianthus. Blacksmiths earned high wages; one is mentioned who, with his negroes, by working up old iron at sixpence per pound, earned fifty shillings a day. All the contemporary writers speak of the heavy charges for smith work, though there was no horse-shoeing to be done. Silversmiths got half a crown or three shillings per ounce for working up silver, "and for gold, equivalent." There was a furnace and forges at Durham, in Bucks, before the eighteenth century set in. Where there was so much hand-work done, and so many things to be accomplished by mere manual labor, there was naturally not much call nor room for brain-work. The habits of the Swedes, the system and culture of the Society of Friends, were not particularly favorable to intellectual growth nor to education. Many more scholars, wits and learned men came to Pennsylvania in the first two generations than went out of it. The learned Swedish pastors were exotics, and their successors, from Campanius to Collins, had to be imported from the mother country. They did not grow up in the Delaware country. Nor did Penn’s "wooden country" (as Samuel Keimer, Franklin’s odd companion at the case, calls it) produce any parallels or equals to the university scholars, who, like Penn, the Lloyds, Logan, Growden, Shippen, Nicholas and John More, Pastorius, Wynne, White, Guest, Mompesson and others, devoted their talents and learning to the service of the infant Commonwealth. Penn himself, it was alleged in Council, on the trial of Bradford for the unlicensed printing of the charter and laws (a work which he was instigated to by Judge Growden), had taken the Virginia Governor Berkeley’s rule for his pattern, and wished to discourage publications of all sorts. The learned and elegant professions, indeed, were not well nurtured in Pennsylvania’s early days. In Goodson’s inventory of occupations the "chirurgion" was put down between the barbers and the staymakers. Gabriel Thomas shows that the professions were contemned. "Of Lawyers and Physicians," he observes, "I shall say nothing, because this Country is very Peaceable and Healthy; long may it so continue and never have occasion for the Tongue of the one or the Pen of the other, both equally destructive to men’s Estates and Lives." Where the sole source of divinity was "the Inner Light," cultivated persons were not to be looked for in the ministry; education was rather esteemed a hindrance than a help to the free and perfect expression of inspiration. It was a "snare" and a "device," like the steeple on the church’s tower, the stained glass in its windows, like the organ in the choir, and the gowns and also the salaries and benefices of the clergymen. There is really as little to say about the doctors and lawyers of the province as Thomas allows. The Dutch Annals mention surgeons of the name of Tykman Stidham and Jan Oosting, another, William Van Rasenberg, who was called indifferently barber and surgeon, and Everts and Arent Pietersen. Three of these in three years received government pay to the amount of two thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight florins as physicians and "comforters of the sick."(35*) In the journal of Sluyter and Dankers, Otto Ernest Cock is called a physician, or rather "a late medicus." In addition to Drs. Thomas Wynne, Griffith Owen and Nicholas More, John Goodson was also a physician under Penn’s government, and so was Edward Jones, founder of Merion, and son-in-law of Dr. Wynne. Dr. John Le Pierre, who was reputed to be an alchemist, came over about the same time as Penn. Dr. More did not practice his profession in the colony, but Griffith Owen was a regular physician from the date of his arrival. There were several other "chirurgions" among the "first purchasers," but it is not ascertained that any of them immigrated to the province. Doctors could not be well dispensed with, since, in addition to colds, consumptions and constant malarial disorders, the province was visited by three or four severe epidemics, including a fatal influenza which attacked all the settlements and colonies on the Atlantic, an outbreak of pleurisy which was noticeably destructive at Upland and New Castle, and a plague of yellow fever in Philadelphia in 1699. The smallpox likewise was a regular and terrible visitor of the coast, though its most fearful ravages were among the Indians. The pioneer lawyer of Delaware was admitted to practice in 1676, at the session of the court held November 7th. The records of that day show that "uppon the petition of Thomas Spry desireing that he might be admitted to plead some people’s cases in court, etc, The Worppll Court have granted him Leave so Long as the Petitioner Behaves himself well and carrys himself answerable thereto." In addition to Thomas Spry and others Charles Pickering appears to have been a member of the bar, as well as a planter on a large scale, a miner and copper and iron-worker, a manufacturer of adulterated coins, and a sort of warden of the territory in dispute between Penn and Lord Baltimore. Patrick Robinson, the recalcitrant clerk of Judge More’s court, was an attorney, and Samuel Hersent was prosecuting attorney for the province in 1685, afterwards securing his election to the sheriffalty of Philadelphia. David Lloyd succeeded him as attorney-general, and distinguished himself in the controversies with Admiralty Judge Quarry. John Moore was the royal attorney in Quarry’s court. These gentlemen of the bar found plenty of work to do. There were many disputed titles of land, there was a great deal of collecting to do in the triangular trade between the province, the West Indies and the mother country, and there were numbers of personal issues and suits for assaults, libels, etc. Besides, while Penn himself did all he could to prevent litigations, the character of his laws necessarily called for the constant interference of the courts in affairs not properly their concern. There were many sumptuary laws, many restrictive ones, and the whole system was unpleasantly inquisitive and meddlesome. It kept up the same sort of obnoxious interference with private business and personal habits which made the Puritan system so intolerable, but its penalties had none of the Puritan’s atrocious severity and bloodthirst. It must be confessed that the unorthodox person of gay temperament who sought to amuse himself in primitive Philadelphia was likely to have a hard time of it. The sailor who landed there on liberty after a tedious three months’ cruise soon found that he was not at Wapping. The Quakers had learned to despise riot and debauchery, less perhaps because it was vicious and demoralizing than for the reason that it was offensive to their ingrained love of quiet and order and to their passion for thrift and economy. Wildness, sport, all the livelier amusements were abhorrent to them because they signified extravagance and waste. The skirts of their Christian charity, admirable, thoughtful and deep as that was, seemed never broad enough to embrace or condone prodigality. When the prodigal son came home to them the fatted calf was not killed, but the question was wonderingly and seriously asked (saving the oath) "Mais, que diable allait-il faire dans cette galère?" That was the way precisely in which they treated William Penn, Jr., when he was arrested for rioting and beating the watch in a tavern. Instead of excusing him for his youth and for his worthy father’s sake, they accused him on that account, and the father’s great character actually became a part of the body of the indictment against the profligate son. No wonder that the father should have cried in the bitterness of his heart: "See how much more easily the bad Friend’s treatment of him stumbled him from the blessed truths than those he acknowledged to be good ones could prevail to keep him in possession of it." In fact, all that was not exactly according to Quaker ways was narrowly looked upon as vice and to be suppressed Christmas mumming was accused as flagrant licentiousness. Horse-racing was prevented by the grand jury. It offended the sobriety of the community for ships to fire salutes on arriving and departing. The laws against the small vices were so promiscuous and indiscriminate and the penalties so ill balanced that when the Pennsylvania code was finally presented to Queen Anne for approval her ministers drew their pens through half the list of misdemeanors and penalties, for the reason that they "restrain her Majesty’s subjects from innocent sports and diversions. However, if the Assembly of Pennsylvania shall pass an act for preventing of riotous sports, and for restraining such as are contrary to the laws of this kingdom, there will be no objection thereto, so it contains nothing else."(36*) The character of these unnatural restraints is fully illustrated in certain "extracts from the records of Germantown Court" (1691 to 1707) and "presentments, petitions, etc., between 1702 and 1774."(37*) For example, Peter Keurlis, charged with not coming when the justices sent for him, with refusing to lodge travelers, with selling barley-malt at four pence per quart, and with violating Germantown law by selling more than a gill of rum and a quart of beer every half-day to each individual. Peter’s answers cover the whole case of the absurdity of such apron-string government. He did not come because he had much work to do; he did not entertain travelers, because he only sold drink and did not keep an ordinary; he knew nothing about the four-pence a quart law of the province, and as for the Germantown statute, the people he sold to being able to bear more, he could not, or would not, obey the law. The court, however, took his license away from him and forbade him to sell any drink, under penalty of £5. Oaths and charges of lying, when brought to the court’s notice, if the offender acknowledged his fault and begged pardon, were "forgiven and laid by," the law making them finable offenses. Reinert Peters fined twenty shillings for calling the sheriff a liar and a rascal in open street. A case of Smith vs. Falkner was continued because the day when it was called "was the day wherein Herod slew the Innocents." George Muller, for his drunkenness, was condemned to five days’ imprisonment; "item, to pay the Constable two shillings for serving the warrant in the case of his laying a wager to smoke above one hundred pipes in one day." Herman Dors, being drunk, called Trinke op den Graeff a naughty name, accused Peters of being too kind to Trinke, called his own sister a witch and another vile name, and said his children were thieves; brought before the court, "and there did particularly clear all and every one of the said injured persons, who, upon his acknowledgments of the wrongs done them by him, freely forgave him," the court fined him five shilling. Peter Shoemaker, Jr., accuses the horses of John van der Willderness of being "unlawful," because they "go over the fence where it had its full height." The jury, however, found Shoemaker’s fences to be "unlawful." The court orders that "none who hath no lot nor land in this corporation shall tye his horse or mare or any other cattle upon the fences or lands thereof, either by day or night, under the penalty of five shillings." Abraham op den Graeff is before court for slandering David Sherker, saying no honest man would be in his company. Verdict for defendant. "Nov. 28th, 1703, Daniel Falkner, coming into this Court, behaved himself very ill, like one that was last night drunk, and not yet having recovered his witts." Falkner seemed so agressive that the sheriff and constable were ordered to "bring him out," which was done, he crying, "You are all fools!" which, indeed, was not the remark of a drunken but a sober man. No court could continue to waste time in preposterous trivial proceedings of such sort without exhausting the patience of a community and making it impossible for people to avoid such outbursts as those of Falkner. Among the grand jury presentments, etc., quoted in these papers, we find one against George Robinson, butcher, "for being a person of evell fame as a common swearer and a common drinker, and particularly upon the 23d day of this inst., for swearing three oaths in the market-place, and also for uttering two very bad curses the 26th day of this inst." Philip Gilbeck utters three curses also; presented and fined for terrifying "the Queen’s liege people." John Smith, living in Strawberry Alley, presented "for being maskt or disguised in woman s aparell; walking openly through the streets of this citty from house to house on or about the 26th day of the 10th month (day after Christmas), it being against the Law of God, the Law of this province and the Law of nature, to the staining of holy profession and Incoridging of wickedness in this place." All this against an innocent Christmas masquerade! Children and servants robbing orchards is presented as a "great abuse" and "liciencious liberty," a "common nuisance" and "agreeviance." Such ridiculous exaggeration destroys the respect for law which alone secures obedience to it. John Joyce Jr., is presented "for having to wifes at once, which is boath against ye Law of God and Man." Dorothy, wife of Richard Canterill, presented for masking in men’s clothes the day after Christmas, "walking and dancing in the house of John Simes at 9 or 10 o’clock at night," — not even charged with being in the street! Sarah Stiner, same offense, but on the streets, "dressed in man’s Cloathes, contrary to ye nature of her sects. . . to ye grate Disturbance of well-minded persons, and incorridging of vice in this place." John Simes, who gave the masquerade party, is presented for keeping a disorderly house, "a nursery to Debotch ye inhabitants and youth of this city. . . to ye Greef of and disturbance of peaceable minds and propigating ye Throne of wickedness amongst us." Peter Evans, gentleman, presented for sending a challenge to Francis Phillips to fight with swords.(38*) The grand jury report that their predecessors having frequently before presented the necessity of a ducking-stool and house of correction (39*) "for the just punishment of scolding, Drunken Women, as well as Divers other profligate and Unruly persons in this place, who are become a Publick Nuisance and disturbance to this Town in Generall, Therefore we, the Present Grand Jury, do Earnestly again present the same to this Court of Quarter Sessions for the City, desiring their immediate Care, That those public Conveniences may not be any longer delay’d." Certainly it is a novel idea to class ducking-stools and houses of correction among "public conveniences." There are three successive presentments to this effect. The grand jury also present negroes for noisy assemblages in the streets on Sunday, and think that they ought to be forbidden to walk the streets in company after dark without their master’s leave. Mary, wife of John Austin, the cord-wainer, is presented because she was and yet is a common scold, "a Comon and public disturber, And Strife and Debate amongst her Neighbours, a Common Sower and Mover, To the great Disturbance of the Liege Subjects," etc. In spite of all these presentments and indictments, however, and especially those against drunkenness and tippling-houses, we find in a presentment drawn by Benjamin Franklin in 1744 that these houses, the "Nurseries of Vice and Debauchery," are on the increase. The bill says there were upwards of one hundred licensed retail liquor-houses in the city, which, with the small groceries, "make by our computation near a tenth part of the city, a Proportion that appears to us much too great." One place, where these houses are thickest, has "obtained among the common People the shocking name of Hell-town." The first few years of the eighteenth century did not bring much change in the mode of life or the costume of the Delawareans, but they brought much improvement in their dwellings. In Wilmington and other large towns of Delaware many new houses were built of brick, and some two or three stories high. Some of these houses had a balcony, usually a front porch, a feature of vast importance in house-building, for it became customary in the large towns for the ladies of the family in pleasant weather to sit on the porch, after the labor of the day was over, and spend the evening in social converse. In those early days when the sun went down the young ladies were dressed and ready for the porch parade: then neighbors came for a chat about those engrossing subjects, dress and housekeeping; friends called, and beaux strutted by in powdered wigs, swords, square-cut coats, tights and leather or silk stockings, running the gauntlet of all those bright eyes in order to lift the three-cornered hat to some particular fair one, and to dream about the sweet smile received in return. If we are to believe the old chronicles, love-making was a very tame affair in those days. Young ladies received company with their mammas, and the bashful lover, in the presence of the old folks, had to resort to tender glances and softly-whispered vows. Marriages were ordered promulgated by affixing the intentions of the parties on the court-house and meeting-house doors, and when the act was solemnized, they were required by law to have at least twelve subscribing witnesses. The wedding entertainments must have been more of a nuisance than a pleasure, either for the parents or the young couple. They were inspired by a conception of unbounded hospitality, very common at that time. Even the Quakers accepted them with good grace until the evil consequences of free drinking on those occasions compelled them to counsel more moderation. There was feasting during the whole day, and for the two following days punch was dealt out ad libitum to all comers. The gentlemen invited to partake of these libations were received by the groom on the first floor; then they ascended to the second floor, where they found the bride surrounded by her bridesmaids, and every one of the said gentlemen, be they one hundred, kissed the bride. There was a quaint custom in those days of turning off marriage notices with some remark complimentary to the bride, as follows: "Mr. Levi Hollingsworth to Miss Hannah Paschall, daughter of Mr. Stephen Paschall, a young lady whose amiable disposition and eminent mental accomplishments add dignity to her agreeable person." When the Revolution broke out, Miss Sally McKean was one "among the constellation of beauties of Delaware." She was the daughter of Thomas McKean and was remarkable for her beauty. She married Don Carlos Martinez, Marquis D’Yrujo; her son, the Duke of Sotomayer, who was born in Philadelphia, became prime minister of Spain. At Mrs. Washington’s first levee, in Philadelphia, she was greatly admired, and the immense wealth at her command, after she was married, enabled her to maintain a style of life, without which beauty alone stood only a slight chance of recognition. Her beauty, rank, and wealth, conspired to draw around her a circle of men and women of the very first class in elegance and accomplishment. After her father removed to Philadelphia, she lived with an elegant hospitality, and numbered among her intimates the belles of the Republican Court, Mrs. William Bingham (Anne Willing), Margaret Shippen (Mrs. Gen. Arnold), Misses Allen, Mrs. Robert Morris, Dolly Payne (Mrs. Madison), Margaret, Sophia and Hariet Chew, Martha Jefferson, Mrs. Dr. James Rush, Mrs. Gen. Henry Knox, Rebecca Franks, Mrs. Esther Reed, Mrs. Sally Bache and a host of others. One of her dearest friends was Miss Harriet Chew, who afterwards married Charles Carroll, Jr., of Maryland. Washington was a great admirer of her, and she accompanied him several times when he sat to Gilbert Stuart for his famous portrait. The great commander was wont to say that the agreeable expression on his face was due to her interesting conversation. She and Mrs. Bradford, the wife of the Attorney General of the United States, were the last surviving ladies of the Republican Court. In winter, company was received in the sitting room, which might as well be styled the living room, for the many purposes it served. They dined in it, and sometimes slept in it. The furniture and general arrangement of the room was of the simplest kind; settees with stiff, high backs, one or two large tables of pine or of maple, a high, deep chest of drawers containing the wearing apparel of the family and a corner cupboard in which the plate and china were displayed, constituted a very satisfactory set of parlor furniture in the early part of the eighteenth century,— sofas and side-boards were not then in use, nor were carpets. The floor was sanded, the walls whitewashed, and the wide mantel of the open fireplace was of wood. The windows admitted light thorough small panes of glass set in leaden frames. A few small pictures painted on glass and a looking-glass with a small carved border adorned the walls. Wealthier people had damask-covered couches instead of settees, and their furniture was of oak or mahogany, but in the same plain, stiff style. They used china cups and saucers, delft-ware from England, and massive silver waiters, bowls and tankards. Plated-ware was unknown, and those who could not afford the "real article" were content to use pewter plates and dishes. Not a few ate from wooden trenchers. Lamps were scarcely known. Dipped candles in brass candlesticks gave sufficient light at night. Carpets, introduced in 1750, did not come speedily into general use, as they were expensive articles, and not very common in English households. They were made to cover the centre of the floor, the chairs and tables not resting on, but around them. Curtains of a richer material, mantel glasses and candelabra made their appearance in the parlor. Low bedsteads, of solid, carved mahogany, found their way to the chamber, although they did not supersede, to any extent, the popular beds long in use. Paper "for the lining of rooms" was advertised by Charles Hargraves in 1745. Paperhangings and papier-machè work was manufactured in Philadelphia in 1769, and it is likely that between 1750 and 1760 there were a number of houses in Delaware where wall-paper had taken the place of the primitive whitewash. Among the higher classes hospitality and good feeling reigned. The large mahogany or pine table often groaned under the weight of the viands spread out in welcome of some friendly guests. The punch-bowl was a fixture, even in the Quaker’s house, and it was not deemed a crime to enjoy a social glass. We may even admit that our old citizens were hard drinkers, which is far from meaning that they were drunkards. They were sensible enough to distinguish use from abuse, and temperance societies were unknown. Entertainments were frequently given, at which conviviality sometimes exceeded the bounds. The amusements of the people were for many years of the simplest and most innocent kind. Riding, swimming and skating afforded pleasant out-door sport. Before the Revolution such barbarous amusements as cock-fighting, bull-baiting, boxing-matches and bear-baiting were frequently indulged in, especially cock-fighting, in which men of the highest respectability found pleasure. Billiards was a game much in vogue, though frequently denounced as gambling. Bowls, ten-pins, quoit-throwing, bullets or "long bowls," the shuffle-board, with its heavy weights to be shoved or "shuffled" with a strong hand, guided by a cunning eye, were games which attracted crowds of visitors to the inns and public gardens. Among the other entertainments were concerts, fire-works, dancing and traveling shows. Dancing was freely indulged in, although not countenanced by the Friends. Dancing-masters visited Wilmington and the larger towns occasionally, giving the gay people an opportunity to learn the latest fashionable dance. Much attention was also paid to music, principally of a sacred character. The polished society of those days had no visiting or blank cards. Invitations to a ball or party were printed or written on the backs of playing cards. The most elaborate invitation was that gotten up for Lord Howe’s Meschianza fête, at Philadelphia, May 18, 1778. They were engraved, the design being, "in a shield, a view of the sea, with the setting sun, and on a wreath the words ‘Luceo discedens, aucto splendore resurgam’. At the top was the general’s crest, with ‘vive, vale!’ All around the shield ran a vignette, and various military trophies filled up the ground." In the early part of the century some very odd performances could be seen on the streets in Wilmington on Christmas-eve and during Christmas week. Parties of "mummers" went round from house to house, reciting rhymes explanatory of their fantastical disguises, and demanding "dole." The custom, which came from England, prevailed in the early part of the present century, as is remembered by the old inhabitants. These "mummeries," however, did not find favor with all the people. In fact, Christmas itself was not generally observed. The Quakers did not incline to the commemoration of holidays, nor did the more rigid of the Protestant sects, especially the Presbyterians. To the Episcopalians, the Catholics and the Germans of the Reformed or Lutheran Churches it was a day for family reunions and social gatherings as well as religious festival. The Germans introduced the Christmas-tree, with toys, trinkets, figures of angels and numerous little lighted tapers,— a pretty custom with which many American families have since become familiar. For some years after the Revolution, in fact as late as the War of 1812, the old English festival of May-day was kept by certain classes of people. Although spring flowers are not suggestive of fish, May-day was the special holiday of the fish hucksters and shad fishermen. They met in the inns and taverns, where they indulged in much jollification and dancing, while Maying parties, composed principally of young men and young women, left the borough in the early morning to spend the day in the fields and woods. May-poles were erected in front of the taverns, around which there was much dancing. Two other anniversaries, dear to every American heart, were celebrated with fitting enthusiasm in the early days of the Republic, — Washington’s Birthday and the Fourth of July; but these are gradually and quietly sinking into oblivion. In olden times, such a thing as the modern hotel, like the Clayton House in Wilmington, with its fashionably dressed and all-important clerk, its large smoking-room, carpeted parlors, gilt mouldings and other luxurious appointments, was unknown. The modest inn accommodated "man and beast," and the jolly landlord welcomed the wearied traveler— and fleeced him, too, when the occasion offered— and an active, bright-eyed barmaid waited on him, and provided those simple comforts— a pipe, a pair of slippers, a glass of hot punch or a tankard of foaming ale, and a cosy corner near the tap room fire. If the cloth was coarse, it was generally white and clean, at least in respectable establishments, and the plain deal table groaned under the weight of viands which, if they presented no great variety, were well cooked and wholesome. Our fathers were great eaters and stout drinkers, and there was no need of a French menu and wines with high-sounding names to whet their appetites; roast beef, a leg of mutton ham and cabbage, a fat fowl, were the solid dishes laid before them; ale, port or madeira wine, and a glass of Jamaica rum and hot water to top off, left them in a pretty good condition to find sleep on the clean bed,— sometimes a hard one,— prepared for them in the small room, whose bare floors, whitewashed walls, and plain cotton curtains did not invite dreams of palatial splendors. The tavern, though it accommodated guests with bed and board, had more of the character of a drinking-house. The inn was rural in its origin; the tavern originated in the city, and was frequented not merely by topers and revelers, but by quiet citizen, bachelors having no fireside of their own, and men of family who went there to meet neighbors and discuss business or the news, while enjoying a quiet glass and pipe. The ordinary was an eating-house, something between the restaurant and the boarding-house of our day. The coffe-houses, so called, which dispensed intoxicating drinks as well as the fragrant decoction of the Arabian bean, made their appearance later; they were but taverns in an aristocratic disguise. The names and figures of certain animals were to be found on many signs. They seemed to have been specially adopted by inn-keepers in America as well as in England. The "white horse" and the "black horse," "black" and "white bears"; lions, red, white, and blue; bulls and bull’s heads were very common. But there were other subjects of a more local or national interest, and a still greater number presenting quaint devices, the whimsical creations of the sign-painter, and generally accompanied by some suggestive doggerel rhymes. The sign-painter of olden time was often an artist of no small merit. Stores in Wilmington were quite numerous, and the goods offered for sale in great variety. The old European practice of over-hanging signs, bearing some device symbolic of the owner’s trade, or often some fanciful name having not the slightest connection with it, always prevailed in the colonies. The shade-trees that embellished the principal streets of Wilmington in those days were the buttonwood and the willow. The Lombardy poplar was introduced from Europe in 1786–87, by Wm. Hamilton. While the grounds of some of the largest mansions in Delaware could boast of rare flowers and shrubbery, the gardens in Wilmington— almost every house had its garden— were bright only with the simple, old-time favorites so neglected in these days of horticultural wonders,— the lilac, the rose, the snow-ball, the lily, the pink and tulip; above which the solemn sunflower and rank hollyhock liften their tall heads. Morning-glories and gourd-vines climbed over the porch or shaded the summer arbor. Every house, generally, had its well. Public pumps were not numerous for some years. There were no public clock to be consulted on the streets, but sun-dials were affixed to the walls of many houses for general convenience, as few people carried watches then. They were generally of silver, of very large size, and were worn outside. A French fashion, which prevailed only among a few, was the wearing of two watches, one on each side, with a steel or silver chain, from which dangled a bunch of watch-keys, seals and bright-colored tropical seeds set like precious stones. Jewelry, of which the ladies made a brilliant display, was but little worn by men. Very few Delawareans kept a carriage in the olden time, and even hired vehicles were scarce; traveling was done principally on horseback. Watson says in those days "merchants and professional gentlemen were quite content to keep a one-horse chair. These had none of the present trappings of silver-plate, nor were the chair-bodies varnished; plain paint alone adorned them, and brass rings and buckles were all the ornaments found on the harness; the chairs were without springs or leather bands, such as could now (1842) be made for fifty dollars." The carriage used by Gen. Washington while President, which had been imported for Governor Richard Penn and which passed through Wilmington several times, was the most splendid ever seen in Delaware. It was very large and heavy, and was drawn by four horses. It was of cream-color, with much more of gilded carvings in the frame than is since used. Its strongest attractions were the relief ornaments on the panels, they being painted with medallion pictures of playing cupids, or naked children. Owing to the want of good roads, the travel in Delaware in the early days was exceedingly difficult. In going to church or to fairs, the custom was, as it existed in Europe at that time, for man and woman to ride the same horse, the woman sitting on a pillion behind the man. It was a long time before chaises or any kind of pleasure vehicles came into use. The wagons, made to carry heavy loads of produce and merchandise, were great, cumbersome things with enormous wheels, which went creaking along at such a pace as precluded all thoughts of an enjoyable ride. The dress of the early Delawareans was necessarily simple, made of strong and coarse material that could resist the hard usage to which it was put. Men could not hew trees, build houses and drive the plough in velvet coats and satin breeches, nor could their wives and daughters bake and scrub and sweep with their hair "frizzled, crisped and tortured into wreaths and borders, and underpropped with forks, wires, etc.," and flounced and furbelowed gowns. Coarse cloth and deer skins for the men, linseys and worsteds for the women, were of every-day use; the "Sunday-go-to-meeting" clothes were carefully preserved in the huge chest of drawers that contained the family apparel. There was little difference between the dress of the Quakers and that of the remainder of the people. The former’s adoption at a later date of a more formal costume of sober color was an effort to resist the extravagances of fashion, which had penetrated into the fardistant colony, making its belles and beaux a distorted counterfeit of the beruffled and gilded courtiers of Queen Anne’s or George I.’s times. But fashion is a mighty ruler, against which it is useless to rebel. The greatest men— thinkers, poets, philosophers and soldiers— have bowed to her decrees, and made themselves appear ridiculous to please "Monsieur Tout le Monde," as the Frenchman said. As for the ladies, whom they wish to please is a mystery, for have they not from the oldest time to the present day often accepted the most unbecoming style of dress and coiffures, despite the protests of their male admirers? They must have a more laudable object than exciting admiration, and their apparent fickleness of taste conceals, perhaps, a charitable desire to comfort such of their sisters to whom nature has not vouchsafed perfect symmetery of form or feature. A woman of high rank has very large feet, and to conceal them, she wears and long dress; immediately the prettiest little feet hide themselves; a lady of the British court had one of her beautiful shoulders disfigured by a wart; she concealed the unpleasant blemish by means of a small patch of black sticking-plaster; soon black patches were seen on every woman’s shoulders; thence they crept to the face, and were seen, cut in most fantastic shapes, on the chin, the cheeks, the forehead; the tip of the nose was the only place respected. An infanta of Spain had the misfortune of being born with one hip higher than the other; to conceal this defect, a garment symmetrically distended by wires was invented, and forthwith all the ladies wore hoops. Louis XIV., of France, whose neck was not the straightest, introduced the large wigs with curls descending half-way down the back and covering the shoulders; then men, as a matter of course, adopted the cumbersome head-gear. The women were loth to conceal their shoulders, so, after a time, they found a means of making quite as extravagant a display of their hair; they built it up in an immense pyramid, so high, at one time, that a woman’s face seemed to be placed in the middle of her body. A lady of diminutive stature, finding that this upper structure was disproportionate to her size, had wooden heels, six inches high, adapted to her shoes; all the women learned to walk on their toes, and the tall ones looked like giantesses. An old magazine publishes the doleful tale of a gentleman who, having married a well-proportioned lady, discovered, when she appeared in deshabille, that he was wedded to a dwarf. That old rake, the Duke de Richelieu,— the fit companion of the dissolute Louis XV.,— having grown gray, was the first to use powder over his hoary locks, and for fifty years all Europe powdered the hair with flour or starch. Even the soldiers had to be in the fashion, and some curious economist once made the calculation that, inasmuch as the military forces of England and the colonies were, including cavalry, infantry, militia and fencibles, two hundred and fifty thousand, and each man used a pound of flour per week, the quantity consumed in this way was six thousand five hundred tons per annum— capable of sustaining fifty thousand persons on bread, and providing three million, fifty-nine thousand three hundred and fifty-three quartern loaves! A pen picture of a fashionable couple walking in the streets of Wilmington long before the Revolution would be as follows: The lady trips lightly on her dainty little feet, cased in satin slippers. Her flounced silk petticoat is so distended by the recently introduced hoops that it is a mystery how she can pass through an ordinary-sized doorway; her tightly-laced stomacher is richly ornamented with gold braid, the sleeves are short, but edged with wide point lace, which falls in graceful folds near to the slender wrists. Her hair, no longer propped up by wires and cushions, drops in natural curls upon her neck. A light silk hood of the then fashionable cherry color protects her head. The useful parasol was not yet known, but she carries a pretty fan, which, when folded, is round like a marshal’s baton. The gentleman walks by her side, but is precluded from offering her the support of his arm by the amplitude of her skirts, and of his own as well, for his square-cut coat of lavender silk is stiffened out at the skirts with wire and buckram; it is opened so as to show the long-flapped waist-coat with wide pockets, wherein to carry the snuffbox and the bonbonniere. The sleeves are short with large rounded cuffs; his gold-fringed gloves are hidden in his good-sized muff. A point lace cravat protects his neck, and over his tie-wig he wears a dainty little cocked hat, trimmed with gold lace. His feet are encased in squaretoed shoes with small silver buckles. His partridge-silk stockings reach above the knee, where they meet his light-blue silk breeches. At a respectful distance behind comes the gentleman’s valet and the lady’s maid. He wears a black hat, a brown-colored coat, a striped waist-coat with brass buttons, leather breeches, and worsted stockings, stout shoes with brass buckles. The abigail’s dress is of huckaback, made short, the skirts not so distended as those of her mistress, yet are puffed out in humble imitation of the fashion. A bright apron and silk neckerchief and a neat cap give a touch of smartness to the plain costume. Here comes a worthy tradesman and his buxom wife. His coat, of stout, gray cloth, is trimmed with black. His gray waist-coat half conceals his serviceable breeches; worsted stockings and leather shoes protect his legs and feet. The good dame by his side has put on her chintz dress, and though the material is not as costly as that worn by the fine lady before her, it is made up in the fashionable style, and the indispensable hoops add to the natural rotundity of the wearer. A peculiarity in her costume is the check apron that spreads down from her stomacher, concealing the bright petticoat. The simplicity of apparel was the rule, the costly style previously described the exception. Very ordinary material was still used among Delawareans, and articles of clothing were considered so valuable as to be, in many instances, special objects of bequest. Henry Furnis, who died in 1701, bequeathed to one of his daughters his leather coat, leather waist-coat, his black hat and cap. To another daughter he left his blue waist-coat, leather breeches and muslin neck-cloth; and to another daughter a new drugget coat. The wigs held their own until after the return of Braddock’s army. The hair was then allowed to grow, and was either plaited or clubbed behind, or it was grown in a black silk bag, adorned with a large black rose. From this it dwindled down to the queer little "pigtail," which, not many years past, could be seen bobbing up and down on the high coat-collar of some old gentleman of the last generation. Stiff, high-backed chairs and settees, a stiff style of dress, – for the hooped petticoat and wired coatskirt carry with them no idea of graceful ease,— must have given manners a tendency to stiffness. The stately minuet was, very appropriately, the fashionable dance of the day, at least among what was called "the politer classes;" the "common people," that is the great social body not comprised in that upper-tendom, did not follow the fashion so closely, and enjoyed merrier dances, the favorite among which was the "hipsesaw." In 1742 there were no material changes in the ladies’ dresses, the hoop still maintaining its hold, as also the furbelows; the robe was made low in front, the upper part of the stomacher and the short sleeves edged with point lace. Aprons were in fashion, and were worn sometimes long and at other times short, exposing the richly-embroidered petticoat. Capuchin hoods were in style. But the greatest change was in the dressing of the hair. The simple and elegant coiffure of natural curls already described was in vogue only a few years. The old style of building up the hair in a high pyramid suddenly reappeared with still more exaggerated proportions. The hair was carried up over wire frameworks, stiffened with pomade, sprinkled with powder and formed a bewildering edifice adorned with curls, flowers and feathers. Sometimes a sort of a little hat was perched on the apex of this wondrous structure. How our grandmothers ever had the patience to sit three or four hours under the manipulations of the hair-dresser, and how they could move, walk and dance with such a load on their cranium, is the wonder of their granddaughters. Jewels, rich bracelets, necklaces and chains were much worn. It was the fashion for a lady to carry a costly gold snuff-box with a looking-glass inside the lid; as she opened the box to take or offer a pinch, she could cast a surreptitious glance at her fair visage and see if her rouge was not coming off, and if her "beauty spots," i.e., patches, were still in the right place. When we read of the polished society of those days, of their elegant dresses, their jewels and laces and inimitable fashions, we cannot help thinking of one or two things which they did not have, things the poorest woman of our day could not do without. Tooth brushes, until quite recently, were unknown, and the fairest lady rubbed her teeth with a rag which, horresco referens, she dipped in snuff! Mr. Watson, the annalist, speaking of Dr. Le Mayeur, a dentist, who proposed in 1784 to transport teeth, says: "This was quite a novelty in Philadelphia; the present care of the teeth was ill understood then. He had, however, great success in Philadelphia, and went off with a great deal of our patricians’ money. Several very respectable ladies had them implanted. I remember some curious anecdotes of some cases. One of the Meschianza belles had such teeth. They were, in some cases, two months before they could eat with them." In 1769, "Mr Hamilton, surgeon, dentist and operator for the teeth, from London," advertises that he "displaces all superfluous teeth and stumps with the greatest ease and safety, and makes and sets in artificial teeth from one single tooth to a whole set, in so nice a manner that they cannot be distinguished from natural; therefore, those ladies and gentlemen who have had the misfortune of losing their teeth, have now an opportunity of having natural or artificial put in with dispatch and secrecy, and in such manner as to be of real use, ornament and service for many years, without giving the least pain to the patient." There were few hired servants in those days; menial labor was done by black slaves, and German, English and Irish redemptioners. Slavery was not repugnant to our forefathers’ notions of justice; it was admitted even by the Quakers.(40*) But the slaves of Delaware and Pennsylvania were happy; harsh treatment was not countenanced by public opinion. Servants were regarded as forming an integral part of the family, and proper attention paid to their comforts. Peter Kalm, the Swedish traveler, who came to Pennsylvania and Delaware in 1748, seems to have thoroughly investigated the question of servants. He says that there were two classes of white servants; the first were quite free to serve by the year. They could even leave their masters before the expiration of the twelve months; but in that case they were in danger of losing their wages. A man servant, having some abilities, got between sixteen and twenty pounds in Pennsylvania currency. This was in Philadelphia; the wages were not so good in the country. A maid servant received eight or ten pounds a year. These servants had to buy their own clothes. The second class consisted of such persons as came annually from Germany, England and other countries for the purpose of settling in the colony. Some were flying from oppression, others from religious persecution, but most of them were too poor to pay the six or eight pounds sterling required for their passage. They agreed with the captain that they would suffer themselves to be sold for a few years on their arrival. Very old people made arrangements to sell their children, in order to secure their own passage. Some could pay part of the passage-money, and were sold only for a short time. Some of the Germans, although having the means to pay their way, preferred to suffer themselves to be sold, with a view that during their servitude they might gain some knowledge of the language of the country and have time to decide what pursuits would be most advantageous. The average price of these servants was fourteen pounds for four years’ servitude. The master was bound to feed and clothe his servant, and to present him with a new suit of clothes at the end of his term of servitude. The English and Irish commonly sold themselves for four years, but the Germans frequently agreed with the captain to pay him a certain sum of money for a certain number of persons, and on their arrival in America, they tried to get a man to pay their passage for them, giving him in return one or several of their children to serve for a certain number of years. If the demand was brisk, they were thus able to make their bargain with the highest bidder. The purchase of black servants involved too great an outlay of capital to be as general as that of white servants, and they were not held in large numbers by any one master. The practice of importing "indented servants" continued in force down to the Revolution, and although we find in the newspapers of the time, (1768–69) communications attacking and defending the enslaving of negroes, there seems to have been no objection to reducing white men to temporary slavery. Such advertisements as the following were not uncommon: "Just imported in the Brigantine . . from Bristol, a parcel of healthy, likely men and women, indentured servants, among which are Blacksmiths, Cuttlers, House-carpenters, Painters and Glaziers, Bakers, Turners, Husbandmen and labourers." This was no longer the scum of the streets and jails of London shipped to America by the authorities as a safe means of riddance and for "the better peopling of his majesty’s colonies." Here we have honest artisans selling themselves voluntarily into servitude in order to get to the new land of promise. These poor fellows could be transferred by one master to another, and sold like common goods or chattels, until the term of their indentures had expired. But there were cases when the master, not the servant, deserved sympathy. The thieves and rascals of every grade, who came over under compulsion, or animated by the hope that they would find in the colonies a new field for their nefarious practices, gave no end of trouble to the unfortunate citizen who had invested his money in them; they were continually running away, and they generally carried off all they could lay their hands on. Duels, so frequent in England at that time, were of very rare occurrence in Delaware, yet a few did take place. It is not surprising, therefore, that some attention should have been given to the art of fencing. All gentlemen who desired to be known as fashionable and polite members of society learned the use of the sword. Fencing-masters, therefore, traveled from town to town and found occupation as well as dancing-masters, although they were not at first received with favor. They were tolerated at an early day, and at a later day met with no opposition. About 1760 gentlemen’s costumes suffered a few alterations, and these for the better. The coat— no longer of valvet, silk or satin, except for full-dress, but of strong cloth— was square-cut, with some simple trimming and black lining; the long-flapped waist-coat descending very low, and the stockings drawn very high over the knee; large hanging cuffs to the coatsleeves, and lace ruffles. The skirts of the coat much less distended with wire; stockings of blue or scarlet silk; squaretoed, short-quartered shoes, with high red heels and small buckles. All wore wigs, but of smaller size than before. The small three-cornered hat was laced with gold or silver galloon, and sometimes trimmed with feathers. In 1760 a perukemaker advertised that "gentlemen may be completely furnished with bag-wigs of the neatest fashion, or of whatsoever fashion they choose; also scratch wigs and scratch bob wigs, cut wigs and long gristle-dress wigs, and all others, as gentlemen may choose." In 1772 the following discription of a "dude" was published in Philadelphia: "It has a vast quantity of hair on its head, which seems to stand on end and gives it the appearance of being frightened. The hair is loaded with powder and pomatum, all little enough, too, to keep any degree of life or heat in the few brains that are in small particles scattered about in the cavities of that soft skull it covers. The rest of it chiefly consists of French silk, gold lace, fringe, silk stockings, a hat and feather, and sometimes a cockade, and then it is quite irresistible. White hands, a diamond ring, a snuff-box, a scented handkerchief and a cane. Its employment is to present that snuff-box, to wield that cane, to show its white teeth in a perpetual grin, to say soft things in every sense of the word to ladies, to follow them everywhere like their shadow, and to fetch and carry like a spaniel." The average citizen at this time, however, was more modestly equipped. A recently-arrived Englishman is represented as wearing his hair tied behind, well dressed in a brown broadcloth coat, lapelled jacket, and breeches of the same material, a castor hat, brown stockings and shoes, with pinchbeck buckles, while a teacher, who had got himself in some trouble with the sheriff, is described as clad in a blue coat, with a red collar and wristbands, sugar-loaf-shaped metal buttons, a blue surtout coat, Nivernais hat and ruffled shirt; he also wore his hair tied behind. Broadcloths were to be had in such variety of colors as to please the most fastidious taste,— scarlet, crimson, blue, green, drab, black, white, buff, brown, light-colored and rose-colored. Fops clung for some time to perukes, powdered heads and three-cornered hats. Elderly gentlemen of the old school were also loth to give them up, and as late as 1800 even wore the large wigs made of gray or white horse-hair. When they gave up these they consoled themselves in the use of the queue, or pigtail, formed by twisting and tying the natural hair behind, below the back of the neck. But the middle class followed the French republican fashion, and cut their hair à la Titus,— a shock head from the forehead to the back of he neck. At a later period another French style was introduced— the hair combed down the forehead to within a short distance from the eyebrows and cut straight across, was allowed to grow long on the sides and back of the head, covering the ears, en oreilles de chien, as may be seen in the portraits of General Bonaparte. The beard during all this time was banished from good society. The cheeks, upper and lower lips, and throat were carefully and laboriously deprived of their natural growth of beard once, twice or thrice a week, and, among the highly fashionable, every day. No gentleman could present himself with decency at church or at the Assembly, or visit friends or acquaintances, unless he was scrupulously shaved and was able to present a clean and respectable appearance. The hats had narrow brims, and the crown tapered off toward the top, not unlike the Tyrolese hat, but less elegant. They were made of beaver or of the skins of the muskrat, the otter and the raccoon, these furs being used for body and all in the finer hats, or the fur was felted upon wool; coarser hats were made entirely of wool. The various furs were also used in the making of caps, or these were made of cloth; there were various shapes of caps. As long as stockings continued to be an outside portion of the dress of gentlemen they were objects of care, and sometimes of pride. Upon occasions of ceremony, where elegance of costume was looked for, the stockings were of silk— white among young men who coveted distinction on account of the observance of the proprieties, and black among elderly gentlemen who commanded respect on account of age or social position. For those in moderate circumstances, and those who could make no claim beyond that of being useful members of the community, the stockings were of yarn, gray, blue or brown, according to the fancy of the good wife who knitted them. Striped yarn stockings, à la mode de Paris, were also worn with the short pantaloons not reaching to the ankles. Low shoes, with metal buckles, remained in fashion until 1800, when they were succeeded by high boots, which were worn with the short breeches. A curious fact is that, until that time, there was no distinction made by shoemakers between the right and left feet. The following advertisement shows the fashions in 1800: "Plover and snipe toes, cock and hen toes, goose and gander toes, duck and drake toes, gosling toes, hog and bear snouts, ox and cow mouths, shovel and stick noses, and others too numerous to mention." "Suwarrows, cossacks, hussars, carrios, double-tongues, firebuckets, Bonaparts, greaves, Swiss, hunting, walking, full dress, York." In those days there was no such thing as our modern "blacking" or "shoe polish." Liquid blacking was first manufactured in New York in 1803. "Blackball" was manufactured about the same time. It was composed of lampblack, muttonsuet, or bayberry tallow, and not unfrequently of the greasy mixture which the tanners call "dubbing." This mixture rubbed off upon the clothing, and when the modern shoe-blacking came into use, the benefit of it was universally recognized. In 1771 the wits in the gazettes made fun of those effeminate individuals who used umbrellas to protect their heads against the fierce rays of a July sun. The umbrella, even as a shelter from rain, was a new article. They were heavy, clumsy things, made of oiled linen stretched over rattan sticks, in imitation of the "quittasol" (the predecessor of the parasol), which came from India, and were made of oiled silk in every variety of colors. The ladies used them to keep off the rain. The men were satisfied with the protection of a heavy cloak or a sort of cape (a French invention) called a roquelaure. Ministers and doctors, people who had to be out in all sorts of weather to call on the sick, had roquelaures of oiled linen. The usefulness of the umbrella during a shower was acknowledged, but its appearance in fair, sunshiny weather elicited the jeers of the populace and the mockery of men who should have been wiser. The doctors, however, recommended carrying an umbrella in summer as a safe protection against many diseases caused by exposure to the sun. The doctors and ministers finally carried the objectionable umbrella through the streets at mid-day, which finally silenced the opposition. The lady’s hat for out-door wear was a very flat, round hat, worn so as to stand up perpendicularly on the right side of the head, or rather of the immense edifice of hair reared high over the head, the back and crown of which was protected by a sort of loose hood. A cloak of some bright color was worn in winter. Scarlet cloaks, when first imported, were great favorites with the leaders of fashion, but public taste condemned them, and the mode did not last. We took our fashions from England, and the ladies of Delaware, as elsewhere in the colonies, were careful to follow the directions in the "London Pocket-Book," a manual of the period. This work said, "Every lady who wishes to dress her hair with taste and elegance should first purchase an elastic cushion exactly fitted to the head. Then having combed out her hair thoroughly, and properly thickened it with powder and pomatum, let her turn it over her cushion in the reigning model. Let her next divide the sides into divisions for curls, and adjust their number and size from the same models. If the hair be not of a sufficient length and thickness, it will be necessary to procure an addition to it, which is always to be had ready-made and matched to every color." During the next ten years there was as many different styles of draping the hair. Curls, crisp or long, feathers, flowers and ribbons, powder and pomatum, each had their turn, or were combined into so many enormities that they aroused the poet’s sarcasm,— "Give Betsy a bushel of horse-hair and wool, Of paste and pomatum a pound, Ten yards of gay ribbon to deck her sweet skull, And gauge to encompass it round. Her cap flies behind, for a yard at the least, And her curls meet just under her chin, And those curls are supposed to keep up the jest, By a hundred, instead of one pin." In 1800 the walking dresses for ladies were in the style called a la grecque, a closely fitting garment of very plain make, with the waist as high up as it could be made; the bosoms, cut square, were gathered in surplice style, and the neck and shoulders were protected by a muslin or gauze handkerchief, crossed in front and forming a point beyond. The bonnet fitted as close to the head as a cap, and the hair was twisted or turned up high on the back of the head, while, in front, it was combed straight over the forehead, almost to the eyebrows. The evening dress, while preserving the style, was more elaborate; instead of the handkerchief a muffle was worn round the neck of the garment, descending in front and leaving the neck and shoulders bare. The hair was frizzled in front, and an ostrich plume fell with a graceful curve over the top-knot. Whether for walking or evening, the sleeves were short and gathered up with a band above the elbow, leaving the arms bare. A very popular head dress for street wear in summer time was made of muslin or some other light material. It surmounted the head like a cap, and was kept in place by a ribbon of some gay color all round the crown. The light muslin, often bordered with lace, descended in graceful folds on either side of the face and on the back, protecting the neck from exposure to the sun. It was a becoming coiffure, and was further improved, after a short time, by being divided in the back and made to hang down both shoulders to the waist, the ends being finished off with a knot or tassel. The sleeves kept getting shorter, and the exposure of bare arms in the streets was disapproved by staid people and ridiculed by the wits. A pretty fashion, introduced from France about this time, was that of carrying a rich lace handkerchief in the hand. It came from the Empress Josephine; that amiable woman had very bad teeth, and as she was very gay and easily provoked to laughter, when she langhed she raised her handkerchief to her mouth to conceal this defect. Josephine was passionately fond of fine laces, and her handkerchiefs were made of this costly fabric. The ladies of the court took to flourishing lace handkerchiefs, and they became an indispensable part of a fashionable costume. Very little has been said of the costumes of children. During a former period, as we have seen, they wore wigs, and, from all accounts, their costume made them the miniature "counterfeit presentments" of their papas and mammas. A great abuse and evil of the burial customs at an early day, was the feasting, eating, and drinking among the persons attending on these occasions. When a person of high rank died the body was kept for several days "lying in state" for the public and their neighbors to come and look at it, and also to give time for the relatives who lived at a great distance to make the journey and be present at the funeral. These visitors had to be entertained, and in course of time what had been a matter of necessity became a general custom, and there was an entertainment at every funeral, be the deceased ever so obscure. The order of march at funerals was as follows: The parson walked before the bearers, and if the deceased was a woman, the ladies walked in procession next to the mourners, and the gentlemen followed after them. But this order was reversed if the deceased was a man; the gentlemen preceded the ladies. The practice of Friends was to take the body from the residence to the grave, where it was interred amid profound silence. After the burial the company adjourned to the meeting-house, where there was speaking and praying. A custom prevailed in 1773 at the funeral of young girls, that the coffin should be carried to the grave by some of the next intimate companions of the dead girl. The custom of issuing special invitations to persons to attend funerals prevailed, and such importance was attached to this mark of respect to be paid the dead, that funerals were delayed, if the parties invited did not arrive at the time appointed. The cards of invitation to funerals had deep mourning borders and other emblems of death. They were imported from England. In 1748 "burial biscuit" is advertised for sale by a baker in Philadelphia, a proof that the feasting at funerals even inspired the genius of speculation. To have "burial biscuits" to dip in their wine probably intensified the grief of the dear departed’s friends. In 1729 the Quakers resolved against "the vanity and superstition of creating monuments and entombing the dead with singular notes or marks of distinction, which is but worldly pomp and grandeur, for no encomium nor pompous interment can add worth to the deceased." It ordered the erection of tombstones over the graves of Friends to be stopped, and the tombstones already so placed to be removed. This order, however, was not generally obeyed. * In their journal of a voyage to Maryland, in 1679, Messrs, Dankers and Sluyter, under date of December 3d, say that when they arrived at the house of Augustine Herman, in Cecil County, Md., they "were directed to a place to sleep, but the screeching of wild geese and other wild fowl in the creek (Bohemia) before the door, prevented as from having a good sleep." They proceeded down the Eastern Shore of Maryland to Salisbury, and on their journey back to New Castle crossed the Sassafras River, where they say they never saw so many ducks. "The water was so black with them that it seemed, when you looked from the land below upon the water, as if it were a mass of filth or turf, and when they flew up there was a rushing and vibration of the air like a great storm coming through the trees, and even like the rumbling of distant thunder, while the sky over the whole creek was filled with them like a cloud, or like the starlings fly at harvest time in Fatherland." On the Sassafras River, at Mr. Frisby’s plantation, they say, "We must not forget to mention the great number of wild geese we saw here in the river. They rose not in flocks of ten, or twelve, or twenty, or thirty, but continously, wherever we pushed our way; and as they made room for us, there was such an incessant clattering made with their wings upon the water where they rose, and such a noise of those flying higher up, that it was as if we were all the time surrounded by a whirlwind or a storm. This proceeded not only from geese, but from ducks and other water-fowl; and it is not peculiar to this place alone, but it occurred on all the creeks and rivers we crossed, though they were most numerous in the morning and evening, when they are most easily shot." ** "Moyamensing signifies an unclean place, a dung-heap. At one time great flocks of pigeons had their roost in the forest and made the place unclean for the Indians, from whom it received its name." — Acrelius. *** See Prof. Odhner’s Founding of New Sweden, Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. ii., where much new light is thrown on the obscure annals of these early settlements. Rulle der Volcker, in Royal Archives of Sweden, quoted by translator of Prof. Odhner’s article in Penna. Magazine. (4*) It is perhaps expedient to give these lists, commencing with the one forwarded by Springer to Thelin. The names which are italicized in this list are such as likewise occur in the Upland list: Names. Number in family. Hindrick Anderson 5..."Hereditary surnames," says Mr. Edmund Armstrong (quoting M. A. Lower, on English surnames), "are said to have been unknown in Sweden before the fourteenth century. A much later date must be assigned as the period when they became permanent, for surnames were not in every case established among the Swedes in Pennsylvania until some time after the arrival of Penn, when intermarriage, and the more rigid usage of the English, compelled them to adhere to the last combination; as for example with respect to the name of Olla Paul son, the ‘son’ became permanently affixed to the name, and ceased to distinguish the degree of relationship." This, however, is not singular with the Scandinavian people, Mr. Armstrong should have observed. It has prevailed in all countries down to a late period, and especially among the English races, where the corruption of surnames is still going on. No bad spelling can do more harm than bad pronouncing, nor is it worse to turn Lorenz, Laers, Larse into Lasse (just as common people nowadays pronounce arsenal as if it were spelt assenal) than to corrupt Esterling into Stradling, Majoribanks into Marchbanks, Pierce into Purse, Taliaferro into Toliver, Enroughty into Doughty, etc. The Swedish system, however, is a little complicated, and made much more so by the loose spelling of contemporary chroniclers and clerks. Some instances of the transmutations of names may help the reader to enlighten himself about these lists. Eric Goranson is Eric, son of Goran (Jöran), and Goran (Jöran) Ericsson is Goran, son of Eric, a grandson of Goran. Peter Petersen is Peter, son of Peter; Swensen was originally Swen. Nilson, or Neelson, may be found transposed to Jones, as in the case of the son of Jonas Nilson, styled Mouns (Moens, Mans), Andrew and Neils Jones Sometimes the puzzle is made worse by an alias,— e.g., Jans Justasse (alias Illack), and Pelle Laerson (alias Put Pelle). Changes in orthography have helped materially to confound names. Bengstsen becomes Bankson and Benson; Boen, Bonde, becomes Bond and Boon; Swensen becomes Swanson and Swann; Cock becomes Cook and Cox; Juccum, or Jookum, becomes Yocum; Kyn, or Kien, becomes Keen; Mortense, Martens. The descendants of Lasse Cock, son of Oele Cock, may be called either Allison or Willson. Many older Scandinavian names have been still more violently changed in their orthography in the course of the trituration of centuries, or in their passage to another language more of less affiliated. Thus it is hard to detect, reading as we run, that Ulfstein is simply the Danish form of the Norwegian Vulfstan; that in English, Haralld hinn Harfagra is Harold Fairfax; Rollo, Rolf and Ralph are the same. In the lists given above, Huling, or Hulling, becomes Fulling; Göstafsson becomes Justis, Justice or Justisou; Kyn, Kean; Coln, Colen; Van Colen, Collins; Hasselius, Issilis; Coleburg, Colesbury; Diedrickson, Derrickson; Cock, Kock, etc.; Hendrickson, Henderson; Marten, Morton; Iwarson, Iversen and Ivison; Jonasson, Jones; Hoppman, Hoffman; Wihler, Wheeler; Nilson or Neelson, Neilson or Nelson; Fisk is sometimes Fish; Bure, Buren or Burns; Collman, Coleman; Broor, Brewer; Anders, Andrews; Matt, Matthews; De Voss, Vose; Marte, Martin; Staake, Stark and Stack; Rosse, Rosser; Vander Weer, Vandiver; Pehrsson, Pierson and Pearson; Paulsson, Poulson; Paul, Powell; Olle, Will, William; Sahlung, Saling; Rasse, Raese, Raisin; Brita, Bridget; Gostaf, Gustavus; Knute, Knott; Lucasson, Lucas; Incoren, Inkhorn: Ommerson, Emerson; Grantrum, Grantham; Claasen, Clawson; Cabb, Cobb; Oelsson, Wilson, etc. Lars and Laer, become Lear; Laerson, Lawson; Goron, Jöran, Jurien and Julian; Bengst is Benedict, or Benjamin, or Bennett; Halling is Hewlings; Senecka is Sinnickson; Voorhees, Ferris. (5*) Mäns Kling, lieutenant and surveyor, received forty riksdaler per month; he commanded on the Schuylkill. Sundry adventurers, seeking experience, received free passage out and maintenance, but no pay. Olof Persson Stille, millwright, received at start fifty daler, and to be paid for whatever work he did for the company. Matts Hansson, gunner at the fort and tobacco grower, on wages; Anders Hansson, servant of the company, to cultivate tobacco, received twenty riksdaler per year and a coat; he served four years. Carl Jansson, book-keeper, sent with the expedition "for punishment," was afterwards favored by Printz, who gave him charge of the storehouse at Tinnecum, paid him ten riksdaler a month wages and recommended the home government to pardon him. Peter Larsson Cock, father of Lasse Cock, came out originally for punishment (ein gefangener knecht, a bond servant), receiving his food and clothing and two dollars at the start. He was free in four years, and became, afterwards, a judge of Upland Court. These indentured servants were not badly treated, either by the Swedes or the Friends. Their usual term of service was four years, and they received a grant of land— generally fifty acres— at the expiration of the term. The system was originally contrived in Maryland, in order to increase the labor of the province, and many of the "redemptioners" were persons of good character, but without means, who sold their services for four or five years in order to secure a passage across the ocean to the new land of promise. A great many redemptioners went to Pennsylvania during Penn’s régime and afterwards, both from Great Britain and the continent of Europe. The terms upon which they were hired to the different colonies were nearly the same in every case. The following is about the form commonly used. It may be found in John Gilmary Shea’s introduction to Gowan’s reprint of Alsop’s "Character of the Province of Maryland," London, 1666: "The Forme of Binding a Servant. ‘This indenture, made the ----- ----- day of ----- -----, in the ----- ----- yeare of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles &c betweene ----- ----- of the one party and ----- ----- ----- ----- of the other party, Witnesseth that the said ----- ----- doth hereby covenant, promise and grant to and with the said ----- ----- ----- ----- his Executors and Assigns, to serve him from the day of the date hereof, until his first and next arrivall in ----- ----- and after, for and during the tearme of ----- ----- yeares, in such service and employment as the said ----- ----- or his assignes shall there employ him, according to the custome of the countrey in the like kind. In consideration whereof, the said ----- ----- doth promise and grant, to and with the said ----- to pay for his passage and to find him with Meat, Drinke, Apparell and Lodging, with other necessaries during the said terme; and at the end of the said terme, to give him one whole yeares provision of Corne and fifty acres of Land, according to the order of the countrey. In witnesse whereof, the said ----- ----- hath hereunto put his hand and seale the day and yeere above written. "Sealed and delivered in the presence of} SEAL. (6*) Penn, in fact, borrowed many other things from the duke’s laws, particularly the much admired provision for "peacemakers," or arbitrators, to prevent litigation, which provision, by the way, became a dead brass letter within ten years after its enactment, and was dropped in Lieutenant-Governor Markham’s Act of Settlement in 1696. This was much more actively enforced in the duke’s laws, which provide that "all actions of Debt or Trespasse under the value of five pounds between Neighbours shall be put to Arbitration of two indifferent persons of the Neighbourhood, to be nominated by the Constable of the place; And if either or both parties shall refuse (upon any pre tence) their Arbitration, Then the next Justice of the peace, upon notice thereof by the Constable, shall choose three other indifferent persons, who are to meet at the Dissenter’s charge from the first Arbitration, and both Plaintiff and Defendant are to be concluded by the award of the persons so chosen by the justice." (7*) The island referred to is now known as Reedy Island. The land does not appear to have been invested by the persons named. The name of Jan Andriessen is thought to be that of Jan Andriessen Stalcop, who owned the site of Wilmington, and is mentioned specially as on "the bounds of Christina towne" in a patent of October 1, 1669. (8*) There is no evidence of any land-titles having been granted while the territory was subject to the Swedes. (9*) Of these localities, Verdrietige Hoeck or Vertrecht Hook only was in Delaware. It was the first fast land on the Delaware River above the mouth of Christiana Creek, and is now known as Edgemoor. There were many families settled along the shore on narrow lots, extending some distance back into the woods, with the houses at the river-front. The Swedes made other settlements along the shore— one above Vertrecht, known as the Boght or Bought; Swanwyck, adjoining New Castle; and Croine Hook, further up. (10*) See grant to Henry Hockhammer, etc., Hazard’s "Annals," i. 53. (11*) Writers have caused confusion in this matter by computing the stiver at 2 cents, and the guilder at 40 cents. The actual value of the stiver, as settled by the Upland court at this time, was three-tenths of a penny, the guilder thus being worth 6 pence. In sterling values, therefore, the rent of an acre would have been 3.6 cents. In Pennsylvania currency, which, perhaps, was the standard used in the Upland calculations, the rent would be 2.21 cents per acre. (12*) No deeds are found because the Dutch destroyed the Swedish local records, and they and the English required all deeds in the hands of Swedes to be surrendered in exchange for new deeds under the new government seal. (13*) Acrelius, Hist. New Sweden, pp. 106–7. Penna. Hist. Society’s edition, 1874. (14*) All persons between the ages of sixteen and sixty were made liable to taxation. (15*) This was prior to the division into hundreds. (16*) Valentine Hollingsworth came to this country prior to the arrival of William Penn and returned to Ireland soon after 1685. His three sons, Valentine, Henry and Thomas, came over in the "Welcome" in 1682 and in 1687, and subsequently owned large tracts in Brandywine Hundred. Henry represented New Castle in the General Assembly in 1695 and filled other offices of importance in Pennsylvania. He was the founder of the family in Delaware and Maryland. (17*) At this time (1687) the territory of Hoere-Kil, or Whore Kill, was very sparsely settled and was not districted. (18*) Wages are always interesting to study, for their averages are evidences which cannot be contradicted of the condition of a people. The earlier servants in the employment of the Swedish company received, as a rule, twenty copper dollars (two dollars of our money) for outfit, and twenty riksdaler wages per annum (equal to twelve dollars). The wages of freemen, however, were more than double this, and these wages moreover included board and lodgings. With wheat, at an average, fifty cents per bushel, a freeman’s wages were equal to about sixty dollars a year at present values, besides keep. The Upland records show that just prior to Penn’s occupancy wages had sensibly bettered. In March, 1680, Thomas Kerby and Robberd Drawton, servants, sued Gilbert Wheeler for wages. Kerby wanted pay for seventy days, between October 7th and January 7th, "so much as is usuall to be given pr day, wch is fower (4) guilders pr diem wth costs." The court allowed Kerby and Drawton each fifty stivers (two and a half guilders) per day, the latter to be paid "in Corne or other good pay in ye River." The four guilders was probably the "usuall" rate of summer wages, the award of the court represented fall and winter wages. "Corne in ye river" — that is, delivered where it could be shipped— was valued at three guilders per scipple (or bushel). The winter wages, therefore, were equivalent to thirty cents a day in modern money, but in purchasing power, rating corn at the average present price of fifty cents per bushel, amounted to forty-one and sixty-six hundredths cents per day, summer rates being actually forty-eight cents, with a purchasing power of sixty-two cents. March 12, 1678, Israel Helm bought of Robberd Hutchinson, attorney for Ralph Hutchinson, "assignee of Daniel Juniper, of Accomac," "a Certayne man Servant named William Bromfield, for ye terme & space of four Jears (years) servitude now next Ensuing. . . . The above named Servant, William Bromfield, being in Cort, did promisse to serve the sd mr Israel helm faithfully & truly the abovesd terme of four Jears. The worpp11 Cort (upon ye Request of both partees concerned) Did order that wch is abovesaid to bee so recorded." The price paid by Helm was "twelve hundred Guilders." This was equal to three hundred guilders per annum, and it shows how valuable labor was and how prosperous agriculture must have been at that day on the Delaware. Helm paid (and other court entries show he simply paid the average price for such labor) one hundred and forty-four dollars in money (the present exchangeable value of which in corn is one hundred and ninety-two dollars) for four years’ services of a man whom he had to board, lodge, clothe, care for when sick, and provide with an outfit when free. At twenty years’ purchase this would be nearly one thousand dollars for a servant for life. Farming must have been very profitable to enable such prices to be paid. (19*) Philip Van der Weer’s brick house at Traders’ Hook, on the Brandywine, was built before 1655. (20*) The Reybolds. (21*) Bacon’s Laws of Maryland (1635–1751) are full of statutes relating to wild horses and their depredations, and to ear-marks and inclosures for all kinds of stock. (22*) Not because it aided "navigation," but because our Swedes dined at twelve o’clock. (23*) The subject of the sale of liquor to the Indians was before the court August 2, 1680, when the court reaffirmed the order of Governor Andross relating to it, and prohibited any one from bartering or retailing less than a half-anker of strong liquor to Indians. The order recited that there had been sad accidents by reason of its sale to the natives. On December 6, 1681, the matter was before the court again and there was a division of opinion upon it. Justice John Moll advocated that no liquors whatever should be sold to the Indians, and Justices Alricks, Semple and De Haes voted to sustain the order of 1680 given above and passed an order fining all who had violated it. In the eighteenth century, liquor licenses were issued by the State to those recommended as sober and fit persons to keep public-houses of entertainment and to sell rum, brandy, beer, ale, cider, perry and other strong liquors, provided they should not suffer any drunkenness, unlawful gaming or other disorders and comply with the laws of the State. The Court of General Sessions fixed the inn-keepers’ rates, and one of these lists adopted in May, 1797, prescribed the prices as follows: gin, spirits, and brandy, of the first quality, per gill, 11d.; do., inferior quality, 9d.; Lisbon, Teneriffe, Fayall and other inferior wines, per bottle, 5s.; sherry and port wine, per bottle, 6s.; Madeira wine, per bottle, 8s. 3d.; claret, per bottle, 7s. 6d.; porter, ale and cyder, per bottle, 1s. 10d.; dinner, 3s.; breakfast and supper, each, 2s. 6d.; Lodgings, 1s.; oats, per gallon, 1s.; corn, 1s. 4d.; hay, fodder and stabling, 2s. 6d. (24*) The pudding, says Acrelius in a note, was boiled in a bag; it was called a fine pudding when fruit was added; baked pudding was the young people’s pancake; dumplings and puddings were called "Quakers’ food." Apple-pie was used all the year,— "the evening meal of children. House-pie, in country places, is made of apples neither peeled nor freed from their cores, and its crust is not broken if a wagon-wheel goes over it!" (25*) On November 22, 1679, Messrs. Dankers and Sluyter, on their voyage to Maryland, stopped overnight at Upland. In their journal they say, "We were taken to a place to sleep directly before an open window, to which there was no shutter, so that it could not be closed; and as the night was very cold, and it froze hard, we could scarcely keep ourselves warm." When they arrived at New Castle, on the 25th, they went out to view the place, which consisted "of only forty or fifty houses." They visited the plantation of John Moll and found his house very badly appointed for such a man of prominence. "There was no place to retire to, nor a chair to sit on, or a bed to sleep on. For their usual food the servants have nothing but maize bread to eat, and water to drink, which sometimes is not very good and scarcely enough for life, yet they are compelled to work hard. They are brought from England in great numbers into Maryland, Virginia and Menades and sold each one according to his condition, for a certain term of years, four, five, six, seven or more. And thus they are by hundreds of thousands compelled to spend their lives here and in Virginia, and elsewhere in planting that vile tobacco. . . . After we had supped, Mr. Moll, who would be civil, wished us to lie upon a bed that was there, and he would lie upon a bench, which we declined; and as this continued some length of time, I lay down on a heap of maize, and he and my comrade afterwards both did the same. This was very uncomfortable and chilly, but it had to go so." (26*) Bishop, "History of Manufactures," i. 110. (27*) Laurens Hendricks, of Nimeguen. (28*) "Country money" was produce in barter, such as furs, tobacco, grain, stock, etc., at rates established by the courts in collecting fees, etc.; "ready money" was Spanish or New England coin, which was at 25 per cent. discount in Old England. See Sumner, "History of American Currency." The differences are set out in "Madame Knight’s Journal." According to the above the discount on country money was 31 per cent. and on ready money 20 per cent. (29*) "Feather-edged," with one side thinner than the other, as shingles are made. (30*) "Madam Farmer," who was the first person to burn stone lime in Philadelphia (Budd, in 1685, says no stone lime had been discovered), offered, in 1686–87, to sell ten thousand bushels of Schuylkill lime at sixpence per bushel at the kiln. (31*) In a clever little volume, published in 1873, called "Pennsylvania Dutch and other Essays," we read of one extremely provident and forehanded damsel who had a bureau full of linen shirts and other clothes ready made up for her future husband, whom she was yet to meet, and whose measure she could, of course, only guess at, by assuming that the right man, when he did come, would be of the size and figure she had in her mind’s eye in cutting out the garments. (32*) Schoepf’s "Reise Durch Pennsylvanien," 1783, quoted by I. D. Rupp, notes to Dr. Rush’s pamphlet on "Manners of the Germans in Pennsylvania." (33*) In Governor Fletcher’s time the Council adjourned to meet again in Markham’s house because the gout prevented him from going out, and Fletcher wanted a full attendance of his advisers. (34*) Black was a young Virginian, secretary of the commissioners appointed by Governor Gooch, of Virginia, to unite with those of Pennsylvania and Maryland to treat with the Six Nations in 1744. His diary has been published in the Penna. Magazine, vol. i. (35*) Westcott’s "History of Philadelphia," chap. iii. (36*) Privy Council to Governor on repealing certain laws, Pennsylvania Archives, 1709, vol. i. p. 155, First Series. (37*) Published in Volume First of Cellections of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, pp. 243–258 et seq. (38*) Evans’ challenge was as follows: "Sir: You have basely slandered a Gentlewoman that I have a profound respect for, And for my part shall give you a fair opportunity to defend yourself to-morrow morning, on the west side of Jos. Carpenter’s Garden, betwixt seven and 8, where I shall expect to meet you, Gladio cinctus, in failure whereof depend upon the usage you deserve from yr. etc. "PETER EVANS. "I am at ye Pewter Platter." Phillips appears to have been arrested, for the grand jury present him for contriving to "deprive, annihilate and contemn" the authority of mayof and recorder by saying, "Tell the mayor, Robert Hill, and the recorder, Robert Assheton, that I say they are no better than Rogues, Villains and Scoundrells, for they have not done me justice, and might as well have sent a man to pick my pockett or rob my house as to have taken away my servants," etc. (39*) The whipping-post, pillory, and stocks were the usual instruments for punishment. (40*) The ship "Gideon" arrived at New Amsterdam, from Africa, with 290 slaves on board about August, 1663, one-fourth of which belonged to New Amstel. The Delaware portion were hastily run in gangs through New Jersey, overland to South River, by Alricks and narrowly escaped capture by the English. Vincent says "this was the first introduction of slaves into Delaware, from Africa, by direct importation, of which we have any record." Slaves were, however, on the South River from its earliest settlement. Mr. Janney, in his "Life of Penn," is greatly distressed that the proprietary should have been a slave-holder. In his eagerness to palliate the facts he is in danger of doing Penn a gross injustice. He forgets that slave-holding was not forbidden by the Quaker discipline until many years after Penn’s death. Penn directed his slaves to be free at his death, but the will was never executed, nor were its provisions respected. His daughter took one of the slaves, the woman "Sue." His executor sold three to pay his debts. Parthena was sold by Penn to Barbadoes, thus separating her from her husband, because she was thought dishonest. In writing about his gardener and the assistants whom he was to train, Penn says, "It were better they were blacks, for then a man has them while he lives." In fact, nobody at that time had any idea of the heinousness, immorality or crime of slavery, unless perhaps the little German colony, who had Pastorious for their leader. Cox was "exercised" about the slaves, but it was not the fact of their being in bondage, but the way in which they were treated which troubled him. Penn was "exercised" on the same subject, and he went so far as to persuade the Council and try to persuade the Assembly to pass a law regulating the marriages of negroes. But it would be unjust to Penn to require him to become an abolitionist a hundred years before there were any such. Slavery was not thought a crime in his times, nor was the slave considered unfortunate, unless he happened to have a severe master. The slave trade with Africa was indeed repudiated, but rather from its impolicy than its immorality. Some sort of servitude was almost universal, and one-half the early settlers in Pennsylvania, 1682–83 were servants bought and sold by the Quakers for a term of years. Even Indian slaves were often to be met in Philadelphia, in spite of Penn’s affection for the race, and his own Deputy-Governor, William Markham owned one, Ectus Frankson, born in 1700, who by his will was to be free at the age of twenty-four, all his other slaves and servants being devised to his wife. No 3879 Ten Shillings His Indenved Bill of Ten Shillings current Money of America, according to the Act of Parliament, made in the Sixth Year of the late Queen Anne, for Ascer( ) the Rates of foreign Coins in the Plantations, due from the Province of Pennsylvania, to the Possessor thereof, shall be in Value equal to Money, and shall be accepted accordingly by the Provincial Treasurer, County Treasurers and the Trustees for the General Loan-Office of the Province of Pennsylvania, in all Publick Payments, and for any Fond at any Time in any of the said Treaturies and Loan-Office. Dated in Philadelphia the Second Day of April, in the Year of Our Lord, One Thousand seven Hundred and Twenty Three, by Order of the Governor and General Assembly. Ten Shillings ( ) PROVINCIAL CURRENCY. Just Imported in the ship GRAN( )Y, JOSEPH BLEWER Master, Seventy Gold-Coast SLAVES of variousages, and both fexes, To be foldon board said ship at Mr. Plumsted’s wharf, by WILLING and MORRIS, And a part of them are intended to be fent in a few days to Dook Creek, there to be sold, by Mr. Thomas Mudock for cashor country produce, Penna Jour. Aug 15 1765. ADVERTISEMENT. This Day Run away from John Mr Comb, Junier, an Indian Woman, about 17 Years of Age, Pitted in the face, of a middle Stature and Indifferent fatt having on her a Drugat, Waftcoat and Kerfsey Petticoat of a Light Collour. If any Person or Persons, shall bring the said Girle to her said Master, shall be Rewarded for their Trouble to their Content American weekly mercury May 24 1726 A Servant Maids Time for Four Years to be sold by John Copson, Ditto Jan. 2 1721. A Very likely Negro Woman to be sold, aged about 28 Years, sit for Country or City Business, She can Card, Spin, Knit and Milk; and any other Country. Work Whoever has a Mind for the said Negro may repair to Andrew Bradford in Philadelphia. A Young Negro Woman to be sold by Samuel Kirk in the Second Street, Philadelphia, Ditto Oct. ( )6 1791 To be Sold, a very likely Negro Woman fit for all Manner of House Work, as Washing, Starching, Ironing, &c, Enquire of Andrew Bradford, Ditto. Dec.24. 1723 ADVERTISEMENTS. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware13.htm Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume One- pp. 99-108. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware9.htm Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume One- pp. 81-99. CHAPTER IX. DELAWARE UNDER WILLIAM PENN. PENN was very well represented in the new province and his interests intelligently cared for from the time that Lieut-Gov. Brockholls, of New York, surrendered the colony, until he himself arrived and took formal possession. His cousin, Capt. William Markham, Deputy-Governor, as has been seen, arrived out in October, 1681. Markham was in New York on June 21st, but the first record we have of his appearance on the Delaware is the following: "Obligation of Councilmen:" "Whereas, wee whose hands and Seals are hereunto Sett are Chosen by Wm Markham (agent to Wm. Penn, Esq., Proprietor of ye Province of Pennsylvania) to be of the Councill for ye sd province, doe hereby bind ourselves by our hands and Seals, that wee will neither act, nor advise, nor Consent unto anything that shall not be according to our own Consciences the best for ye true and well Government of the sd province, and Likewise to Keep Secret all ye votes and acts of us, The sd Councell, unless Such as by the General Consent of us are to be published. Dated at Vpland ye third day of August, 1681. "Robert Wade, Morgan Drewet, Wm. Woodmanse, (W.W. The mark of) William Warner, Thomas Ffairman, James Sandlenes, Will Clayton, Otto Earnest Koch, and ye mark (L) of Lacy (or Lasse) Cock." In September Upland Court appears to have been reorganized under Markham’s instructions and jury trials instituted. The justices present at the meeting of this newly-organized court were William Clayton, William Warner, Robert Wade, William Byles, Otto Ernest Cock, Robert Lucas, Lasse Cock, Swen Swenson, and Andreas Rankson, five of them being members of Markham’s Council. The clerk of the court was Thomas Revell, and the sheriff’s name was John Test. The first jury drawn in this court— the first drawn in Pennsylvania— was in the case of assault and battery (Peter Earicksen vs. Harman Johnson and wife), and their names were Morgan Drewet, William Woodmanson, William Hewes, James Browne, Henry Reynolds, Robert Schooley, Richard Pittman, Lasse Dolboe, John Akraman, Peter Rambo, Jr., Henry Hastings, and William Oxley; two more of the Deputy-Governor’s Council being on this jury. At the next meeting of Upland Court, in November, Markham was present, and he attended all the subsequent sessions up to the time of Penn’s arrival. A petition to Markham, dated from "Pesienk (Passyunk), in Pennsylvania, 8th October, 1681," would tend to show that the Indians of that day could not see the merits of "Local Option." It is signed by Nanne Seka, Keka Kappan, Jong Goras, and Espon Ape, and shows that "Whereas, the selling of strong liquors (to Indians) was prohibited in Pennsylvania, and not at New Castle; we find it a greater ill-convenience than before, our Indians going down to New Castle, and there buying rum and making them more debauched than before (in spite of the prohibition). Therefore we, whose names are hereunder written, do desire that the prohibition may be taken off, and rum and strong liquors may be sold (in the foresaid province) as formerly, until it is prohibited in New Castle, and in that government of Delaware." This petition appears to have been renewed after Penn’s arrival, for we find in the minutes of the Provincial Council, under date of 10th of Third Month (May 20, 1683), that "The Gov’r (Penn) Informs the Council that he had Called the Indians together, and proposed to Let them have rum if they would be contented to be punished as ye English were; which they agreed to, provided that ye Law of not Selling them Rum be abolished." The law was in fact declared to be a dead letter, but in 1684 Penn besought the Council to legislate anew on the subject so at least as to arrest indiscriminate sales of spirits to the savages. This subject of selling rum to the Indians is continually coming up in the Colonial Records. Penn’s ship, the "Welcome," sailed from "the Downe’s" (the roadstead off Deal and Ramsgate, where the Goodwin Sands furnish a natural break-water) on or about Sept. 1, 1682. Claypoole writes on September 3d that "we hope the ‘Welcome,’ with William Penn, is gotten clear." The ship made a tolerably brisk voyage, reaching the capes of the Delaware on October 24th, and New Castle on the 27th, being thus fifty-three days from shore to shore. The voyage, however, was a sad one, almost to the point of disaster. The smallpox had been taken aboard at Deal, and so severe were its ravages that of the one hundred passengers the ship carried, thirty, or nearly one-third, died during the passage. The terrible nature of this pestilence may be gathered from one striking fact, and that is this: antiquarians, searching for the names of these first adventurers who come over with Penn,— a list of names more worthy to be put on record than the rolls of Battell Abbey, which preserves the names of the subjugators of England, who came over with William the Conqueror,— have been able to find the most of them attached as witnesses or otherwise to the wills of the well-to-do burghers and sturdy yeomen who embarked with Penn on the "Welcome" and died during the voyage. The list of passengers, derived chiefly from Mr. Edward Armstrong’s address before the Pennsylvania Historical Society at Chester in 1851 (his authorities being there given in full), begins with JOHN BARBER and Elizabeth, his wife. He was a "first purchaser," and made his will on board the "Welcome." WILLIAM BRADFORD, first printer of Philadelphia and earliest government printer of New York.* WILLIAM BUCKMAN and Mary, his wife, with Sarah and Mary, their children, of Billinghurst, Sussex. JOHN CARVER and Mary, his wife, of Hertfordshire, a first purchaser.** BENJAMIN CHAMBERS, of Rochester, Kent. Afterwards sheriff (in 1683) and otherwise prominent in public affairs. ...JOHN WORRELL, probably brother of foregoing. THOMAS WORTH, of Oxton, Nottinghamshire. The passengers by the "John and Sarah" and "Bristol Factor," so far as known, include William Crispin, who died on the way out, John Bezar and family, William Haige and family, Nathaniel Allen and family, John Otter, Edmund Lovett, Joseph Kirkbridge, and Gabriel Thomas. During the trial and affliction which the passengers and crew of the "Welcome" were subjected to on their voyage to the Delaware, when the natural instincts of man are turned to terror and selfish seclusion, Penn showed himself at his best. His whole time, and that of his friends, was given to the support of the sick, the consolation of the dying, the burial of the dead. Richard Townshend, a fellow-passenger, said, "his good conversation was very advantageous to all the company. His singular care was manifested in contributing to the necessities of many who were sick with the smallpox. . . . We had many good meetings on board." In these pious services Penn had the cordial help of Isaac Pearson, to whom, in return, he gratefully gave the privilege of rebaptizing the town on the Delaware at which some of the survivors landed, and thus the significant and appropriate name of Upland, applied by the Swedes to their second colony, was lost in the euphonious but meaningless and inappropriate cognomen of Chester. The record of Penn’s arrival at New Castle is as follows: "October 28. On the 27th day of October, arrived before the town of New Castle, in Delaware, from England, WILLIAM PENN, Esq., proprietary of Pennsylvania, who produced two certain deeds of feoffment from the illustrious prince, James, Duke of York, Albany, etc., for this town of New Castle, and twelve miles about it, and also for the two lower counties the Whorekill’s and St. Jones’s, which said deeds bear date the 24th August, 1682; and pursuant to the true intent, purpose, and meaning of his royal highness in the same deeds, he, the said William Penn, received possession of the town of New Castle, the 28th of October, 1682." This delivery was made, as the records show, by John Moll, Esq., and Ephraim Herman,*** gentlemen, attorneys, constituted by his royal highness, of the town of Delaware otherwise called New Castle; the witnesses to the formal ceremony in which the key of the fort was delivered to Penn by one of the commissioners, "in order that he might lock upon himself alone the door," and which was accompanied with presents of "turf and twig, and water and soyle of the river Delaware," were Thomas Holme, William Markham, Arnoldus de la Grange, George Forman, James Graham, Samuel Land, Richard Tugels, Joseph Curles, and John Smith.(4*) Penn at once commissioned magistrates (5*) for the newly-annexed counties, and made Markham his attorney to receive possession of the lower counties from Moll and Herman. This was done on November 7, 1682. He also recommended a court to meet at New Castle on November 2d. On that day Penn was present with the justices, and Markham, Holme, Haige, Symcock, and Brassey, of the Provincial Council.(6*) The lower counties gave in their allegiance to Markham for Penn on November 7th. In the interval between his arrival and the meeting of court, October 29th, Penn went to Upland to pay a short visit. It was between November 2d and the 8th that Penn arrived in Philadelphia. Penn was not idle while his people were getting ready for the winter. He sent off two messengers to Lord Baltimore "to ask of his health, offer kind neighborhood, and agree upon a time the better to establish it." He issued a writ on November 18th, to Peter Baucomb, the sheriff of Jones County, to summon all freeholders on the 20th "and elect out of themselves, seven persons of most note for wisdom, sobriety, and integrity to serve as their deputies and representatives in General Assembly, to be held at Upland, in Pennsylvania, December 6th, next, and then and there to consult with him for the common good of the inhabitants of that province, and adjacent counties of New Castle, St. Jones and Whorekill, alias Deal, under his charge and jurisdiction." On the same day John Vines was appointed sheriff of Whorekill and Penn directed him to hold an election for seven representatives. Similar notices were issued to the other counties. Penn’s province was then divided into three counties,— Philadelphia, Bucks, and Chester,— and the territories into New Castle, Jones, and Whorekills, alias Deal. The names of the two last were, towards the close of the year (December 25th), again changed,— Deal to Sussex, and Jones to Kent,— and Penn directed that Cape Henlopen be called Cape James. At a meeting of the Deputy-Governor and justices in New Castle, on a commission directed to them by the proprietary, "touching the keeping a weekly constant market," it was resolved, "that Saturday, the 18th instant, shall be the first market-day, to be continued on every future Saturday, for this town, when all persons are desired to repair with their commodities to the fort in the market-place, at present appointed for the same, and that the sheriff shall proclaim the same to begin at 10 o’clock in the morning, and continue till 4 o’clock P.M." After Penn had laid off his province, he took a horse and rode to New York, to see the Governor there, and look into the affairs of his friend, the Duke of York’s province. When he returned he met the Assembly, on December 4th, at Upland. Nicholas More was president. The first day was devoted to organization and the selection of committees; on the second day the credentials of members and contested election cases were disposed of, and the House proceeded to adopt a series of rules and regulations for its government. These have no special interest, except that they show the Lower House had set out to become a deliberative body, and was prepared to originate bills as well as vote upon them. The three lower counties sent in a petition signed by seven persons from New Deal, six from St. Jones, and five from New Castle, asking for annexation and union, and the Swedes, Finns, and Dutch another, asking that they might be made as free as the other members of the province, and have their lands entailed upon them and their heirs forever. The same day a bill for annexation and naturalization came down from the Governor and was passed, and on the next day the Legislature passed Penn’s "Great Law," so called, and adjourned or was prorogued by the Governor for twenty-one days. It never met again. The act of union "of the counties of New Castle, Jones’s, and Whorekill, alias Deal," and naturalization "of all foreigners in the province and counties aforesaid," after reciting Penn’s different titles to Pennsylvania and the three lower counties or Delaware Hundreds, and the reasons there were in favor of a closer union and one government for the whole, enacts that the counties mentioned "are hereby annexed to the province of Pennsylvania, as of the proper territory thereof, and the people therein shall be governed by the same laws and enjoy the same privileges in all respects as the inhabitants of Pennsylvania do or shall enjoy." To further the purpose of this act of union, it is also enacted that "all persons who are strangers and foreigners that do now inhabit this province and counties aforesaid," and who promise allegiance to the King of England, and obedience to the proprietary and his government, "shall be held and reputed freemen of the province and counties aforesaid, in as ample and full manner as any person residing therein;" other foreigners in the future, upon making application and paying twenty shillings sterling, to be naturalized in like manner. This act, says Penn, in a letter written shortly afterwards, "much pleased the people. . . . The Swedes, for themselves, deputed Lacy Cock to acquaint him that they would love, serve, and obey him with all they had, declaring it was the best day they ever saw." An "act of settlement" appears to have been passed at the same time, in which, owing to "the fewness of the people," the number of representatives was reduced to three in the Council and nine in the Assembly from each county, the meetings of the Legislature to be annually only, unless an emergency should occur in the opinion of Governor and Council. Penn’s "Great Law," passed as above recited, contained sixty-nine sections.(7*) It represents the final shape in which the proprietary’s "frame of government" and code of "laws agreed upon in England" conjointly were laid before the Legislature. The variations from the original forms were numerous, some of them important. The language of the revised code is much improved over the first forms, both in dignity and sustained force. The preamble and first section are always quoted with admiration, and they should have their place here: "THE GREAT LAW; OR, THE BODY OF LAWS OF THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA AND TERRITORIES THEREUNTO BELONGING, PASSED AT AN ASSEMBLY AT CHESTER, ALIAS UPLAND, THE 7TH DAY OF THE 10TH MONTH, DECEMBER, 1682. "Whereas, the glory of Almighty God and the good of mankind is the reason and end of government, and therefore government, in itself, is a venerable ordinance of God; and forasmuch as it is principally desired and intended by the proprietary and Governor, and the freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania and territories thereunto belonging, to make and establish such laws as shall best preserve true Christian and civil liberty, in opposition to all unchristian, licentious, and unjust practices, whereby God may have his due, Caesar his due, and the people their due from tyranny and oppression of the one side and insolency and licentiousness of the other, so that the best and firmest foundation may be laid for the present and future happiness of both the governor and the people of this province and territories aforesaid, and their posterity. Be it therefore enacted by William Penn, proprietary and governor, by and with the advice and consent of the deputies of the freemen of this province and counties aforesaid in assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that these following chapters and paragraphs shall be the laws of Pennsylvania and the territories thereof: "I. Almighty God being only Lord of conscience, father of lights and spirits, and the author as well as object of all divine knowledge, faith, and worship, who only can enlighten the mind and persuade and convince the understanding of people in due reverence to his sovereignty over the souls of mankind; it is enacted by the authority aforesaid that no person now or at any time hereafter living in this province, who shall confess and acknowledge one Almighty God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of the world, and that professeth him or herself obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly under the civil government, shall in anywise be molested or prejudiced for his or her conscientious persuasion or practice, nor shall he or she at any time be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever contrary to his or her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or her Christian liberty in that respect without any interruption or reflection; and if any person shall abuse or deride any other for his or her different persuasion and practice in matter of religion such shall be looked upon as a disturber of the peace, and be punished accordingly. But to the end that looseness, irreligion, and atheism may not creep in under pretence of conscience in this province, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that according to the good example of the primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation every first day of the week, called the Lord’s Day, people shall abstain from their common toil and labor that, whether masters, parents, children, or servants, they may the better dispose themselves to read the scriptures of truth at home, or to frequent such meetings of religious worship abroad as may best suit their respective persuasions." The second article of the code requires that all officers and persons "commissionated" and in the service of the Commonwealth, and members and deputies in Assembly, and "all that have the right to elect such deputies shall be such as profess and declare they believe in Jesus Christ to be the Son of God and Saviour of the world," etc. This was not perhaps illiberal for Penn’s day, but under it not only atheists and infidels, but Arians and Socinians, were denied the right of suffrage. Swearing "by the name of God or Christ or Jesus" was punishable, upon legal conviction, by a fine of five shillings, or five days’ hard labor in the House of Correction on bread and water diet. Every other sort of swearing was punishable also with fine or imprisonment, and blasphemy and cursing incurred similar penalties. Obscene words one shilling fine or two hours in the stocks. Murder was made punishable with death and confiscation of property, to be divided between the sufferer’s and the criminal’s next of kin. The punishment for manslaughter was to be graduated according to the nature of the offense. For adultery the penalty was public whipping and a year’s imprisonment at hard labor; second offense was imprisonment for life, an action for divorce also lying at the option of the aggrieved husband or wife; incest, forfeiture of half one’s estate and a year’s imprisonment; second offense, the life term; sodomy, whipping, forfeiture of one-third of estate, and six months in prison; life term for second offense; rape, forfeiture one-third to injured party or next friend, whipping, year’s imprisonment, and life term for second offense; fornication, three months’ labor in House of Correction, and if parties are single, to marry one another after serving their term; if the man be married he forfeits one-third his estate in addition to lying in prison; polygamy, hard labor for life in House of Correction. "XIV. Drunkenness on legal conviction, fine of five shillings, or five days in work-house on bread and water; second and each subsequent offense, double penalty. ‘And be it exacted further, by the authority aforesaid, that they who do suffer such excess of drinking at their houses shall be liable to the same punishment with the drunkard.’ Drinking health, as conducive to hard drinking, is subject to fine of five shillings. The penalty for selling rum to Indians is a fine of five pounds. Arson is punished with amercement of double the value destroyed, corporal punishment at discretion of the bench, and a year’s imprisonment. House-breaking and larceny demand fourfold satisfaction and three months in work-house; if offender be not able to make restitution, then seven years’ imprisonment. All thieves required to make fourfold satisfaction; forcible entry to be treated as a breach of the peace, and satisfaction to be made for it. Rioting is an offense which can be committed by three person, and is punished according to common law and the bench’s discretion. Violence to parents, by imprisonment in work-house at parent’s pleasure; to magistrates, fine at discretion of court and a month in work-house; assaults by servants on masters, penalty at discretion of the court, so also with assault and battery. "XXVII. Challenges to duels and acceptance of challenge demand a penalty of five pounds fine and three months in work-house. Rude and riotous sports, ‘prizes, stage-plays, masks, revels, bull-baits, cock fighting, with such like,’ are treated as breaches of the peace; penalty, ten days in work-house, or fine of twenty shillings. Gambling, etc., fine of five shillings, or five days in the work-house. Spoken or written sedition incurred a fine of not less than twenty shillings; slighting language of or towards the magistracy, penalty, not less than twenty shillings, five or ten days in the work-house. "XXXII. Slanderers, scandal-mongers, and spreaders of false news are to be treated as peace-breakers; persons clamorous, scolding, or railing with their tongue, when convicted "on full proof," are to go to the House of Correction for three days. "XXXIV. The statute for the encouragement of marriage is as it was quoted above in the laws adopted in England, ‘but’ (XXXV.) ‘no person, be it either widower or widow, shall contract marriage, much less marry, under one year after the decease of his wife or her husband.’ "XXXVI. ‘If any person shall fall into decay and poverty, and be unable to maintain themselves and children with their honest endeavor, or who shall die and leave poor orphans, upon complaint to the next justice of the peace of the said county, the said justice finding the complaint to be true, shall make provision for them in such way as they shall see convenient till the next county court, and then care shall be taken for their comfortable subsistence.’ "XXXVII., etc. ‘To prevent exaction in public-houses,’ strong beer and ale of barley-malt shall be sold for not above two pennies per Winchester quart; molasses beer one penny; a bushel must contain eight gallons, Winchester measure, all weights to be avoirdupois of sixteen ounces to the pound; all ordinaries must be licensed by the Governor, and, to insure reasonable accommodation, travelers must not be charged more than sixpence per head for each meal, including meats and small-beer; footmen to pay not over two pence per night for beds, horsemen nothing, but the charge for a horse’s hay to be sixpence per night. "XL. ‘The days of the week and the months of the year shall be called as in Scripture, and not by heathen names (as are vulgarly used), as the first, second, and third days of the week, and first, second, and third months of the year, etc., beginning with the day called Sunday, and the month called March.’ "Sections XLI. to LXIX. and the end of this code are substantially repeated from the code of laws adopted in England, which have already been analyzed on a preceding page. They relate to the administration of justice, the courts, testamentary law, registration, and the purity of elections. Only a few additions and changes have been made, and these simply for the sake of more perspicuity and clearer interpretation." After the meeting of the Assembly, Penn set out on December 11th to go to visit Lord Baltitimore, with whom he had an appointment for the 19th. The meeting took place at West River, where Penn was courteously and hospitably entertained. Nothing was accomplished, however, in the way of settling the boundary dispute, beyond a general discussion of the subject. Baltimore contended for what his charter gave him; Penn holding firm upon his purchase, the King’s letter, and the phrase of the Calvert charter confining its operations to lands hitherto unoccupied, a position in which Penn and the Virginian Claiborne took common ground. The issue of fact as to whether the Delaware Hundreds were settled or unsettled in 1634, could not be determined then and there, even if the contending parties should agree to rest their case upon that point, as neither would do. The proprietaries finally parted, agreeing to meet again in March, and each went home to write out his own views and his own account of the interview to the Lords of the Committee of Plantations. On his way to Chester, Penn stopped to visit the flourishing settlement of Friends in Anne Arundel and Talbot Counties, Maryland, reaching his destination on the 29th. The year 1683 was a very busy one for William Penn. A great number of colonists arrived, building was very actively going on, division of land among purchasers was a source of much care and perplexity, the lines and bounds and streets of the new city required to be readjusted, the Council and Assembly had to be newly elected and organized, with much important legislative business before them, and there were besides, the boundary question and interviews with Lord Baltimore, Indian land treaties with their tedious preliminary councils and pow-wows, and in addition to all this an extensive and exacting correspondence. Penn, however, was equal to it all, and maintained his health, spirits, and energy remarkably well. He even found time to make an extensive tour through his territories, visited the Indian tribes in friendship with them, curiously studied their manners and customs, and even picked up a smattering of their tongue. Penn was more and more pleased with his province the more he saw of it, and was elated with the great work he had set in motion, even while he could not conceal from himself that his new province was going to prove difficult for him to govern, and that his liberal expenditures in behalf of its settlement would eventually plunge him deep in pecuniary embarrassments. The Governor appointed new sheriffs for the several counties, and ordered them to issue writs for a new election of members of the Provincial Council and General Assembly. The "act of settlement," or frame of government provisionally adopted by the first Legislature in its brief session at Upland, or Chester, had arranged for the election of a Council of twelve persons from each county, and a General Assembly to consist of not more than two hundred freemen. The people of the counties, however, thought that this would be too heavy a drain upon a scattered and as yet scanty population, especially at times when labor seemed to be of more value than law-making, and accordingly they simply went outside the charter and elected twelve members from each county, three of whom were designated to serve in the Provincial Council, the rest to act as members of the General Assembly. The Legislature met for the first time in Philadelphia, the Council and Governor coming together on the 10th of March, 1683, the General Assembly two days later. The members of the Council were: William Markham, Thomas Holme, Lasse Cock, Christopher Taylor, James Harrison, William Biles, John Simcock, William Clayton, Ralph Withers, William Haige, John Moll, Edmund Cantwell, Francis Whitwell, John Richardson, John Hilliard, William Clark, Edward Southrin, and John Roads. The members of the Assembly, from the three lower counties on the Delaware, were: New Castle.— John Cann, John Darby, Valentine Hollingsworth, Gasparus Herman, John Dehraef, James Williams, William Guest, Peter Alrichs, Hendrick Williams. Kent.— John Briggs, Simon Irons, Thomas Hassold, John Curtis, Robert Bedwell, William Windsmore, John Brinkloe, Daniel Brown, Benoni Bishop. Sussex.— Luke Watson, Alexander Draper, William Fletcher, Henry Bowman, Alexander Moleston, John Hill, Robert Bracy, John Kipshaven, Cornelius Verhoof. At the first meeting of the Council in Philadelphia, March 10, 1683, Penn took the chair and sixteen of the eighteen councilors were present. The sheriffs of the different counties (Edmund Cantwell for New Castle, Peter Baucomb for Kent, and John Vines for Sussex) were called in and made their returns respecting the election. The rules were of the simplest: the Governor ordered those speaking to do so standing, one at a time, and facing the chair, and the members agreed upon a viva voce vote in all except personal matters. When these arose the vote was to be by ballot. The question of the power of electors to change the number of representatives without modifying the charter at once arose, when Penn answered that they might "amend, alter, or add for the Publick good, and that he was ready to settle such Foundations as might be for their happiness and the good of their Posterities, according to ye powers vested in him." Then the Assembly chose a Speaker, and there was an adjournment of Council till the 12th. At the session of Council of that day nothing seems to have been done beyond compelling Dr. Nicholas More, president of the Society of Free Traders, to appear and apologize for having abused Governor, Council, and General Assembly "in company in a publick house,. . . as that they have this day broken the charter, and therefore all that you do will come to nothing & that hundreds in England will curse you for what you have done & their children after them, and that you may hereafter be impeacht for Treason for what you do." Dr. More’s apologies were ample, as became such a determined conservative. The next day’s session was occupied with improvement of the rules and suggestions as to amending the charter. It was obvious that the freemen of the province were determined this should be done, in spite of Dr. More’s suggestion about impeachment. On the 15th, John Richardson was fined for being "disordered in Drink," and reproved. The question of giving Governor and Council authority to prepare all bills was finally settled affirmatively, but apparently only after considerable debate. On the 16th, Dr. More, of the Society of Free Traders, wrote to ask such an interpretation of the law against fornication as applicable to servants as would be "more consistent wth the Mr. & Mrs. Interest." This was the first utterance of a corporation in Pennsylvania, and it was not on the side of humanity or morality, but of the "master and mistress’ interests," — the society did not care how severely servants were punished for their vices, so that the punishment was not such as to deprive the corporation of their services. Among the earliest bills prepared for submitting to the General Assembly were the following: A bill for planting flax and hemp, for building a twenty-four by sixteen feet House of Correction in each county, to hinder the selling of servants into other provinces and to prevent runaways, a bill about passes, about burning woods and marshes, to have cattle marked and erect bounds, about fencing, showing that servants and stock gave the settlers more concern than anything else. The country was so large and free that it was difficult to retain people in any sort of bondage, and, where nineteen-twentieths of the land was uninclosed and free to all sorts of stock, it was necessary to fence in improved and cultivated tracts to save the crops from destruction. These bills and other matters were given in charge of the various committees into which the Council now began to divide itself. On the 19th the Speaker and a committee of the Assembly reported the bill of settlement (charter or Constitution), with "divers amendments," which were yielded to by the Governor and Council, and other amendments suggested. The Duke of York’s laws and the fees charged in New York and "Delaware" were also considered in this connection; finally, on the 20th, there was a conference between the Governor and the two Houses, "and then the question being asked by the Govr whether they would have the old charter or a new one, they unanimously desired there might be a new one, with the amendmts putt into a Law, wh is past." Other bills introduced at this time looked to regulating county courts, protested bills of exchange, possessions, "sailor’s wracks," acts of oblivion, "Scoulds," seizure of goods, limits of courts in criminal cases, marriage by magistrates, executors and administrators, limiting the credit public-houses may give to twenty shillings, protecting landmarks, earmarks, and cattle-brands. Also bills requiring hogs to be ringed, coroners to be appointed in each county, regulating wages of servants without indenture, bail-bonds, and summoning grand juries. There were offered likewise a law of weights, and a bill fixing the punishment for manslaughter, and it was ordered that the seal of Philadelphia County be the anchor, of Bucks County a tree and vine, of Chester a plow, of New Castle a castle, of Kent three ears of Indian corn, and of Sussex a sheaf of wheat. The pay of Councilors was fixed at three shillings, and Assembly men two shillings sixpence per diem, the expenses of government to be met by a landtax. On April 2, 1683, "the Great Charter of this province was this night read, signed, sealed and delivered by ye Govr to ye inhabitants, and received by ye hands of James Harrison and ye Speaker, who were ordered to return ye old one wth ye hearty thanks of ye whole house, which accordingly they did." Then on the 3d, after passing some minor laws, the chief of which was to prohibit the importation of felons, the Assembly adjourned "till such time as the Governor and Provincial Council shall have occasion for them." The new charter, Constitution, bill of settlement, or frame of government was modeled upon the plan originally proposed by Penn. It retained in the hands of Governor and Council the authority to originate bills, but in other respects it deviated materially from the conditions of the old charter. The Council was to consist of three, and the General Assembly of six members from each county. The members of Council served one, two, and three years respectively. A provision was introduced looking to increase of representation in proportion to the growth of population. The whole legislative body was to be called the General Assembly, and all bills becoming acts were to be called acts of such Assembly, and the Lower House was not to adjourn until it had acted upon the business before it. It was, moreover, distinctly implied in the language of the charter that some of the rights and prerogatives enjoyed by Penn under it were to cease with his life; they were concessions to his character and his labors for the province, and not a final surrender of freemen’s rights. In return Penn confirmed all in all their liberties, and pledged himself to insure to all the inhabitants of the province the quiet possession and peaceable enjoyment of their lands and estates. The Governor and Council were in what may be called continuous session, since the charter required that the Governor or his deputy shall always preside in the Provincial Council, "and that he shall at no time therein perform any act of State whatsoever that shall or may relate unto the justice, trade, treasury, or safety of the province and territories aforesaid, but by and with the advice and consent of the Provincial Council thereof." The Assembly, however, did not meet again until October 24th, when, after a two days’ session, devoted to business legislation and providing that country produce could be taken in lieu of currency, it adjourned. The business before the Council during 1683 was mainly of a routine character. The people and officials were too busily occupied in out-door work— building, planting, surveying, laying off manors and townships and treating with Indians— to have time to spare for records and debates. Nicholas More, of the Society of Free Traders, was made president of Council. At the Council held in Philadelphia on the 29th of January, 1683, John Moll represented New Castle County in the Council, Francis Whitwell, Kent, and William Clarke, Sussex. The committee of the Assembly were James Williams, of New Castle County; Benony Bishop, Kent; and Luke Watson, Sussex. The next Assembly met at Lewes on the 2d of March, but only routine business was transacted. Early in the year 1684 a number of the inhabitants of Kent County refused to pay their taxes to Penn, and expressed disloyal sentiments against his government, which gave him much concern. The leaders of the revolt appear to be John Richardson, Thomas Heather and Thomas Wilson, who made complaint against the government in the General Assembly. Francis Whitwell and John Hilliard, who were members of the Council with John Richardson, were also implicated in the rebellion. To conciliate the disaffected in the three lower counties of the Delaware, the General Assembly met at New Castle on the 10th of March, 1684, at which William Penn was present. The minutes of this session of the Assembly contain a singular record as illustrative of the character and methods of Penn, and what he meant by creating the office of peacemaker or arbitrator, who might stand between the people and the courts and save them the expenses and heart-burnings of litigation. "Andrew Johnson, Pl., Hance (Hans) Petersen, Deft. There being a Difference depending between them, the Govr & Councill advised them to shake hands, and to forgive One another; and Ordered that they should Enter in bonds for fifty pounds apiece for their good abearance; wch accordingly they did. It was also Ordered that the Records of Court concerning that Business should be burnt." This simple, naked record of how the differences between Jan Jansen and Hans Petersen were settled is one of the most impressive examples of practical ethics applied to jurisprudence that was ever known. William Penn had been long parted from his family, and his affairs in England were not in a good condition. He had done much for his province, which, at this time, had a population of seven thousand. He now thought it good for him to return for a season to England, especially as there was the place in which he might more safely hope to effect a settlement of the vexatious boundary disputes with Lord Baltimore, whose agents had invaded the lower counties, built a fort within five miles of New Castle, and were collecting taxes and rents and dispossessing tenants in that section. Calvert himself had gone to England in March, and Penn wrote to the Duke of York that he meant to follow him as fast as he could. Accordingly, he prepared to leave the province, reorganizing the church discipline of his co-religionaries, and looking after the fiscal system of his civil government in a practical and able way. The ketch "Endeavor," just arrived from England with letters and dispatches, was got ready to carry the Governor back again. He commissioned the Provincial Council to act in his stead while he was away, intrusting the great seal to Thomas Lloyd, the president. Nicholas More, William Welch, William Wood, Robert Turner, and John Eckly were made provincial judges for two years; Markham was secretary of Council, and James Harrison was steward of the house and manor of Pennsbury. He embarked at and sailed from Philadelphia August 12, 1684, sending from on board the vessel ere she sailed a final letter of parting to Lloyd, Claypoole, Simcock, Christopher Taylor, and James Harrison, in which he expresses the deepest affection for those faithful friends, and sends them his prayers and blessings. They had many responsibilities upon their shoulders, and he hoped they would do their duty. The letter concluded with a fervent prayer for Philadelphia, "the virgin settlement of the province, named before thou wert born." Penn arrived in England on the 3d of October, and did not again see his virgin city and his beloved province until 1699. The proceedings of Council and Assembly between 1684 and 1699, while they might fill several pages in a volume of annals, may be summed up in a few paragraphs in a history such as this.(8*) The transactions were, as a rule, not very important, and the major part of the record, outside of the regular routine of appointments, etc., is taken up with the quarrels of public officers among themselves and the complaints of the people against Penn and the government generally. A French ship with irregular papers was seized, condemned, and sold by order of Council under the English navigation laws. There must have been a great many vessels on the coast and in the bays at this time which could not give a good account of themselves, and complaints of piracy are loud and frequent, the colonial governments being sometimes accused of undue leniency in their dealings with the freebooters. Governor Fletcher, of New York, who was also Governor of Pennsylvania during the suspension of Penn’s authority in May, 1693, was on friendly terms with Kidd and others, and Nicholls, one of his Council, was commonly charged with being agent of the sea-rovers. Governor Markham’s alleged son-in-law, James Brown, was denied his seat in the Assembly and put in prison for sailing in a pirate’s vessel. The people of Lewes openly dealt with Kidd, exchanging their provisions for his fine goods. Teach, called Blackbeard, was often about the Delaware, and it was charged that he and the Governor of North Carolina and other officials of that State were altogether too intimate. Penn’s noticeable tact and skill as a peacemaker and composer of personal difficulties were sadly missed after his departure for England. The Assembly and Council got into a serious squabble in consequence of a difference about the prerogatives and dignity of the two bodies. Chief Justice Nicholas More, though an able and probably upright man, was dictatorial and arbitrary, as well as quarrelsome. He was not a Quaker, but he used very plain language sometimes, and was free-spoken. Him the Assembly formally impeached before Council on June 15, 1685, upon the ground of various malpractices and misdemeanors, chiefly technical, or growing out of his blunt manners. Penn at this time, besides his grave concerns at court, was busy looking after the home interests of his province on one side and its external interests on the other, now shipping wine, beer, seeds, and trees to Pennsylvania, anon publishing in London accounts and descriptions of the province and excerpts of letters received from its happy settlers. The proprietary was never fatigued even by the most minute details in any matter in which he desired to succeed, and his letters show that he anticipated and thought about every thing. His supervision was needed, for Council, Assembly, and Governor seem to have been equally incompetent to do anything besides quarrel and disagree in regard to privilege. In fact, underneath these trivial bickerings a great struggle was going on between the representatives of the freemen of the province and the sponsors for Penn’s personal interests and his proprietary prerogative. This contest lasted long, and Penn’s friends in the end, without serving his political interests materially, contrived to deal his personal interests a cruel blow, by exciting the people of the province to hostile feelings against him, and provoking them to withhold rents and purchases, and reduce his income in every possible way. Penn himself wrote to Lloyd, in 1686, that the ill fame the province had gained on account of its bickerings had lost it fifteen thousand immigrants, who would have gone thither had its affairs appeared more settled, but as it was they went to North Carolina instead. In February, 1687, Penn took the executive power away from the Council and intrusted it to a commission of five persons,— Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas More, James Claypoole, Robert Turner, and John Eckly, any three to have power to act. He sent over many instructions to his board, among others to compel the Council to their charter attendance or dissolve them without further ado and choose others, "for I will no more endure their most slothful and dishonorable attendance." The commissioners were enjoined to keep up the dignity of their station, in Council and out, and not to permit any disorders either in Council or Assembly, and not to allow any parleys or conferences between the two Houses, but curiously inspect the proceedings of both. They were further in Penn’s name to disavow all laws passed since his absence, and to call a new Assembly to repass, modify, and alter the laws. When this commission was received, in February, 1688, both More and Claypoole were dead. Their places were supplied by Arthur Cook and John Simcock, and the new elections ordered gave Samuel Richardson the appointment of member of Council for three years, while Thomas Hooten, Thomas Fitzwalter, Lasse Cock, James Fox, Griffith Owen, and William Southerby were chosen members of Assembly. The contests for privilege between Council and Assembly were at once renewed; the Assembly swore its members to divulge no proceedings, and practically made its sessions secret; the Council asserted its ancient prerogatives; in short, the quarrel was interminable except by what would be practically revolution, for on one side was a written charter and a system of iron-bound laws, on the other the popular determination, growing stronger every day, to secure for the freemen of the province and their representatives a larger share in the major concerns of government and legislation. The commission, in fact, would not work upon trial, and before the year was out Penn sent over a Governor for the province, an old officer under the Commonwealth and Cromwell, and son-in-law of that Gen. Lambert who at one time was Monk’s rival,— by name John Blackwell. Governor Blackwell had a troublesome career in office. For a peaceable, non-resistant people, the Pennsylvania settlers had as many domestic difficulties on their hands as ever any happy family had. As soon as Blackwell was inducted he was brought in collision with Thomas Lloyd, who would not give up the great seal of the province, and declined to affix it to any commissions or documents of which he did not approve. As the misunderstanding grew deeper, the old issue of prerogative came up again, and it was declared that Blackwell was not Governor, for the reason that, under the charter, Penn could not create a Governor, but only appoint a Deputy-Governor. An effort was made to expel from the Council a member who had insisted upon this view of the case; it failed, the Governor dissolved the Council, and at the next session the people re-elected John Richardson, the offending member, whom, however, Blackwell refused to permit to take his seat. From this the quarrel went on until we find Lloyd and Blackwell removing and reappointing officers, and the public officers declining to submit their records to the Council and the courts. Lloyd was elected member of Council from Bucks County, and Blackwell refused to let him take his seat, which brought on a violent controversy. The general discussion of privilege and prerogative in connection with these differences led Bradford, the printer, to print for general use an edition of the "Form of Government and the Great Law," so that everybody might see for himself the right and the wrong of the matters in dispute. The expense of the publication, it is said, was borne by Joseph Growdon, a member of Council. It was considered a dangerous and incendiary act, and Bradford was summoned before the Council and closely interrogated, but he would not admit that he had printed the document, though he was the only person in the province who could have done it. There was a Council quarrel over this thing too, some men quoting Penn as favoring publicity for the acts of Assembly, another proclaiming his dread of the press, because the charter, in fact, made him a sort of independent prince. The result was the Council broke up in confusion, and for some time could not get a quorum together. The Assembly, meeting May 10th, was suddenly adjourned for the same reason, the popular party having discovered that by a negative, non-resistance policy of this sort the Governor’s plans and purposes were paralyzed. There were no meetings of either Council or Assembly from the latter part of May till the last of August. Then Blackwell sprung upon the Council a great rumor of terrible things in store for the province; the Indians and Papists had leagued together; the Northern Indians were coming down the Susquehanna, and the lower counties were already mustering to resist the invasion of an army of nine thousand men on their way from Maryland to destroy Philadelphia. Blackwell wanted instant authority to levy a force for defense, but the Quakers took things rather more quietly. They did not want an army and they did not believe the rumors. Clarke said if any such scheme of invasion had ever been entertained it was now dead. Peter Alrichs said there was nothing to be scared about. John Simcock did not see "but what we are as safe, keeping peaceable, as those who have made all this strife." Griffith Jones said there was no cause of danger if they kept quiet. In fact, the Council not only objected to a levy, but they laughed at Blackwell’s apprehensions. Markham said that all such talk had no effect but to scare the women and children. The Governor found he could do nothing, and adjourned the Council. Next came news that James II. was dethroned and William of Orange made king of England. The Council was called together, and the honest Quakers, not feeling sure which king they were under, determined neither to celebrate nor wear mourning, but to wait events, the Council amusing themselves in the mean time by keeping up their old feuds. Shrewsbury’s letter announcing the new king’s intention to make immediate war on the French king was laid before Council Oct. 1, 1689, and was accompanied with the usual warning about defensive measures and the need for commercial vessels to sail in company and under the protection of convoys. William and Mary were at once formally proclaimed in the province, and a fresh discussion arose in regard to the proper defensive measures and the necessity for an armed militia. The Quakers were utterly opposed to any sort of military preparations. If they armed themselves, it was urged, the Indians would at once rise. "As we are," said sensible Simcock, "we are in no danger but from bears and wolves. We are well and in peace and quiet. Let us keep ourselves so. I know naught but a peaceable spirit and that will do well." Griffith Jones, moreover, showed how much the thing would cost and how it would increase taxation. Finally, after long discussions, the Quakers withdrew from active opposition, and the preparations for defense were left to the discretion of the Governor. William Penn himself was now in deep difficulties and partly a fugitive in hiding. He was afraid to act openly any longer as the Governor of the province. Accordingly he made another change, and when Governor Blackwell called the Council together on Jan. 1, 1690, it was to inform them that he had been relieved of his office. He seemed glad to be free. The Council, acting upon Penn’s instructions and commission on January 2, 1690, elected Thomas Lloyd president and de facto Deputy-Governor. The lower Delaware counties were envious of the growth of Philadelphia, Bucks, and Chester. The traditions and manners of the different sections had little similarity. Finally the bad feeling grew so strong as to lead to secession, which is more fully treated in a succeeding chapter. The Delaware counties (or "territories," as they were called) held a separate Council, elected their own judges, and finally compelled Penn, in 1691, much against his will, to divide the government, which he did by continuing Lloyd as Deputy-Governor of the province, and appointing Markham Deputy-Governor of the territories. George Keith also had at this time begun to agitate in behalf of his schism. The French and Indian hostilities on the frontier, the apathy and non-resistance of the Quakers, and the ambiguous position of Penn, lurking in concealment, with an indictment hanging over his head, were made the pretexts for taking the government of Penn’s province away from him. His intimate relations with the dethroned king, and the fact that his province, as well as the Delaware Hundreds, had been James’ private property, and were still governed to some extent by "the Duke of York’s laws," probably had much to do with prompting this extreme measure. Governor Benjamin Fletcher, of New York, was made "Captain-General" of Pennsylvania on October 24, 1692, by royal patent. He came to Philadelphia April 26, 1693, had his letters patent read in the market-place, and offered the test oaths to the members of the Council. Thomas Lloyd refused to take them, but Markham, Andrew Robeson, William Turner, William Salway, and Lasse Cock all subscribed. Fletcher made Markham his Lieutenant-Governor, to preside over Council in the captain-general’s absence in New York. He reunited the Delaware Hundreds to the province, but did not succeed in harmonizing affairs in his new government. The Council and he fell out about the election of representatives to the Assembly. When the Legislature met, Fletcher demanded men and money to aid New York in carrying on the war with the French and Indians. The Assembly refused to comply unless the vote of supplies was preceded by a redress of grievances. Fletcher tried to reason with them. "I would have you consider," he said in his speech to the Assembly, "the walls about your gardens and orchards, your doors and locks of your houses, mastiff dogs and such other things as you make use of to defend your goods and property against thieves and robbers, are the same courses that their majesties take for their forts, garrisons, and soldiers, etc., to secure their kingdom and provinces, and you as well as the rest of their subjects." But the Quakers were not to be convinced by any such arguments. Fletcher had reduced the number of Assemblymen, and when the Legislature met on May 16th, the first thing before the Assembly was a proposition to raise money by taxation,— the first tax levied in Pennsylvania and Delaware,— and an act was passed levying a penny a pound on property for the support of the government. The sum thus raised amounted to seven hundred and sixty pounds, sixteen shillings. Thus far Fletcher succeeded, only to fail, however, when he attempted to secure the passage of a law providing for organizing the militia. The Assembly did pass an act providing for the education of children, and also one for the establishment of a post-office. A good deal of practical local legislation was done also, probably under Markham’s influence, for he was an active, energetic man, and knew the town, the people, and their wants better than any other person could do. In the winter of 1693, Penn was acquitted by the king of all charges against him and restored to favor, his government being confirmed to him anew by letters patent granted in August, 1694. Penn would probably have returned to his province immediately after his exoneration, but his wife was ill, and died in February, 1694. This great affliction and the disordered state of his finances detained him in England several years longer. After his government was restored to him, his old friend and deputy, Thomas Lloyd, having died, Penn once more appointed his cousin, William Markham, to be Deputy-Governor, with John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter for assistants. These commissions reached Markham on March 25, 1695. In the mean time Governor Fletcher, with his deputy (this same Markham), had been encountering the old difficulties with Council and Assembly during 1694–95. The dread of French and Indians still prevailed, but it was not sufficient to induce the Quakers of the province to favor a military régime. Indeed, Tammany and his bands of Delawares had given the best proof of their pacific intentions by coming into Philadelphia and entreating the Governor and Council to interfere to prevent the Five Nations from forcing them into the fight with the French and Hurons. They did not want to have anything to do with the war, but to live as they had been living in concord and quiet with their neighbors the Friends. There is no evidence that the league of amity, implied or written, had ever been seriously broken. The Indians would sometimes be drunk and disorderly, and sometimes would steal a pig or a calf, but that was all. As Tammany said in this conference with Fletcher and Markham, "We and the Christians of this river have always had a free roadway to one another, and though sometimes a tree has fallen across the road, yet we have still removed it again and kept the path clear, and we design to continue the old friendship that has been between us and you." Fletcher promised to protect the Delawares from the Senecas and Onondagas, and told them it was to their interest to remain quiet and at peace. When the Legislature met (May 22, 1694), Fletcher, who had just returned from Albany, tried his best to get a vote of men and money, or either, for defensive purposes. He even suggested that they could quiet their scruples by raising money simply to feed the hungry and clothe the naked, but this roundabout way did not commend itself to Quaker simplicity and straightforwardness. A tax of a penny per pound was laid to compensate Thomas Lloyd and William Markham for their past services, the surplus to constitute a fund to be disbursed by Governor and Council, but an account of the way it went was to be submitted to the next General Assembly. Further than this the Assembly would not go. Fletcher wanted the money to be presented to the king, to be appropriated as he chose for the aid of New York and the defense of Albany. He objected likewise to the Assembly naming tax collectors in the act, but the Assembly asserted its undoubted right to control the disposition of money raised by taxation, and thereupon the Governor dissolved it. In June, 1695, after Markham was well settled in his place as Penn’s Deputy-Governor, there were again wild rumors of French designs upon the colonies and of squadrons already at sea to assail them, and this was so far credited that a watch and lookout station was maintained for several months at Cape Henlopen. In the latter part of this same month Markham informed the Council that Governor Fletcher had made a requisition upon him for ninety-one men and officers, or the funds for maintaining that number for the defense of New York. This matter was pressed by Fletcher, but the Council decided that it was too weighty a business to be transacted without consulting the General Assembly, which would not meet before the second week of September. Markham suggested an earlier day for meeting, but the Council thought the securing of the crops a more important business than any proposition that the ex-captain-general had to lay before them. When the Assembly did meet, in September, it at once revealed the cause of the continual discontents which had vexed the province, and gave Deputy-Governor Markham the opportunity to prove that he was an honest man. It voted a tax of a penny per pound and six shillings per capita (from which probably £1500 would have been realized), proposing out of the receipts from the levy to pay Markham £300, contribute £250 towards the maintenance of government, and assign the surplusage to the payment of debts of the government. But the members accompanied this bill with another, a new act of settlement, in which the Assembly secured to itself the privileges which they had sought to obtain from Penn in vain. It was, as has justly been remarked, a species of "logrolling." It had long been practiced with success by Parliament upon the impecunious monarchs of England, and in these modern times has been reduced to a science by nearly all legislative bodies. Markham, however, refused the bait. He declined to give his assent to both bills; the Assembly refused to divorce them, and the Deputy-Governor, in imitation of Fletcher’s summary method, at once dissolved them in the very teeth of the charter he was refusing to supersede. After Markham’s first failure to walk in Fletcher’s footsteps, he appears to have dispensed with both Council and Assembly for an entire year, governing the province as suited himself, with the aid of some few letters from Penn, made more infrequent by the war with France. On the 25th of September, 1696, however, he summoned a new Council, Philadelphia being represented in it by Edward Shippen, Anthony Morris, David Lloyd, and Patrick Robinson, the latter being secretary. The home government, through a letter from Queen Mary (the king being on the continent), it appeared, complained of the province for violating the laws regulating trade and plantations (probably in dealing with the West Indies). The Council advised the Governor to send out writs of election and convene a new Assembly on the 26th of October. He complied, and as soon as the Assembly met a contest began with the Governor. Markham urged that the queen’s letter should be attended to, asking for supplies for defense, and also called their attention to William Penn’s pledge that, when he regained his government, the interests of England should not be neglected. The Assembly replied with a remonstrance against the Governor’s speech and a petition for the restoration of the provincial charter as it was before the government was committed to Governor Fletcher’s trust. That Governor was still asking for money and relief, and Markham entreated that a tax might be levied, and, if conscience needed to be quieted in the matter, the money could be appropriated for the purchase of food and raiment for those nations of Indians that had lately suffered so much by the French. This proposition became the basis of a compromise, the Assembly agreeing to vote a tax of one penny per pound, provided the Governor convened a new Assembly, with a full number of representatives according to the old charter, to meet March 10, 1697, to serve in Provincial Council and Assembly, according to charter, until the lord proprietary’s pleasure could be known about the matter; if he disapproved, the act was to be void. Markham yielded, his Council drew up the supply bill and a new charter or frame of government, and both bills became laws. Markham’s new Constitution, adopted November 7, 1696, was couched upon the proposition that "the former frame of government, modeled by act of settlement and charter of liberties, is not deemed in all respects suitably accommodated to our present circumstances." The Council was to consist of two representatives from each county, the Assembly of four; elections to take place on the 10th of March each year, and the General Assembly to meet on the 10th of May each year. The Markham charter goes into details in regard to the oaths or affirmations of officials of all classes, jurors, witnesses, etc.; it sets the pay of Councilmen and members of Assembly, and is on the whole a clear and more satisfactory frame of government than the one which it superseded, while not varying in many substantive features from that instrument. The Assembly secured at least one-half what the framers of the province had so long been fighting for, to wit: That the representatives of the freemen, when met in Assembly, shall have power to prepare and propose to the Governor and Council all such bills as they or the major part of them shall at any time see needful to be passed into law within the said province and territories." This was a great victory for the popular cause. Another equally important point gained was a clause declaring the General Assembly indissoluble for the time for which its members were elected, and giving it power to sit upon its own adjournments and committees, and to continue its sessions in order to propose and prepare bills, redress grievances, and impeach criminals. There is not much more to say about the history of this period. The Colonial Records furnish a barren tale of new roads petitioned for and laid out; fires, and precautions taken against them and preparations to meet them; tax-bills, etc. William Penn sailed from Cowes on September 9, 1699, for his province. He had arranged his English affairs; he brought his second wife and his daughter and infants with him; probably he expected this time at least to remain in the province for good and all. He reached Philadelphia December 1st, and took lodgings with Robert Wade. The city of his love was quiet, sad, gloomy. It was just beginning to react after having been frightfully ravaged by an epidemic of yellow fever, attended with great mortality, and the people who survived were sober and quiet enough to suit the tastes of the most exacting Quaker. The first Council attended by Penn met on December 21, 1699, and the issue between the Admiralty Court and the provincial government was given immediate prominence. Col. Quarry was invited to attend the next day’s Council meeting, and it was resolved that a proclamation should be forthwith published discouraging piracy and illegal trade. Quarry’s charge against Penn’s government was that the justices of Philadelphia Court had issued a writ of replevin, and sent the sheriff (Claypoole) to seize goods which were in the custody of the marshal of the Admiralty Court, at New Castle, having been legally seized in the name of the crown; that the justices had been offensive and insolent to Judge Quarry, challenging his commission and claiming that their jurisdiction was co-extensive with his and their authority to unloose fully as great as his to bind; that the sheriff made a pretence of keeping certain pirates in custody, while in fact they were at large every day. This led to a long conference, and it had the result that the Assembly to be called would come prepared to agitate the question of constitutional amendment, as well as that of piracy and illicit trade. It was decided to call the old Assembly to meet on January 25th, a new election being ordered in New Castle County, which had neglected to choose representatives for the last Assembly. At the time named the Assembly came together. The sheriff of New Castle County returned, in answer to the Governor’s writ, that Richard Halliwell and Robert French were elected members of the Council, and John Healy, Adam Peterson, William Guest, and William Houston members of Assembly. The writ for this election is interesting from its unusual form: "To R. Halliwell, Jn. Donaldson, and Robt French, of Newcastle: Inclosed I send you a writ for ye County of Newcastle, to return their Representative for a Council and Assembly, that I am forced to call with all possible speed. Piracies and Illegal trade have a made such a noise in Engld, and ye jealousies of their being so much encouraged in these Amcan parts, such an impression on the minds of sevll great ones, that I think myself obliged to give them earlier Demonstrations of our Zeal agst all such Practices than an expectation of ye next Assembly (wch comes not on till the Spring), or a full consideration of the Constitution and present frame of Governmt will admit of. The business of this I now call will be very short, and soon over, & ye new Assembly meets soon after, in which I hope to take such effectual measures for the future & better settlemt of this Governmt as will give full satisfaction to all. "Pr. DYER. "Philada, 12 mo, 1699–1700." Some of the New Castle people complained that they did not have any sufficient notice of this election. Penn said the sheriff should be punished for his neglect, but in the mean time there would be no business before the present session except what was named in the writ, in which he hoped all would concur, without making the New Castle case a precedent for the future. Committees of Council and Assembly were appointed to consider the subject of the two proposed bills, which, after several conferences and some debate, were passed. The Assembly did not like the clause forbidding trade with Madagascar and Natal; these places, it was explained, had become retreats and retiring-places of the pirates, and trade with them was accordingly forbidden for three years. Penn then dissolved the Assembly, after informing them that he intended to call the next General Assembly according to charter at the usual annual session. Penn had not signified to the Assembly whether or not he approved of the charter granted by Markham in 1696. Nor did he ever formally approve it, for the charter finally granted by Penn in 1701 appeared as if it were an amendment to or substitute for the charter of 1683. Penn apparently was not on very good terms with Markham at this time, or else the latter’s ill health (he died in 1704 after a long illness) no longer suffered him to take an active part in government affairs.(9*) Penn showed himself determined at this time to break up the piracy in the Delaware. He even went a little into the detective and private inquiry business himself. He wrote to Luke Watson: "Thy Son’s Wife has made Affidavit to-day before me of what she saw & knows of Geo. Thomson having East India goods by him about ye time Kidd’s Ship came to yor Capes: Thy Son doubtless knows much more of the business; I desire therefore thee would cause him to make affidavit before thee of what he knows either of Georges Goods or any of ye rest." To the magistrates at New Castle he wrote that he had information that pirates or persons suspected of piracy had "lately landed below, on this and t’other side the River, & that some hover about New Castle, full of Gold. These are to desire you to use your utmost Endeavor and Diligence in discovering and app’hending all such p sons as you may know or hear of that may be so suspected, according to my Proclamation." A similar letter was sent to Nehemiah ffield and Jonathan Bailey. Birch, collector of customs at New Castle, wrote to Penn under date of May 28, 1700, complaining of vessels having gone down from and come up to Philadelphia without reporting to him. Penn answered he was sorry that masters were so lacking in respect. There was a bill now before the Assembly to make the offense penal. But he thinks a customs collector ought to have a boat, if he wanted to secure the enforcement of the laws, which were all on his side. "Thou canst not expect that any at Philadelphia, 40 miles distant from you, can putt Laws in execution at N. Castle, without any care or vigilance of officers there, if so there needed none in the place, especially since no place in the River or Bay yields ye prospect yt is at New Castle of seeing 20 miles one way and a dozen the other, any vessel coming either up or down." Penn confesses he thinks the particular care he had taken of the interests of the king and his immediate officers deserved a better return "than such testy expressions as thou flings out in thy Letters both to myself and of one to ye members of Council." Birch is reminded that he has forgotten the respect due to the proprietary’s station and conduct, and that he should not make Penn a sufferer on account of his pique against the collector at Philadelphia, a matter with which he neither had nor wanted anything to do. "Let your Masters at home decide it; what comes fairly before me I shall acquitt myself of, with Honr & Justice to ye best of my understanding wthout regard to fear or favour, for those sordid passions shall never move ye Proprietr & Govr of Pensilvania." But Penn was not done with Mr. Birch yet. In a postscript he says he hears that the collector talks of writing home, and making he knows not what complaints "I hope thou wilt be cautious in that point lest I should write too, which, when I doe, may prove loud enough to make thee sensible of it at a distance. If thou understands not this, it shall be explained to thee at our next meeting, when I am more at Leisure." This letter, full of conscious power, was palpably meant for Quarry quite as much as Birch. Penn sent the whole correspondence to the Lords of Trade, and when Birch died shortly afterwards, Penn himself appointed his successor protem., in order, as he said, to protect His Majesty’s interests,— in other words, implying that those interests were not served by either Birch or Quarry. At the session of the Assembly and Council, in October, 1700, at New Castle, there was a general revision of laws, and a tax bill was passed to raise two thousand pounds. One hundred and four acts were passed at this session of the General Assembly, the most of them being modifications of existing laws, or acts of local character and minor importance. The purchase of land from Indians without consent of the proprietary was forbidden; better provision was made for the poor. Dueling and challenging to combat visited with three months’ imprisonment; bound servants forbidden to be sold without their consent and that of two magistrates, and at the expiration of their term of service were to have clothes and implements given them. An act relating to roads gave the regulation of county roads to county justices, and the king’s highway and public roads to the Governor and Council; inclosures were to be regulated, corn-field fences to be made pig-tight and five feet high, of rails or logs; when such fences were not provided, the delinquent to be liable to all damages from stock. The counties were to provide railed bridges over streams at their own expense, and to appoint overseers of highways and viewers of fences. A health bill was also passed, providing quarantine for vessels with disease aboard. A new Assembly was called to meet on the 15th of September, 1701. The proprietary told them he would have been glad to defer the session to the usual time, but he was summoned away to England by news seriously threatening his and their interests. A combined effort was making in Parliament to obtain an act for annexing the several proprietary governments to the crown. A bill for that purpose had passed a second reading in the House of Lords, and it was absolutely necessary for Penn to be on the spot to prevent the success of these schemes. When the Assembly met, Penn told them he contemplated the voyage with great reluctance, "having promised myself the Quietness of a wilderness," but, finding he could best serve them on the other side of the water, "neither the rudeness of the season nor the tender circumstances of my family can overrule my intention to undertake it." At the first regular session of the Assembly since his return (April, 1700) Penn had addressed them on the subject of reforming the charter and laws. Some laws were obsolete, he said, some hurtful, some imperfect and needing improvement, new ones to be made also. All this, however, was simply preliminary. The Assembly made a remonstrance and petitions of the people of Philadelphia which had been presented to Governor Markham in April, 1697, and again brought before Penn, were made the occasion for an address to the proprietary.(10*) This address was in twenty-one articles, embracing the substance of what the Assembly conceived should be entertained in any new charter. It was made up of specific demands for political privileges and territorial concessions, and, as Gordon observes, was "the germ of a long and bitter controversy." The political privileges demanded were that in case the proprietary left the province, due care should be taken to have him represented by persons of integrity and considerable known estate, with full power to deal with lands and titles, that an ample protective charter should be granted, that all property questions should be settled in the courts, and no longer allowed to go before Governor and Council, and that the justices should license and regulate ordinaries and drinking-houses. The rest of the articles were in reference to the land question, and the freedom of the demands provoked the Governor, who said, on hearing the articles read, that if he had freely expressed his inclination to indulge them, "they were altogether as free in their cravings," and there were several of the articles which could not concern them "as a House of Representatives conven’d on affairs of Gov’m’t." In fact, the Assembly demanded (1) that the proprietary should cease to exercise the right of reviewing and altering the land contracts made in his name by the Deputy-Governor, and that the latter should have power to remedy all shortages and over-measures; (2) that the charter should secure all titles and clear all Indian purchases; (3) that there should be no more delay in confirming lands and granting patents, and the ten in the hundred should be allowed as agreed upon; (4) no surveyor, secretary, or other person to take any extra fees beyond the law’s allowance; (5) the ancient land records, made before Penn’s coming, should be "lodged in such hands as ye Assembly shall judge to be most safe;" (6) a patent office should be created, like that of Jamaica; (7) that the original terms for laying out Philadelphia were clogged with rents and reservations contrary to the design of the first grant, and these should be eased; (8) "that the Land lying back of that part of the town already built remain for common, and that no leases be Granted, for the future, to make Inclosures to the damage of the Publick, until such time as the respective owners shall be ready to build or Improve thereon, and that the Islands and fflats near the Town be left to the Inhabitants of this town to get their winter ffodder;" (9) that the streets of the town should be regulated and bounded, the ends on Delaware and Schuylkill to be unlimited and left free, and free public landing-places be confirmed at the Blue Anchor Tavern and the Penny Pot-House; (10) the deeds of enfeoffment from the Duke of York for the lower counties should be recorded in their courts, and all lands not disposed of then be letted at the old rate of a bushel of wheat the hundred acres; (11) New Castle should receive the one thousand acres of common land promised to it, and bank-lots these to be confirmed to owners of front lots at low-water mark, at the rent of a bushel of wheat per lot; (12) all the hay marshes should be laid out for commons, except such as were already granted; (13) that all patents hereafter to be granted to the territories should be on the same conditions as the warrants or grants were obtained, and that people should have liberty to buy up their quit-rents, as formerly promised. Penn informed the Assembly that their address was solely on property, and chiefly in relation to private contracts between him and individuals, whereas he had recommended them to consider their privileges, the bulwark of property. He would never suffer any Assembly to intermeddle in his property. The Assembly retorted that they were of opinion they had privileges sufficient as Englishmen, and would leave the rest to Providence. As to the king’s letter demanding a subsidy, the country was too much straitened of late by the necessary payment of their debts and taxes; other colonies did not seem to have done anything, and they must, therefore, beg to be excused. Penn now made answer to the address, article by article; he would appoint such deputies as he had confidence in, and he hoped they would be of honest character, unexceptionable, and capable of doing what was right by proprietary and province; he was willing to grant a new charter, and to dispense with delays in granting patents; fees he was willing should be regulated by law, but hoped he would not be expected to pay them; the custody of the records was as much his business as the Assembly’s; if the Jamaica patent law would improve things he was willing to have it adopted; the claim for town lots was erroneous; the reservations in the city were his own, not the property of the inhabitants; improvements of bed of streets conceded; license proposition conceded; the deeds for Delaware counties were recorded by Ephraim Herman; the other propositions, in substance, so far as they were important, were negatived or referred for revision. In the course of the discussions the representatives of the lower counties took offense and withdrew from the Assembly; they objected to having the Assembly confirm and re-enact the laws passed at New Castle, since they regarded these as already permanent and established. This was only preliminary to the final separation of the Delaware counties from Pennsylvania. Finally the Assembly was dissolved on Oct. 28, 1701, the Governor having signed an act to establish courts of judicature for the punishment of petty larceny; for minor attachments; for preventing clandestine marriages; for preventing fires in towns; for preventing swine from running at large; for the destruction of blackbirds and crows, and against selling rum to the Indians. Penn also signed the Charter of Privileges, "with a Warrant to Affix the Great Seal to it, wch was delivered with it to Thomas Story, Keeper of the said Seal, and master of the Rolls, to be Sealed and Recorded." The Charter of Privileges, after a specific preamble, begins by confirming freedom of conscience and liberty of religious profession and worship in ample terms, as had been done in the earlier form of government; it provided for an Assembly of four members from each county, to be elected by the freemen each year on October 1st, and meet in General Assembly October 14th, at Philadelphia. The Assembly to choose its own Speaker and officers, judge the qualification and election of its own members, sit upon its own adjournments, appoint committees, prepare bills in or to pass into laws, impeach criminals and redress grievances, "and shall have all other powers and privileges of an Assembly, according to the rights of the freeborn subjects of England, and as is usual in any of the King’s Plantations in America." The freemen of each county, on the election day for Assemblymen, were to select two persons for sheriff and two for coroner, the Governor to commission a sheriff and a coroner, each to serve for three years, from the persons so chosen for him to select from. If the voters neglected to nominate candidates for these offices, the county justices should remedy the defect. "Fourthly, that the Laws of this Govrmt shall be in this stile, vizt. (By the Governour with the Consent and Approbation of the freemen in General Assembly mett) and shall be, after Confirmation by the Governour, forthwith Recorded in the Rolls office, and kept at Philadia, unless the Govr. and Assembly shall agree to appoint another place." "Fifthly, all criminals to have the same privilege of witness and counsel as their accusers; complaints as to property not to be heard anywhere but in courts of justice, unless upon appeal lawfully provided for; no licenses for ordinaries, &c., to be granted but upon recommendation of the County Justices, who also can suppress such houses for disorder and misconduct; suicide was not to work escheat of property nor affect its regular descent to legal heirs; no forfeiture of estates to proprietary in consequence of accidents." The charter was not to be amended or altered in any way but by consent of the Governor and six-sevenths of the Assembly, and the first article, guaranteeing liberty of conscience, "shall be kept and remain without any alteration, Inviolably forever." The Assembly, by this charter, at last secured what it had been contending for ever since the first session at Upland,— the parliamentary privilege of originating bills, which must be inherent in every properly constituted legislative body. Penn, in fact, conceded everything but the margin of acres for shortage, the town lots, and the quitrents. To expedite the conveyance of patents, titles, and land-grants he created a commission of property, consisting of Edward Shippen, Griffith Owen, Thomas Story, and James Logan, with power to grant lots and lands and make titles. The new charter did away with an elective Council, and the legislative power was vested exclusively in the Assembly. But Penn commissioned a Council under his own seal to consult and assist him or his deputy or lieutenant in all the public affairs of the province. The Council thus commissioned were to hold their places at the Governor’s pleasure, the Deputy-Governor to have the power to appoint men where there was a vacancy, to nominate a president of Council, and even to increase the number of members. The Council as nominated by Penn consisted of Edward Shippen, John Guest, Samuel Carpenter, William Clarke, Thomas Story, Griffith Owen, Phineas Pemberton, Samuel Finney, Caleb Pusey, and John Blunston, any four of them to be a quorum. On or about November 1, 1701, William Penn, with his wife Hannah, his daughter Letitia, and his infant son John, embarked on board the ship "Dalmahoy" for England. Penn commissioned Andrew Hamilton, formerly Governor of East and West New Jersey, to be his Lieutenant-Governor; and he made James Logan provincial secretary and clerk of Council. While the ship dropped down the river the proprietary wrote his letter of instructions to Logan, from which extracts have been given above. And so Penn passed away from the province he had created, never to return to it again. He died on the 30th of July, 1718 (O.S.), in the seventy-fourth year of his age. The funeral took place August 5th, in the burial-ground at Jordan’s Quaker meeting-house, in Buckinghamshire, where his first wife and several of his family were already interred. After Penn’s departure from the Delaware the proceedings of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of the province became monotonous and dreary. A constant struggle was going on, but it had no variations. The same issues were being all the time fought out, over the same familiar ground and by the same parties. The interests of the crown, the interests of the proprietary, the interests of the people, did not harmonize; there was a continual and incessant clash, and yet nothing was settled. The Governors were of inferior metal, the people vexed and complaining, the Penns wanted money, the crown wanted supplies and money, was jealous and solicitous about prerogative, everything seemed to be at odds and outs, yet the colony grew and prospered amazingly. The various and conflicting interests did not disturb a people who were peacefully reaping the fruits of their labors on a kindly soil in a gentle climate, almost untaxed and almost ungoverned, and immigration flowed in like a steady mountain tide. On July 10, 1701, in advance of official instructions, Lieutenant-Governor Andrew Hamilton and Council ordered Anne of Denmark to be proclaimed Queen of Great Britain, principally because war had been declared with France and Spain, and the use of the sovereign’s name was necessary in calling out the militia for defense. This determination to involve the colony in military measures at once provoked the passive resistance of the Quakers. When the time came (November 14, 1701) for the Assembly to meet, the lower counties on the Delaware were not represented. An adjournment was had, elections held, and new representatives chosen, but they likewise refused to go to Philadelphia, and so the Quakers of that county, Bucks and Chester had things all their own way. Hamilton died April 20, 1703, and was succeeded, on February 2, 1704, by John Evans, Penn’s new Governor. He failed in procuring the return of the representatives of the lower counties to the Assembly, alienating them more completely still, and irritating the represented counties by his methods of procedure. * We have examined with care the evidence both for and against the assumption that Bradford came over in the ship with Penn, and our judgment is that it is by no means proven, but, on the contrary, that the preponderance is against the assumption. The evidence is conflicting. ** Their daughter Mary, who married Isaac Knight, of Abingdon, is stated to have been "one of the first children born of English parents in Pennsylvania." She was born on the 28th of October, 1682, the day of Penn’s landing at New Castle. *** Ephraim and Caspar Herman, who prominently figure in the history of Delaware, were both sons of Augustin Herman, a Bohenian adventurer of great accomplishments; a soldier, scholar, surveyor, sailor, and diplomatist, who, after serving in Stuyveysant’s Council in New Amsterdam, and conducting an embassy from him to Lord Baltimore, incurred the haughty director’s displeasure, and was cast into prison. He escaped, went into Maryland, surveyed and made a map of the Chesapeake Bay and the province, and was paid with the gift of a territory in Kent and Cecil Counties, which he called Bohemia Manor. It was intersected by a river of the same name. A part of this tract was sold by Herman to a congregation of Labadists, who settled upon it. Ephraim Herman, who was born in 1654, lived chiefly among the Swedes in New Amstel and Upland. He was clerk of the court here in 1676. In 1679 he married Elizabeth von Rodenburg a daughter of the Governor of Curacoa, and took her to Uplands, where he shortly afterwards deserted her to join the Labadists. He returned to her, however, after while, and was in Upland on the day of Penn’s arrival. (4*) The inhabitants of New Castle also made a pledge of obedience to Penn on October 28, 1682, and "solemnly promise to yield to him all just obedience, and to live quietly and peaceably under his government." It was signed by Arnoldus de la Grange, J. de Haes, H.V.D. Brieth, Wm. Simphill, John Holmes, Hendrick Lemmons, Joseph Moore, James Parmes, Jonas Arskine, Giles Barrotts, Pieter Classen, Samuel Land. (5*) The original commission is preserved at Harrisburg, in the Land Office, from which we have copied the following: "William Penn, Esq., proprietor and governor of Pennsylvania, New Castle, St. Jones, Whorekills, alias Deal, with their proper liberties:— I do, in the king’s name, hereby constitute and authorize you, John Moll, Peter Alricks, Johannes de Haes, William Simple, Arnoldus de la Grange, and John Cann, to be justices of the peace, and a court of judicature, for the town of New Castle, upon Delaware, and twelve miles north and west of the same, to the north side of Duck Creek, whereof any four of you shall make a quorum, to act in the said employment and trust, for the preservation of the peace and justice of the province, according to law, hereby willing and charging all persons within the said limits to take notice hereof, and accordingly to yield you all due and just obedience in the discharge of the said trust. And this commission to be in force for the space of one whole year, or until further ordered. Given under my hand and seal, in New Castle, this 28th day of October, 1682. WILLIAM PENN. "For my loving friends, John Moll, Peter Alricks, Johannes de Haes, William Simple, Arnoldus de la Grange, and John Cann, whose acceptance and obligation, signed by themselves, is also preserved as follows: "We, whose names are here subscribed, being by William Penn, Esq., proprietor and governor of the province of Pennsylvania and New Castle, &c., appointed justices of peace for the town of New Castle, upon Delaware, and twelve miles north and west of the same, to the north side of Duck Creek, do hereby, in the presence of God, declare and solemnly promise that we will, by the help of God be just and true, and faithfully discharge our trust, in obedience to the same commission, and act therein according to the best of our understandings. Witness our hands and seals. Given at Delaware, the 28th October, 1682." (Signed by all of them.) (6*) In his speech in open court directed to the inhabitants in general, he requested them to bring in at the next court to be held in New Castle, "all their patents, surveys, grants, and claims, which they had to their lands, livings, tenements, and possessions, promising to ascertain, adjust, and confirm not only those as had a sufficient title and right, but also those as yet wanted a certain right to the same, so far forth as equity, justice, and reason could require." He also recommended them to take inspection, view and look over their town plots, to see what vacant room may be found therein for the accommodating and seating of newcomers, traders, and handicraftsmen therein. The proprietary was evidently afraid of being crowded at Philadelphia, where as yet but very little building had been done. (7*) There is a discrepancy here which it is difficult to make clear. The text follows Hazard: but Mr. Linn, in his work giving the "Duke of York’s laws," shows that the "Great Law" as adopted contained only sixty-one sections, and Mr. Hazard’s classification is pronounced to be "evidently erroneous." In fact, it is said in Council Proceedings of 1689, that a serious lack of agreement was discovered between the Council copy of laws and the enrolled parchment copies in the hands of the Master of the Rolls. Mr. Linn also claims that Mr. Hazard is in error in regard to the date of the passage of the "Act of Settlement," which was adopted not in 1682, but on March 19, 1683. (8*) On February 1, 1685, Peter Alrichs was appointed ranger of New Castle County. On the 13th of March, 1686, the freemen of New Castle petitioned the Assembly to keep a fair in the town twice a year. On the 21st of September 1690, fairs were ordered to be held on the 3d and 4th of May in New Castle County, and on 3d and 4th of September in each year. (9*) Watson, in his "Annals of Philadelphia," says that Markham was but twenty-one years of age when he came out to Pennsylvania, but this must be a mistake, as it would make him only forty-five when he died. At that time he was spoken of as the "old gentleman," and he had two grandchildren. Besides, he died of retrocedent gout, seldom fatal at such an early age. His knowledge of affairs and the confidential positions given him would imply a much older man. He left a widow, a daughter, a son-in-law, two grandchildren, and a "daughter-in-law," at his death. It is probable that Markham’s retirement was on account of suspicious circumstances connecting him with the pirates, who, since the French Admiral Pointis had driven them away fom the Caribbean Sea, were become active in Northern waters. Kidd harbored about New York, Avery and Blackbeard about the Delaware; some of Avery’s men were in prison in Philadelphia, and Colonel Quarry complained more than once that their confinement was a farce, as they could go when and where they chose. It is certain that Markham suffered some of these men (who had their pockets full of gold) to be treated very leniently. One of Avery’s men, Birmingham by name, had intrusted his money to Markham’s keeping, and he was allowed by Sheriff Claypoole to walk the streets in summer in custody of a deputy, and in winter to have his own fire. Another person suspected of connection with Avery was James Brown, member of the Assembly from Kent in 1698, and then expelled on account of his relations to the pirates. Penn had him arrested in 1699 for having come over with Avery. He was sent to Boston to be tried by the Earl of Bellamont, Governor of New York. This man is usually suspected of having been Markham’s son-in-law, the husband of his daughter, "Mrs. Ann Brown." Penn’s letter to Markham, dated 26th January, 1699–1700, is generally supposed to refer to him. It is as follows: "Cosin Markham,–When I was with thee to-day thou offered to be bound for thy son-in-law should he bring thee into trouble, it is all the Portion I believe he has with thy daughter. What thou hast I may venture to say thou hast gott by this Governmt. I think it strange yrfore thou shouldst make a Difficulty in binding thy Executive with thyself for his appearance. Should another be bound, no man will take thy Bond for thy own Life, only for a counter security. Thou knowest it is Contrary to the form of all Obligations, & I cannot but take it hard thou should be so unwilling to venture so much for thy own Credit as well as that of the Governmt and for the Husband of thy only Child from those I am not concerned with. I expect a more express answer than thou hast yet given and remain thy affectinate Kinsman,— W.P." — (Penn’s Archives, i. 126.) Gordon says the pirates were largely reinforced after the peace of Ryswyk, and they made harbor on the Delaware, because they could easily impose on the unarmed, pacific Quakers. They sacked the town of Lewes, and captured many vessels off the Delaware capes. There is nothing improbable in the supposition that Markham was retired on account of the ineffective means employed by him for the suppression of these public plunderers. (10*) It was a protest against the right of the Assembly and Council, as then constituted, to pass laws and raise taxes. It was signed by Arthur Cook and one hundred and thirteen leading citizens of the place. Penn referred it to Robert Turner, Griffith Jones, Francis Rawle and Joseph Wilcox. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware9.htm ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CHAPTER X. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware10.htm PIRATES AND PRIVATEERS. AMONG the many hardships with which our forefathers had to contend in the early colonial period were the incursions and depredations of pirates, freebooters and privateers. As soon as they succeeded in building their quiet little townships along the coast, and, through their thrift and energy, established themselves in comfortable homes ready to start out in life in the New World, they fell an easy prey to pirates, allured by the comfortable and frugal appearance of their homesteads. They suffered not only at the hands of strangers and foreigners, but frequently adventurers would go out from their own midst, disappointed or dissatisfied with American soil, and, in collusion with friends who remained on shore, would make regular attacks on the habitations of their former friends. A vast quantity of material is in existence bearing on this phase of colonial life, to be found chiefly in the depositions of witnesses before the Councils of the Governors, the regulations passed in the colonies or the instructions sent from England with a view to suppress these nuisances. But notwithstanding the interest attaching to it, the matter has not as yet received the careful attention of historians, and writers have thus far preferred to use the subject as the basis of romances and fabulous tales of adventure such as are pleasing to juvenile tastes. As early as 1653 we find accounts of the piratical excursions of Thomas Baxter, a resident of New Amsterdam. Holland and England were then at war, and it was Baxter’s plan to pillage the Dutch vessels and towns and then take refuge in the harbors of the English settlers, who protected him from his Dutch pursuers. Others followed the example of Baxter, and the condition of affairs was such that acts of piracy could be committed with absolute impunity. The Dutch retaliated on the English and offered their ports as places of refuge for those who had plundered the English. The region about Long Island and the shores of the East River finally became so infested with these robbers that both the English and the Dutch found it to their advantage to take measures to suppress them. Stuyvesant raised a force, a part of which was always on guard. Yachts were kept plying along the coast keeping a vigilant watch for pirates, and severe penalties were inflicted on those who offered protection to suspicious characters; and it was only after these measures were rigidly enforced that the New Netherlanders were relieved of the excesses practiced by these freebooters. Being thus driven from the scene of a profitable occupation, they were forced to find a new field in which to carry on their daring operations, and it is doubtless due to this interruption that we find them a few years later perpetrating their outrages along the coast of Delaware. Delaware being then a part of Pennsylvania, it is, therefore to the records and archives of the latter State that we must look for information and light upon this subject. The earliest appearance of pirates off the coast of Delaware, of which we have any definite knowledge was about 1685, but for the first two years they were not aggressive, and satisfied themselves with occasional sallies, accompanied by no great damage. In 1687, however, they suddenly became bolder and more audacious, and their hostile exhibitions were so frequent and devastating as to demand the attention of the government in England. Deeming it best to deal with them mildly at first, James II. issued an order requiring the colonial authorities to use every precaution to check the abuses and sent a fleet to aid them in the work; but he authorized the pardon of any pirate who, having been captured within twelve months of the date of the instructions (August 21, 1687), should give security to keep the peace in the future. This last provision of the order had an effect that was little expected or still less desired. The colonial officers used their newly-acquired prerogative of pardon for the most venal purposes, and the most notorious pirates, who were able to purchase their immunity, went free and unmolested, while those whose booty had not been sufficient to satisfy the avarice of the officers suffered the full penalty of the law. Moreover, they were extremely careless in the legal processes which the less fortunate freebooters were compelled to undergo, and many were convicted unjustly, through a desire of those in power to seem zealous in their enforcement of the King’s commands. But complaints soon reached the ears of those in London, and a second letter was written, this one addressed to William Penn himself and dated October 13, 1687. The King requested his servants in the colonies to remedy the abuses named, mentioning particularly the unfair trials. He went further, however, and removed from them all original authority in the case of captured pirates, who were henceforth to be imprisoned until His Majesty’s will should be known. In addition to this, Sir Robert Holmes was appointed a commissioner whose duty it was to decide in what cases pardon should be granted in pursuance of the first letter of instructions. In November the Privy Council met, published an order against pirates, and placed Sir Robert Holmes in command of a squadron to be sent out for the defense of the colonies, and as a reward for his services he was granted all property which might be taken from pirates within three years of the date of his commission. Early in the following year the King issued a royal proclamation condemning the pirates in the most severe terms and urging their hasty extirpation, commanding that those who, in contempt of His Majesty’s orders, continue their abominable practices, be pursued "until they and every one of them be utterly destroyed and condemned." Through these precautions the outrages perpetrated by the rovers of the sea were almost entirely abolished, and for a few years the inhabitants along the coast were able to manage their affairs in peace and contentment. Still, there was always cause for anxiety, and in the commission creating Benjamin Fletcher Governor of Pennsylvania, in 1693, he was given authority to raise forces to protect the colonists against pirates. Later in the same year the Governor recommended the erection of a fort on the Delaware River near New Castle for the security and defense of trade and the inhabitants, to which the Council readily assented. When once the surveillance was relaxed, however, pirates again made their appearance. At a meeting of the Council held at Philadelphia in 1697, the Governor, William Markham, presented a letter from Penn, who was then in London complaining of certain rumors which had reached England, to the effect that the colonists had not only been lax in their opposition to the pirates but had even harbored and protected them. The Council submitted this to a committee for investigation, and it was reported that these rumors were without foundation, that several of the crew of a pirate ship commanded by Avery (one of the most famous pirate captains) had been imprisoned and escaped to New York, but beyond this there could be no cause for complaint. During the two years following, the audacity and impudence of the pirates continued to increase. On a September afternoon in 1698 there appeared off the cape at the eastern extremity of Sussex County a small sloop, which, although it had been noticed by the inhabitants, was not suspected of having evil designs upon the village. Early the next morning, however, it suddenly bore down upon Lewistown and landed fifty men well armed and thoroughly equipped for sacking the place. They plundered almost every house, using force to secure an entrance, and battering to pieces every chest and box, after they had once obtained admittance All money or valuables of whatever nature were carried off, and one of the townsmen remarked, in his plaintive wail before the Governor’s Council, that they were left with "scarce anything in the place to cover or wear." They killed a number of sheep and hogs and forced a number of the chief men of the town to assist them in carrying their booty on board, and even took the village carpenter prisoner. After having thus terrified and ruined the people they quietly sailed out into the bay and lay at anchor without fear of being attacked until a small brig appeared and tempted them to offer chase. The particulars of this occurrence were reported to the Council by four of the prominent citizens of Lewistown— Luke Watson, John Hill, Thomas Oldman, Jonathan Baily— who explained the dangers to which the town was exposed and asked for greater protection. The Council investigated the matter further, and it was learned that the sloop had been taken from John Redwood, of Philadelphia, as he was coming out of Cinnepuxon Inlet, by a pirate named Canoot, who abandoned his own vessel for a fleeter one. Many other crimes of similar nature were traced to Canoot and his pirate ship, and the Council at once empowered the Lieutenant-Governor to muster such forces as should be required to defend the coast towns and pursue their enemies. The expense required for this work was ordered to be raised by provincial tax, but the daring Canoot made good his escape. Nevertheless, several convictions of other pirates soon followed these new prudential measures, one of the most noteworthy being that of David Evans, who was accused of belonging to Avery’s crew. This conviction was due largely to the efforts of Robert Snead, who industriously sought to secure any evidence attainable against men suspected of piracy. On one occasion, however, his zeal carried him too far, and he was summoned before the Council for having advised the English authorities that Pennsylvania had become the greatest refuge for pirates in America, and that the officers refused to seize them, even when an opportunity presented itself. Although Snead promptly denied having written such reports, it appears that they were not altogether unwarrantable, or, at least, the precautions taken were not such as would be in accord with more modern ideas of guarding prisoners. The cases of Robert Brandingham and William Stanton will furnish an apt illustration. These two men were imprisoned in the county jail of Philadelphia under suspicion of piracy, and the Lieutenant-Governor having heard that they were allowed too great liberty, demanded an explanation from the sheriff. That functionary admitted that the prisoners were allowed to stroll about the town, but never without his leave and a keeper, and added, by way of apology, that he thought this might be allowed in "hot weather." Notwithstanding, the stern Lieutenant-Governor was not to be moved by humanitarian scruples, the sheriff was instructed to keep his prisoners in close confinement thereafter. About the same time the Council delivered a severe reprimand to one of the Admiralty judges, Quarry, who had on his own account apprehended two pirates and sent them to West Jersey’ his only excuse being that he was extensively engaged in trade, and acted purely in self-defense. Toward the close of the year 1699, the inhabitants of the county of New Castle, presented a petition to the Council setting forth their grievances, from which many points of interest regarding the pirates may be gleaned. They mention the plundering of Lewistown in the preceding year, and also the capture of the brigantine "Sweepstakes," belonging to Col. Webb, a former Governor of Providence. This vessel, already laden and prepared for a voyage to England, was lying off the town of New Castle. On the night previous to the day set for her departure she was attacked by thirteen pirate ships, and carried off, with crew and cargo. The petition went on to mention the unfortunate situation of the town, the inability of the citizens to protect themselves from these onslaughts, and finally, the insufficiency of the fortifications. But despite all this, they met with little sympathy. The board laid all the blame for the delay in the construction of a fortress at the feet of the inhabitants themselves, they having long since secured permission to build it. As for a militia, they considered this a matter to be considered by a general Assembly, and they refused to grant even a hearing to their request for such aid, since the people of New Castle had neglected to send representatives to the last meeting of the Assembly, which would have been the proper place to discuss matters concerning the good and safety of the government. Besides, the Council did not regard the prosperity of the colony as sufficiently great to warrant a large expenditure, and they had learned that in the neighboring and more flourishing colonies of Maryland and Virginia, where extensive fortifications had been erected and ships-of-war were continually plying, the pirates continued in their nefarious work, apparently unconscious of the presence of any opposition. In fact, the pirates would not infrequently attack the men of-war with a vigor greater then usual, and seemed to find special delight in murdering His Majesty’s marines. Consequently, with the exception of one or two new laws on the statute-books, the citizens of New Castle secured very little redress or satisfaction. In April, 1700, the famous Capt. Kidd honored the people of Delaware with a brief visit. He doubtless considered that the spoils to be gathered from an attack on the towns would not repay the trouble requisite, and therefore did not molest them. He had, earlier in his career, made many attacks on the colonists, and Captains Kidd and Avery were the only men exempted from the privilege of pardon in the instructions sent from London some time previously. Although on this occasion he satisfied himself with anchoring at some distance from the coast, his visit was nevertheless the means of involving a number of the inhabitants in serious difficulty. Kidd had just returned from the East Indies, where he had been eminently successful in his depredations, and brought back a vessel heavily and richly freighted with the choicest products of the East. The importation of these goods into the colonies was strictly prohibited, but in direct antagonism to these laws, Wm. Orr, George Thompson, Peter Lewis and two others, all residents of Lewistown, boarded Kidd’s vessel and purchased a large quantity of his plunder. They were successful in eluding the vigilance of Lowman, the collector at Lewistown, and had already managed to dispose of their goods before any information reached the ears of the authorities. Penn, who was at the time both proprietor and Governor, immediately on the discovery of the facts, secured their apprehension as accessories to the pirates and promoters of illegal trade. These cases attracted so much attention that once more the colonists received instructions from England regarding the suppression of piracy. This led Penn to call a special meeting of the Assembly to prepare a bill against pirates. He also appointed a committee of Council consisting of Edward Shippen, David Lloyd, Phineas Pemberton, Wm. Rodney and Caleb Pussey, who, in conjunction with an Assembly committee, were to draw up a bill, and after debating for three weeks it was finally passed. This law was undoubtedly the most stringent that had yet been enacted. It was followed by a proclamation requiring all strangers traveling in the colony to show passes, which could only be secured after the identity of the person had been established beyond a doubt. All inn-keepers were required to give notice to a magistrate immediately upon the arrival of a stranger, or in case there happened to be no magistrate near by, "two housekeepers of the neighborhood" were to be notified. Even the ferrymen on the Delaware River were not permitted to transport a stranger or suspicious character, and were forced to give security, pledging themselves to abide by this provision. The Council also treated New Castle with less severity, paying for boats and liquors sent to that town when it was reported that French pirates threatened the town. The colonists had at last thoroughly awakened to the enormity of the offenses committed around them, and the jeopardy by which they were surrounded. They accordingly demanded appropriate legislation. The measures above mentioned were soon followed by an order making it the duty of the magistrates of Sussex County to keep a constant watch on the cape near Lewistown, and as soon as any vessel should appear off the capes, which, on any reasonable grounds, might seem to appear suspicious in its movements, they were forthwith to report to the sheriff of the county with an accurate description of the vessel. The sheriff of Sussex was to forward this information to the sheriff of Kent County, and it was to pass by special messenger from sheriff to sheriff through every county, until it reached the Governor at Philadelphia, who directed what action should be taken. The sheriffs were empowered to use horses for the messengers, and to avoid delay, the magistrates were to attend to these dispatches in the absence of the sheriff, and any expenses thus arising were to be paid by a provincial tax, levied for the purpose. These several laws, proclamations and orders grew more salutary in the results produced by them, than any that had preceded. During the first eight years of the eighteenth century, the coast of Delaware remained unmolested by the pirates, while the people, undisturbed by their old oppressors, increased and prospered. In 1708, however, the troubles were once more renewed. The character of the water thieves had slightly, although not materially, changed, but the burden was, if anything, more difficult to bear. The dangers now to be guarded against were chiefly from French privateers, but the Dutch, Spanish and other nations were also engaged in similar occupations. In the year just mentioned, the masters of three vessels were taken by a privateer of great boldness named Castrau. They were Captains Philips, of Boston taken on his way homeward from North Carolina; Moody, of Pennsylvania; and Young, of London, who was captured within sight of land as he was sailing for the coast of Sussex County. Castrau and six other privateers spent their entire time sailing between Egg Harbor and Sinnepuxent, and navigation between those points was soon rendered so dangerous that it became necessary to appeal again to England for assistance. The Governor of Pennsylvania called a joint session of the Council and Assembly, and presented in writing his views on the new sources of peril. The misfortunes with which the people were now beset exceeded anything they had experienced in the past. The coast of what is now Delaware, furnished the theatre for the most violent of these excesses. Navigation became almost impracticable, and the bravest sailors dared not leave or approach the coast and trade was, as a natural consequence, brought to a complete standstill. The Governor stated his opinion to be that, while the laws were quite rigid enough to suppress the evil, the officers through whom they were enforced were not sufficiently numerous to properly carry them into execution, and he warmly appealed to the Assembly to increase the number, and grant money supplies for any action that it might be necessary to take at once. The Assembly, however, were slow in levying a new tax, and remonstrated with the Governor, charging him with being derelict in his duty for not having reported the matter to the admiral before they came to their present deplorable condition; moreover, they insinuated that the taxes had not been applied as economically or as wisely as might have been possible. These complaints they forwarded to the Lieutenant-Governor, John Evans, who in turn submitted them to the Council. To this the Lieutenant-Governor prepared an elaborate reply, in which he showed that the only hope of relief rested in what the colonists were willing to do for themselves. Governor Seymour, of Maryland, the vice-admiral of the province, had no forces at his command which he could send to the assistance of his neighbors, nor was there any reason to suppose that aid might be expected from the Governors of any of the adjoining colonies. A detailed explanation of the manner in which the funds were disposed of was also incorporated in the response, and after again picturing the seriousness of the situation, a second appeal was made to the members of the Assembly. The letter elicited from the Assembly by this was based on a new line of argument. While admitting that the jurisdiction of the proprietary extended over a wide stretch of territory, they asserted that the legislative powers of the Assembly were limited to that portion of the province bounded by the Delaware River, and "goes no further down than twelve miles on this side New Castle." Moreover, they cited decisions in the English Court of Exchequer, by which they attempted to prove that all authority on the high seas was in absolute possession of the crown, and the colonial officers had no power to encroach thereon. In their opinion, the only proper course to be pursued by the Governor was to communicate with the vice-admiral, who was not Governor Seymour, as he had stated, but Lord Cornbury, Governor of the Jerseys, who had always willingly granted them all the assistance in his power. This controversy between the Governor and the Assembly continued for three months, and was not terminated until it had resulted in causing an irremediable breach between the contending parties, and precipitated the retirement of Governor Evans. The importance of this dispute is of chief interest in so far as it widened the breach between the province and the counties comprising Delaware. New Castle, Sussex and Kent were, on account of their situation, more directly concerned in these conten( )ions than those situated north of them. The continual recurrence of these quarrels produced no other effect than an irritability between the counties on the coast and those in the interior, and they may be considered an important factor in the events which brought about the final separation. The unsettled condition of affairs which existed during the close of Governor Evans’ administration was only made worse by a projected war against Canada by the English. Taking advantage of this, the pirates and privateers were more frequent than ordinarily in their visits, and at this time (1708–9) records are to be found of many attacks on both Lewistown and New Castle. Penn’s secretary, James Logan, wrote to him in June, 1708, that the "coasts begin to be intolerably infested," and has "become a nest of privateers." He reported that in four days three vessels had been burnt and sunk in the river or off the capes. Three French men-of-war were stationed at Port Royal, one of fifty, one of forty-five and a third of twenty-six guns, with orders from the King to ply along the coast. They had brought over one hundred families with which to settle a French colony, and whatever booty they gathered in their cruises, from the British colonists, was used for the support of the new settlement. Logan humorously complained that "we have now four English men-of-war on these coasts, but they very exactly observe the late practice of the navy, that is, carefully to keep out of the enemy’s way. They always see the privateers, but always something happens that they cannot fight them." The condition of affairs was at this time such that advices were sent to England to send no vessels direct to the Delaware, but first to Maryland, until it is learned whether it would be safe to enter the bay. Lewistown was again plundered in 1709, this time by about one hundred men sent on shore by a French privateer. Additional troubles were caused by these attacks, owing to the refusal of the Quakers to bear arms, even in defense, which naturally caused the other inhabitants much displeasure. Fortunately, Governor Evans’ successor, Governor Charles Gookin, was not long in ingratiating himself with the people, and soon succeeded in inducing the Assembly to grant a liberal sum for the protection of the coast. Almost immediately after the Assembly had taken this action, tidings were received that the Queen had dispatched a number of men-of-war to assist in the work of saving her colonies from the grasp of pirates and privateers. The co-operation of these two forces proved for a time an effectual blow to the plundering incursions and thieving attacks which the early settlers of Delaware continually suffered, and for nearly a decade the coast was undisturbed and free from hostile invasions. In 1717 we again find the pirates forcing their objectionable presence upon the attention of the colonists. The renewal of their predatory atrocities necessitated the enactment of further measures of defense. On the recommendation of Lieutenant-Governor Keith, the Council willingly concurred in publishing a proclamation with a view of diminishing the number of their old tormentors. A tempting reward was offered to any person who should furnish the Governor or any magistrate with information leading to the conviction of any pirate or other person who had interfered with the people in the peaceful pursuit of their affairs. Rewards were also offered for the capture of accessories and suspicious characters, and the Governor promised to exert himself to the utmost to secure the pardon of pirates who would surrender themselves or their accomplices. The proclamation had hardly been issued, when five pirates from the sloop "William’s Endeavor," appeared before the Council, surrendered themselves, and demanded the pardon offered by the proclamation. The prisoners were John Collison, Hance Dollar, John Rennalds, Benjamin Hutchins and John Bell. Strangely enough, instead of remanding the prisoners to jail, until they were proved worthy of immunity, they were ordered not to be prosecuted until it might be learned that the crimes which they had acknowledged were such as to exempt them from the benefits of the proclamation. Such evidence was never procured, and the pirates were consequently not prosecuted. In July, 1718, particulars reached the Council of far more serious piratical work. A number of mariners now appeared before the Governor and asked his protection. They had been employed in the merchant service, but had recently escaped from a pirate ship in which they had been held captives. When summoned to appear before the Council, they gave their names as Richard Appleton, John Robeson, William Williams, John Ford, Benjamin Hodges, John Barfield, James Mathews, Samuel Barrow, Gregory Margoveram, Renold Glorence, Walter Vincent and Timothy Harding. Appleton acted as spokesman, and narrated the trials and sufferings they underwent before they escaped, making an interesting and thrilling story of adventure. They had sailed from Jamaica early in the year in a ship fitted out for working wrecks. Death soon deprived them of their captain, and they met with little luck in their expedition. Meeting with another sloop, they willingly listened to the importunities of its captain, one Greenway, to mutiny, and place themselves under his command. They took Captain Greenway on board their own sloop, which was the better of the two, and put their own master on the other. Greenway had also brought his crew with him, and the arrangement had scarcely been completed when they informed their new associates that they were pirates, and had no other object in view in making the change than to secure additional men to assist them in their robberies. The men thus betrayed, were forced to serve their pirate masters in spite of all protests. This lasted several months before an opportunity was presented to escape. Their sloop had attacked an English vessel, and Greenway and several of his old crew boarded it to secure the booty. Those of the old crew who remained on board were drunk, and it was an easy matter to bind them and set them adrift in a boat. Once freed, the captives hastily put out, and although Greenway made a desperate attempt to overtake them, they escaped unhurt, and at length reached the hospitable shores of the Delaware, where they put in for refuge. After hearing the story, Governor Keith ordered an inventory to be taken of whatever was found on their vessel. Captain Hardy was deputized for this work, and reported the sloop well equipped with powder, shot, guns, pistols, muskets, blunderbusses, cutlasses and other materials and implements necessary for the ocean encounters in which Greenway had been engaged, as well as a numerous collection of articles promiscuously gathered from his victims. Whatever was perishable was immediately sold and used for the protection of the people against pirates, while the rest was held subject to the order of the Admiralty Courts, and the men were suitably rewarded. Other cases were continually reported, and the depredations again began to excite much alarm. It was reported that the famous pirate Teach, also known as Blackbeard, was in the vicinity, and the Governor at once issued a warrant for his arrest, but the rumor proved to be without foundation. It nevertheless became necessary to take special measures for the protection of the lower counties. Captains Raymond and Naylor were sent out with two sloops to clear the capes of the pirates, and did their work very effectually, while many prosecutions against the pirates were conducted in the courts. After these attacks a respite was secured from the piratical invaders, but it was more to the gradual increase of the population than to the Governor’s proclamations that the termination of the excesses was due. As long as the pirates were leniently dealt with, and allowed to go free on little more than their own promises of future repentance, they amused themselves by hoodwinking the officials, and without any scruples of conscience continued in their old trade. They either re-engaged in it by taking an active part themselves, or else kept their former comrades thoroughly informed of whatever action was taken against them, and furnished them with advice as to the best time to pounce upon their prey. The authorities finally discovered that they must deal summarily with the culprits, and promptly hung them as they were convicted. After the first quarter of the eighteenth century the visits from the pirates were few and desultory, but more trouble was suffered at the hands of the privateers. In 1732 the pirates were evidently reappearing, as the Council was obliged to furnish extra clothes during the winter for some who were lodged in gaol, but that they had lost the boldness which characterized their former exploits is quite clear. By 1739 the privateers had begun to make their raids at regular intervals on the coast, and the Assembly of the lower counties took the matter in hand. The Governor was empowered to appoint two well qualified persons or officers to keep a constant watch at Lewistown. Each inhabitant was required to keep himself armed with a musket, cartridge-box, twelve charges of gunpowder and ball, three flints, and a worm and priming-wire, and every one was instructed to yield absolute obedience to the commands of the officers in everything pertaining to the watch or defense, under penalty of a fine of five shillings. The officers called together all the inhabitants once a month between the 1st of April and 1st of October, and once every three months during the remaining period, for the purpose of drilling them and examining their arms and ammunition. The firing of three guns successively and the beating of a drum was the signal for calling the people together in the market-place with their muskets, ready to defend the town at the command of the officers. The Quakers were exempted by special provision, as were also all persons under fifteen and over sixty-three. Pilots were prohibited from boarding an inward bound vessel without a permit from the Governor, to prevent their possible assistance to an enemy or pirate. In the province, the appearance of privateers in the bay brought on the old trouble with the Quakers, who controlled a majority in the Assembly. In 1740, Governor Thomas urged them continually to decrease the dangers of navigating in the Delaware, and a long controversy resulted. The Governor was greatly enraged, and in a message to the Assembly indignantly asked them: "If your principles will not allow you to pass a bill for establishing a militia, if they will not allow you to secure the navigation of the river by building a fort, if they will not allow you to provide arms for the defense of the inhabitants, if they will not allow you to raise men for His Majesty’s service, and on His Majesty’s affectionate application to you for distressing an insolent enemy, if they will not allow you to raise and appropriate money to the uses recommended by His Majesty, is it a calumny to say that your principles are inconsistent with the ends of government at a time when His Majesty is obliged to have recourse to arms, not only to protect the trade of Great Britain and its dominions, but likewise to obtain redress for the injuries done to his subjects?" But with the exception of raising seven small companies, there was nothing further done at the time. The wars in which the mother country became involved shortly after this gave an impetus to privateering expeditions on both sides. George II. issued a special proclamation, praying his subjects to fit out privateers for action against his enemies, which was read throughout the British Empire. Governor Thomas announced it in Pennsylvania, and earnestly requested the people to exert themselves to the utmost in maintaining as many privateers as possible and promising his personal assistance whenever it would avail the least. As was to be expected, the French and Spanish retaliated, and the American coast swarmed with them, the people suffering the insults and gibes of their enemies, as well as losing their property. These outrages assumed their worst form on the Delaware during the summer of 1747. It became necessary late in June to place vessels bearing flags of truce under rigid restrictions before they could come up the bay, in order to guard against every possibility of surprise. Pilots were not permitted to conduct any ship up the Delaware River or Bay without a permit from the Council, and any ship coming up without obeying the regulations fixed was subject to capture. But it was impossible to keep the privateers out of the way. On July 12th a company of about fifteen or twenty men, either French or Spaniards, landed near New Castle and plundered the houses of James Hart and Edmund Liston, carrying off most of their property and slaves. About one o’clock in the afternoon the party came on shore in an open boat and landed about four miles above Bombay Hook, near Liston’s house. They ran to a place where his daughter and a negro girl were crabbing and seizing the negress, bound her and put her in the boat; they then went up to Liston armed with guns, cutlasses and pistols, and admitting they were privateers, demanded his negroes, money and keys. He quickly complied, and they went through the place, taking clothes, bedding, furniture and whatever else they discovered, as well as a negro woman and two children. Having put these in the boat, they placed their pistols against Liston’s breast and compelled him to lead them to Hart’s plantation, about a half a mile distant. Hart saw them coming and closed his house and bolted the doors. They first chased a negro girl until they caught her, and then called out to Hart that unless he admitted them they would fire the house. He still refused and they commenced to bombard the house. A bullet struck his wife in the hip, and she bled so profusely that he surrendered and opened the doors. He was securely bound and the marauders then plundered the house, taking away the negro, all the wearing appeal, some gold buttons and other articles, valued in all at about seventy pounds. They forced Hart to return with them to Liston’s, and after packing up all the booty gathered at both places they set out again for their boat. Liston and Hart at once informed Messrs. Jehu Curtis and John Finney of the affair, and the particulars were dispached to President Anthony Palmer and the Council. Several members of the Assembly of the province were summoned, including Messrs. John Kinsey, the Speaker, Thomas Leech, Joseph Trotter, James Morris and Oswald Peele. A conference was held between these members and the Council and measures necessary for defending the inhabitants were taken under discussion. As the Assembly controlled the funds, the Council was powerless to take any step incurring expense without their assent, and they had been summoned to state what measures they were willing to take. But the scruples of the Quakers again proved a stumbling block. The members of the Assembly at first refused to act at all, asserting that as they were then without authority from their Assembly, it would be useless to act in their private capacity, and on being pressed by the members of the Council, only gave the vaguest notions of what they might be willing to do. The privateers continued in their work without meeting with sufficient opposition to inconvenience them in the least. One of them manned a Cape May pilotboat and sent it up the bay as far as Bombay Hook, plundering several of the best plantations in the lower counties on its trip. Governor Reading, of New Jersey, was requested to give the New Jersey pilots instructions similar to those issued in Pennsylvania respecting the license required by vessels bearing flags of truce, and accounts of the troubles were also sent to the proprietaries, with a request for assistance. In the mean time the enemy continued plundering the colonists. The party who had robbed Hart and Liston, in sailing out of the bay, met a valuable ship bound for Philadelphia from Antigua, and carried her off. The Council continued to ask assistance from the Assembly of the province, as it was feared that at any moment the enemy might sail up to Philadelphia and sack the town. In their messages to the Assembly they pictured the effect of such an event in the most vivid manner, reminding them of the ruin and bloodshed that would follow; but the Assembly was not easily moved. They admitted that the enemy had been bold and ruthless in its actions, but thought it would "be difficult, if not impossible, to prevent such accidents." The length of the river and bay they considered ample guarantee against the destruction of Philadelphia, and they reminded the Council that their continuing to spread abroad reports of the "defenseless condition of the province," by sending messages to the Assembly, would have a great tendency to induce the enemy to attack them. But no measures which the Assembly or Council or proprietaries took could prevent the pilots from refusing to earn a fee by objecting to conduct vessels into the bay, whether they were enemies or not. These pilots were, in fact, more willing to serve the enemy than the British, since the former were always willing to pay a larger sum for being led through the capes. In September the watch at Lewistown was kept busy for several weeks expecting an attack, and on one day they reported two sloops putting up the bay, each attended by a pilot. Sometimes, however, even the well-intentioned pilots were deceived by the false colors of the privateer, and by the British seamen on board, some of whom were always ready to turn traitor for money. Several cases of this sort came under the notice of the Council. In one instance they learned of the particulars through the deposition of William Kelly, late in 1747. Kelly had been taken from the sloop "Elizabeth," off the coast of North Carolina, by a French privateer, "Marthel Vodroit," Captain Lehay. The vessel was of about ninety or a hundred guns, and after Kelly’s capture, took six English prizes, one a sloop, about fifteen leagues off the capes of Delaware, and two ships in Delaware Bay, commanded respectively by Captains Lake and Oswald Eves. The privateer put into Cape May, and hoisted the English colors. There were Englishmen, Irishmen and Scotchmen in the crew, and when they were met by Pilot William Flower, the captain sent one of the Englishmen to give instructions. The pilot was naturally deceived, and obeyed his instructions, taking them into Cape Henlopen. Kelly informed him that the vessel was a privateer, but it was then too late, in the mind of the pilot; but nevertheless he promised to take the ship so near to the shore that Kelly might make his escape by swimming to land. When coming around towards Cape Henlopen they were boarded by another pilot, Luke Shields, who proved to be quite a different character. He and Flower were jointly placed in command of the privateer, but he refused to go near enough to shore to let Kelly escape, declaring that he proposed to take the vessel where she could capture the most prizes, since that was the purpose for which she had come, and no persistence on the part of Kelly could induce him to desist from this. It would therefore appear that to the venality of their own pilots the colonists could attribute much of their annoyance by the privateers. The pilots were no doubt doubly rewarded for leading the vessels clear of all opposition to those points most likely to contain a prize, and least apt to be defended. During the summer of 1747 these attacks continued, keeping the inhabitants in the lower counties in a constant state of dread and terror. One or two incidents occurred to show the barbarous cruelty of these scoundrels, who spared no man’s feelings and left nothing behind which it was possible to carry off. John Aris, a Philadelphia pilot, was coming up the bay one evening, having taken a ship beyond the capes, when he was hailed by some one on board a pilot-boat, when about ten miles below Reedy Island. A boat soon came alongside, and a number of Spaniards came on board, and, with little ceremony, took his ring from his finger, his buckles and over three pounds in money. They also carried off his clothes, all the food on board, and all the sails belonging to the boat. They left him some mouldy bread and greasy water, and then retired, firing at him as they left. It was a curious coincidence that nearly every one who reported having suffered at the hands of the privateers reported that while a majority of their assailants were usually foreigners (Spanish or French), yet there was always some one in the party who used good English. It was concluded from this that there were many of the colonists, or perhaps British sailors, who were acting with the enemy,— a fact which might also have accounted for the successful manner in which their expeditions usually terminated. These cowardly and traitorous proceedings were carried on to an alarming extent, as the experience of the ship "Mary," of London, will illustrate. The captain, Bernard Martin, was just entering the Delaware capes, when he was hailed by a privateer of ten guns. He managed to elude her, however, but was met by a pilot-boat, which he knew, as well as the captain, who had often taken him up the bay. Martin allowed her to come alongside and threw him a rope, seeing no one on board except three or four Englishmen. But suddenly about thirty five Frenchmen and Spaniards sprang from the hatches, where they had been concealed, and boarded the ship, driving the crew before them at the points of their pistols. Martin offered some resistance, but they at once opened fire on him, wounding him in the cheek, in the arm and side and then knocked him down. They took command of the vessel, cruised off the capes for a few days and then placed Captain Martin and seven men on the pilot-boat and abandoned them. As the winter of 1747 approached, the stress of weather put a check upon the privateering operations for a brief season. Most of them sought shelter in the West Indies, but reports continually reached the Delaware that a great raid was being planned for the opening of spring. The Philadelphians were especially alarmed at this. Associations were formed to defend the city, and application was made to secure cannon to be placed at proper places along the river. But the Assembly remained inexorable. Several companies were formed within the province and the lower counties and the construction of batteries was begun at different points on the river. In April, 1748, the pilots of Sussex County sent in a petition to the Council, asking them to repeal the orders issued as to pilots conducting inward bound vessels, in order to enable them to earn a legitimate living in competition with the traitors who refused to obey the proclamations. This was signed by William Field, Luke Shield, Samuel Rowland, Samuel Rowland, Jr., William Rowland, Simon Edwards, John Baily, John Maul, John Adams, all pilots at Lewistown. They also requested that influence might be brought to bear on the Governor of New Jersey to prevent the Jersey pilots from carrying on the same abuses. Both of their requests were complied with, but the restrictions in New Jersey remained loose and inoperative. As spring approached the privateers reappeared, and for three months their incessant attacks rendered matters worse than they had been on any previous occasion. As early as the 15th of May, Captain Pyramus Green was chased off Cape Henlopen by a French privateer, mounting fourteen carriage and sixteen swivel guns, and with a crew of one hundred and seventy-five men. His schooner, the "Phoenix," was laden with bread and Indian corn, and after the privateer had captured him they took the bread on board their own boat and threw the Indian corn overboard. They then placed about ten Frenchmen on board the schooner and sailed up the bay, stopping to attack a brigantine. While the men were boarding this the ropes gave way, and Captain Green was left in charge of his boat and made his escape. An account of this was sworn to before John Finny, David Bush, James Armitage and Wm. Patterson, of New Castle County, and sent to the Council. On this the Council made another attempt to secure assistance from the Assembly, but for a reply that body quietly stated that they did "not see what prudence or policy could be done in the present emergency. To send a vessel in pursuit of a privateer supposed to be at the capes, a late example may convince us that the privateers might and very probably would be out of reach before any vessel could get thither. And to keep a vessel constantly at our capes to guard our coast must be introductive of an expense too heavy, as we conceive, for the province to bear." And so they did nothing. About the middle of May His Majesty’s sloop, the "Otter," arrived under Captain Ballet, with instructions from the Admiralty to cruise off the Delaware capes and protect the coast from the privateers. On his voyage, however, he had encountered one of the enemy in a four hours’ engagement and was so much disabled that it required some time to make the necessary repairs. In the mean time the outrages continued. Toward the end of May a privateer captured the sloop "Three Brothers" off the capes. They took off all but the captain, George Porteous, his wife and son and an old man, and put on board three Frenchmen. They steered for the capes, accompanied by the privateer, but were separated from her in a storm. Porteous, his son, and the old man managed to secure the Frenchmen, and put into Lewistown for a pilot, bringing the three prisoners up the bay with them. Soon afterwards New Castle was threatened with destruction by the arrival of a Spanish privateer brig of fourteen guns and one hundred and sixty men. She had anchored off Elsenburg, about ten miles below New Castle, giving an English prisoner, George Proctor, an opportunity to escape by swimming to shore. He proceeded to New Castle, and informed the authorities that the captain of the brig, Don Vincent Lopez, had entered the river with the intention of capturing the large ship then lying near New Castle, and afterwards plunder and destroy the town. He had already been cruising off the capes and had captured several vessels and a pilot-boat, but was now in pursuit of larger prey. The privateer came up under English colors, within gun-shot of New Castle, but the people were prepared and opened fire from several guns. Lopez finding that his reception would be rather warm if he ventured nearer, slipped his cables and dropped down the river, huzzaing as he left, and hoisting the Spanish colors in place of the English. But this was not the last that was heard from Lopez. Captain Nathaniel Ambler reported shortly afterwards meeting with the Spaniard, that resulted more favorably for the latter than his New Castle expedition. On May 25th Ambler was anchored off Reedy Island, in company with three Boston sloops, which had been driven in by the privateers. Late in the evening three boats, from the Spanish privateer, approached them and captured all four sloops, stripping the crew and taking off all their clothes, only leaving each captain a pair of breeches. Captain James White also had an encounter with Don Lopez’s men, about thirty of whom boarded his schooner off the high land of Bombay Hook, with pistols and cutlasses, plundered her and took the captain and his men on board the privateer. The long list of outrages of this character was daily increased by reports of others more daring and impudent. About the 1st of June, Abraham Wiltbank, a pilot of Lewistown, was appointed to command an intelligence boat. He plied up and down the river and bay from the capes to Philadelphia, reporting the force and movements of all privateers within sight. At New Castle there was, to be sure, a fort, but there were only four guns to be raised in the whole town. This number was increased by four six-pounders from Philadelphia, where they could ill be spared. The defenseless condition of the coast can therefore be well understood, and it is not to be wondered at that the privateers entertained no fear of whatever opposition might be offered. In July a whole fleet appeared off the southern coast of the American colonies, under the leadership of Don Pedro, and for a time navigation was completely at a standstill. A part of the British squadron in New England was sent down and captured several of the privateers, and manned them to oppose their old allies, and in this way the robbers were once more dispersed. At Wilmington preparations to meet them were made by the erection of a bomb-proof magazine and battery on the rocks of Christiana. In a note to President Palmer, of the Council, from David Bush, John McKinly and Charles Bush, they state that the battery had been viewed by many, and the universal opinion was that it equaled, if not exceeded, "any on the continent for strength and beauty." But to the two men-of-war, the "Hector" and "Otter," was really due the credit of finally clearing the bay and capes of Delaware of the privateers. They captured a number and disabled others, so that before the close of the year 1748 those that remained unhurt had sought more hospitable regions and the people were once more relieved from the strain incident upon the almost continuous presence of their enemies for two years. This was the last of the attempts, either of pirates or privateers, to make any concerted attack on Delaware, practically blockading the mouth of the bay. At rare intervals thereafter they would apparently spring out of the bosom of the waves and sweep down on an unsuspecting vessel; but they no longer acted with their former audacity, and scarcely ever came within reach of shore. As late as 1788 we learn of James McAlpine being convicted of piracy on the Delaware, but with this the curtain falls on this romantic and interesting phase of the history of Delaware. http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware10.htm ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume Two- pp. 981-1015. CHAPTER L. ST. GEORGE’S HUNDRED. ST. GEORGE’S, the largest hundred in New Castle County, is bounded on the north by St. George’s Creek, on the east by the Delaware River, on the south by Appoquinimink Creek and on the west by Maryland. With the exception of a small quantity of marsh on the river’s edge, the land is all in a state of cultivation and yields abundantly. At one time a large portion of the hundred was devoted to peach-growing. This enterprise has to a great extent been abandoned and the chief products of the soil are wheat, corn and oats. Numerous small streams flowing through the hundred render the grounds very fertile. Facilities for shipping merchandise by boat are afforded to those living in the northern, eastern and southern parts of the hundred. Those in the central and western portions have railroad accommodations. The climate is healthful and all that can be desired. The population has largely increased from fifty taxables, representing perhaps two hundred and fifty inhabitants in 1683. The first settlers in this vicinity were chiefly of four nationalities— Swedes, Dutch, French Huguenots and English. Of the first class were the Petersons and the Andersons; of the second class, the Alrichs, Hansons, Vandykes, Vandegrifts and Vances; of the third, the Dushanes, Naudains of Appoquinimink, Bayards and the Seays; of the last, the Crawfords and the Taylors. Before 1683 fifty taxable citizens had taken up their residence within the bounds of this hundred. Among these were Henry Walraven, John Foster, John Taylor, John Peterson, Hans Hanson, Adam Peterson, Elias Humphreys, Judith Crawford, widow of James Crawford, and Peter Alrichs. The descendants of some of these early settlers still reside within the hundred, but the names of some have entirely disappeared from the neighborhood. Probably the first grant of land in the lower part of New Castle County was that made in 1646 by William Kieft, then a Dutch Governor, to Abraham Planck, Simon Root, John Andriesen and Peter Harmensen. Each were granted two hundred acres of land on South River (Delaware), near Bird Island (Reedy), on condition of settlement within one year, with the promise of more land on the condition that they build houses and reside upon the land. They evidently did not settle here or even make a pretense of so doing, as they did not hold the land nor claim any title to it, and with the exception of John Andriesen, the names are not found in this hundred. They, however, settled on the Schuylkill River and farther south in the State of Delaware. The land thus offered to them at a later date came to Peter Alrichs and Casparus Herman. Peter Alrichs was a nephew of Vice-Director Jacob Alrichs, who succeeded Jean Paul Jacquet in 1657, and died at New Castle in 1659. Peter came to this country with his uncle, and at once entered into public affairs and continued during his life a prominent man in the affairs of the colony, both under the Dutch and the English, acting as commander at the Whorekill and as a magistrate for many years. He located land under the Dutch, which was confiscated, and afterwards obtained land from the English, some of which is still held by the family. He took up a large tract of land in what is now St. George’s Hundred, extending from St. Augustine Creek to St. George’s Creek, and from the Delaware River westward to the King’s Road. He also obtained a large tract in the northern part of New Castle Hundred, on the river and at the mouth of the Christiana, where he lived and died. Some of his sons settled at the latter place, and their descendants held portions of the property till 1880, when they sold to the Lobdell Car-Wheel Company. The tract in St. George’s was resurveyed to his sons as follows: to Hermanus Alrichs, February 22, 1682, 1027 acres on Delaware River between Great Creek (a small stream emptying into the Delaware) and St. Augustine Creek, the latter being the southern boundary; to Sigfriedus, Wessels and Jacobus Alrichs, September 24, 1702, 2048 acres from the Delaware to the King’s Road, between St. George’s and Great Creeks. On December 31, 1733, Peter Alrichs was in possession of 127 acres opposite Reedy Island, and embracing Port Penn and St. Augustine Landing. A portion of this land, six hundred feet on the river and six hundred feet inland, including what is commonly called the "Row-ground" and lying north of "Alrich’s landing-place" was conveyed April 16, 1774, by Peter and John Alrichs, to Luke Morris, Robert White and William Morrell, wardens of the port of Philadelphia. They were appointed under an act of Assembly of Pennsylvania to erect piers upon the premises for the use of ships traversing the river. The piers remained until 1884, when they were removed. The Alrichs in the State of Delaware are descendants of Peter Alrichs. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Scharf, Thomas J., History of Delaware, 1609-1888. Volume Two- pp. 1015-1023. CHAPTER LI. APPOQUINIMINK HUNDRED. THAT portion of New Castle County lying between Appoquinimink and Duck Creeks was formerly denominated Appoquinimink Hundred. Mention is made of this territory as a hundred in a deed bearing date January 15, 1708, from William Grant, of "Appoquinimini" Hundred to John Damarcier. Appoquinimink is an Indian term said to mean wounded duck. By an act of the Legislature, passed March 9, 1875, this land was divided into two hundreds, the northern portion retaining the name Appoquinimink, and the southern part was termed Blackbird, after the stream which forms its northern boundary. The present Appoquinimink is bounded on the north by St. George’s Creek and Hundred; on the east by the same, Blackbird Creek and Delaware River; on the south by Blackbird Creek and Hundred and on the west by Maryland. The territory is well watered and very productive. The eastern portion consists mainly of reclaimed marsh. The principal products are corn, wheat and peaches. Facilities for shipping are afforded by the Blackbird and Appoquinimink Creeks and the Delaware Division of Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. In 1683 there were forty taxable inhabitants between Appoquinimink and Duck Creeks. The assessment list of the same territory for 1751, as returned by William Williams, contained the names of two hundred and forty-nine taxables, and a total assessment amounting to two thousand nine hundred and fifteen dollars. The land between Appoquinimink and Duck Creeks seems to have early attracted the attention of both emigrants and residents of the northern part of the county. On July 1, 1669, William Tom sent to Governor Nichols a request that "ye Finns or others residing at or about Delaware may have an enlargement of their bounds, for ye wch they desire to take up some lands at Apoquemini, lying and being wthin ye goverment." He also requested "that some families from Maryland may have liberty to come and settle upon ye kill below Apoquemini." These requests were granted August 2d of that year, upon condition "that in some convenient tyme a Draught be taken of ye land and a return thereof made to the Governor together with its extent, whereupon those who settle there shall have Patents." At a council held in the fort at New Castle, April 15, 1671, "Captain Carr relates of ye desire of many familyes to come and settle below New Castle at Apoquiminy and Bomby’s Hook. The most eminent among these are one Mr. Jones, Mr. Wharton, Mr. Whale. A letter is ordered to be written to treat with some of them for a settlement." In 1671 a patent was granted to Abraham Coffin for four hundred acres of land called "Mountain Neck." It was for some reason abandoned, and in 1686 was resurveyed for Johannes De Haes and Ephraim Herman. De Haes was a native of France and the maternal ancestor of the Janvier family; he was a prominent man, a magistrate and a member of the first Legislature of Pennsylvania, held under Penn in 1683. He sub-equently became the sole owner of the above tract and also acquired other property in New Castle County. At his death he devised his estate to his son Roelef, who was a member of the first Legislative Assembly in Delaware in 1704.... http://accessible.com/amcnty/DE/Delaware/delaware51.htm-----------------------------------------------------------I NY PUBLIC LIBRARY THE BRANCH LIBRARIES 3 3333 14485 7444 The Indian Place-Names On Long Island and Islands Adjacent With Their Probable Significations By William Wallace Tooker . Edited, with an Introduction by j ( > Alexander F. Chamberlain, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Clark Uniyeis : ty ; \Vorcester, Mass. Published for rh.- John Jermain Memorial Library Sag Harbor, N. Y. G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London Ifmtcfcerbocfcer press 191 1 v-x .-. WILLIAM' WALLACE TOOKKR ' ' Ube ^nfcfeerbocftet JSreas, "ftevo * i Co MARGARET OLIVIA SAGE WHOSE BENEFACTIONS ARE WORLD-WIDE THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR . . . vii SOME PRELIMINARY REMARKS BY THE AUTHOR xv THE INDIAN PLACE-NAMES ON LONG ISLAND AND ISLANDS ADJACENT i APPENDIX I. LIST OF ALGONKIAN NAMES SUITABLE FOR COUNTRY HOMES, HOTELS, CLUBS, MOTOR-BOATS, ETC. . . . 299 APPENDIX II. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CONTRIBU- TIONS TO THE STUDY OF ALGONKIAN NOMENCLATURE, ETC., BY WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKER .... 303 APPENDIX III. WORKS OF OTHER WRITERS CITED WITH MORE OR LESS FREQUENCY IN THIS VOLUME, AND OTHER WORKS RELATING TO THE SAME OR CONNECTED TOPICS . . . . . . .311 INTRODUCTION TTHE timeliness of such historical studies as those represented by Mr. Tooker's Indian Place- Names on Long Island is emphasized by the recent burning of the Capitol at Albany, which involved the destruction of hundreds (perhaps, thousands) of original manuscripts and unprinted docu- ments relating to the period of early settlement of parts of northeastern North America by Europeans, Dutch and English in particular. Not a few of the sources (notably 4h records .of. land-papers and kindred material in the office of. -the Secretary of State), from which Mr. Tooker obtained the facts enabling, him to interpret accurately and beyond all possibility- of doubt many Indian- pj,a ; ce-names of the region in question, perished ir*Qparably in the conflagration.. , Their true etymologies could be ascertained only by , the most /painstaking and in- telligent examination, by o&e^deeply acquainted with the speech of the Indian inhabitants, of old deeds, boundary-descriptions, wills, etc., many of which can never again be appealed to for the same original purposes, since the flames have now con- sumed them altogether. It may even happen sometime that the extracts from certain of these Vll THE OF r - ORK ' viii Introduction documents (no longer in existence) to be found in the pages of Mr. looker's book will have to serve as the only historical or legal evidence on record concerning some of the matters with which they deal. Besides the place-names themselves, these old records often contain references to customs and habits of both whites and Indians, notes on abor- iginal life and activities, etc., nowhere else set down. Incidents of hunting and fishing, methods of capturing game, accounts of native foods, and the like, are reported sometimes in connection with brief descriptions of settlements, treaties, titles to land, exchanges of property, limitations of bounds, etc. Some of the early documents formerly on record, at, Albany have been published in the Minutes of^he^xecutiw. Council of the Prov- ince of New York.'iZ'vols., Albany, IQTO), edited by G. V. H. Pa'ltsiis, 1 the State Historian. Here a number of the Long Island records are reproduced at full length.' The lists of sachems are of especial interact i, One of the most significant as- pects of hum'an hi'story is the story of race-contact. All over the glpl}e' abundant evidences of such con- tact occur in geographical name*:, which are some- times the only memorials of themselves which the so-called "lower" races are able to transmit to the "higher." The Red Man, however, has not been so unfortunate, for he has influenced in many ways the language, the economic life, and even the in- stitutions of his conquerors and dispossessors. Introduction ix The mass-contact of the English and the Indians in North America took place first in an Algonkian area, of which Long Island formed a part. Lin- guistically, the Algonkian stock, although by no means intellectually superior to their Iroquoian neighbors, seem to have influenced more the Euro- pean settlers and their descendants. In an article on "Algonkian Words in American English," pub- lished in the Journal of American Folk-Lore for 1901, and in a monograph on " The Contribution of the American Indian to Human Civilization (Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1902), the writer has discussed this topic, pointing out that the contributions of the Algonkians to the dictionary of American English (past and present) amount to at least 200 words, including such terms of world- wide fame as Tam- many, mugwump, totem, etc., while the element taken up from the Iroquoian dialects is very much less numerous, being chiefly limited to words which were originally place-names, but which, like Chau- tauqua, etc., have for some reason or other become common-places of our speech. In so far as its place-names of Indian origin are concerned, Long Island is completely Algonkian, the few Iroquoian terms listed by Mr. Tooker, such as Genissee and Swego, being due to the white man's introduction of them from other parts of New York State. The list of place-names re- corded and interpreted by Mr. Tooker constitutes, as he has said, with the exception of two rather x Introduction short vocabularies, obtained at the close of the eighteenth century, our sole linguistic data con- cerning the Indian inhabitants of Long Island at the period of European settlement. It is fortunate that we have, from a competent Algonkinist, to use a somewhat new word, this detailed study of nearly 500 names. For this not only the investi- gators in the field of American Indian philology will be grateful, but all those likewise who are inter- ested in the phenomena of race-contact and the problems connected with the accretion of the vo- cabulary of modern English from foreign sources. One interesting feature of these researches into the origin and the history of Indian place-names is the turning up occasionally of a word, derived from the aboriginal tongue of the locality, which has passed into the common every-day speech of the English settlers, or the Dutch, as the case may be. In discussing the name Seapoose, Mr. Tooker chronicles just such a term. Even at the present day, we are told, "the inlets that are opened in the beaches on the Southside in the towns of East and Southampton, in order that the ocean may flow into the various ponds and bays, or vice versa, are known as the Seapoose." In a record of 1650, the pay for working "at the seapoose" is stated to be three shillings per day. In recent times the word has been applied both in Long Island and New Jersey (in the form "sea- puss") to the "under-tow" of the ocean. The Introduction xi term seapoose, or sea-puss, is of good Algonkian origin, as shown by the Narragansett sipoese, Massachusetts sepuese, Long Island (Unkechaug) seepus, "little river," from the radical sip (seep], "river." The word seapoose or sea-puss is not to be found in the Standard or the Century Dictionary, but ought to be included in any comprehensive list of Americanisms of Indian origin. "Sea-puss," perhaps, has a touch of folk-etymology about it. Another term, in process of becoming an "Ameri- canism," unless, indeed, it is from English hassock, is recorded under Hassokey. In the early docu- ments "Hassokie meadows," "Hassokey swamp," " Hassokey meadow, " etc., are often mentioned; and the name Hassock also appears frequently as applied to similar localities in certain parts of Long Island. The Algonkian origin of the term is seen from the Narragansett hassucki, " marsh land," Delaware assisku, "miry, marshy," etc. A thor- oughgoing examination of the old records of the settlements within the Algonkian area of north- eastern North America would, doubtless, reveal other contributions of the aborigines to the vocabu- lary of their Aryan successors in the land. The tendency of the English language to reduce many polysyllabic words to a much briefer form is exemplified again and again in these place-names of Indian origin. Thus, Achabachawesuck appears sometimes as Wesuck; Checkachagin as Choggin; Massapeague as Marsey; Moncorum and Winecorum xii Introduction as Coram or Corum; Pauquacumsuck as Quaconsuck; Sagaponack as Sagg or Sag; Secommecock as Mecock; Winnecomac as Co-mac. Remarkable in this re- spect is Quaquanantuck, which is found as Quaquan- tuck, Quantuck, Quaqua, Quagga, Quag, etc. On the other hand, we learn that in 1889 the name of the Post-Office Sagg was changed to Sagaponack. Among the many place-names on record as of Indian origin, according to the early settlers of Long Island, are some "ghost-words," as Skeat, the English lexicographer, terms them due to mis- takes of scribes, etc. Such, e. g., is Minaussums for Winnecroscoms. Occasionally the white man has deliberately altered the form or the spelling of the aboriginal name. This is the case with Marra- tooka, which, by way of Marrituck, goes back to Mattituck. The white man's influence is seen also in the introduction of names from other and kin- dred Indian tongues, and in the "invention" or "improvement" of such. Thus, Ihpetonga, Kioshk, and Minissais are Od- jibwa (Chippewa) words introduced by the late H. R. Schoolcraft, and Kissena comes from a like source. To Mr. G. R. Howell is due the making of Missipaug, Minnesunk, and Nippaug. The spelling of the Indian names, both in Dutch and English, has varied extremely; so much, in- deed, that the belonging of some of them together would hardly be suspected were it not for the proof Introduction xiii furnished by the original records. For Setauket, e. g., we find Setaulcott, Selasacott, and (in Dutch notation) Sichteyhackey > Pseudo-Indian names occur, as Mr. Tooker points out, in Hoggenoch corrupted from "Hog's Neck," Oquenock (from "Oak Neck"), Syosset (from Dutch Schoitts), Wainscot (a good English word), etc., the forms of which approximate some- times so closely real Indian words that the his- torical records alone can settle the question of their real origin. In "Dix's Hills" is remembered an Indian named "Dick Pichegan, " and in quite a number of other place-names only part of the personal appellation (Indian or English) of some sannup or squaw has survived. In his Preliminary Remarks Mr. Tooker has called attention to other interesting characteristics of some of these place- names. The Indian Place- Names on Long Island, besides serving the more scholarly and serious purposes of the historian and the philologist, ought, and its author has labored personally to that end, to help strengthen the custom, now considerably in vogue, of employing names of American Indian origin to designate villages and towns the outgrowth of the present day, estates and seats in the country or at the sea-shore, camps, hotels, cottages, vessels large and small, etc. This can so often be accomplished with no injury to our mother-tongue and with a proper remembrance of those who tenanted the xiv Introduction woods and sailed the seas before us. Much can be done by the simple restoration of names formerly in use. Notable examples of such restoration are to be met with in "Sagamore Hill" (here, perhaps, Mohannis, the sagamore himself, might well have been remembered, as the hill really bore his name once), perpetuated by Mr. Roosevelt, and in " Mashimuet Park, " presented by Mrs. Sage to the town of Sag Harbor. Finally, the editor desires to' express his pleasure in seeing preserved in book-form the results of the careful and suggestive studies of his friend and colleague, and in rinding them dedicated to one whose gracious benefactions have made themselves potent in all the walks of economic life, religion, art and science. ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN. CLARK UNIVERSITY, WORCESTER, MASS. May 22, 1911. SOME PRELIMINARY REMARKS "Keep evermore the Indian name So long ago possessed, that tongue And time which gave alike are gone, Their history never told or sung. I would not change, I love the "sound Associate from ififaticy, With home'an-ft-f/iends and Scei'tes-Vrrich grew Through passing years more dear 'to me." THESE lines are taken from a poem- entitled Hauppavg* Sweet Waters, by Ellen* -S. Mow- bray, a Long" Island poetess. They are quite apropos, and .wiiV apply, at the present time, to many Long Island Indian name's' a/s -herein noted, such as Montauk,>Ouogne,\A.-:nngansett, Speonk, Setauket, and others. They emphasize the desirability of retaining such reminders of the past, already bestowed, and of adopting others now obsolete and forgotten, except as here brought to view. Two brief vocabularies of the Algonkian lan- guage, in the Long Island dialects, have been preserved. The first was obtained by the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, in the presence -of the Hon. XV xvi Some Preliminary RemarKs James Madison, and General Floyd, on January I 3 I 79 l i a t Pusspatuck, in the town of Brook- haven. It consists of about 162 words, including the numerals, and is in the so-called dialect of the Unquachog. At that time, said Jefferson: "There remain but three persons who can speak its lan- guage. They are old women. From two of these this vocabulary was taken. A young woman of the same tribe was also present, who knew some- thing of the language." The consonantal" interchange from n to r, in many words, .show-? the ktnihip ctf these old women ** t *- * t c . to the Quiripfc of New ' Haven, _ by marriage or otherwise; A vocabulary of the Montauks was obtained on the same visit to Long Island, but it was after- ward lost by accident on the Potomsc River. The second vocabulary is in t^e Montauk dia- lect, and was obtained by John Lyon Gardiner, the seventh Proprietor of Gardiner's Island, on March 25, 1798, .{roni George Pharaoh, aged sixty- six, the oldest man of the tribe, and their chief. Gardiner states, there were then only seven per- sons that could speak the language. Many words of this vocabulary, which numbers about seventy-five, exhibit much phonetic decay, and the list presents such an array of English and Montauk, that I cannot believe, at that time, there was a native who could speak the language intelligently and correctly. No doubt dying Some Preliminary IVemarKs xvn echoes of the language must have lingered for many years among the remnant of the tribe. These two vocabularies, and the names which I here present, are all that remain of the language as once spoken from Staten Island to Montauk Point. The Montauk vocabulary in Wood's History of Long Island is not a true copy of the original, as it is lacking in many essentials especially interesting. I had devoted considerable study to the sub- ject of Indian names, and Trumbull's work was familiar to me, previous to 1887, m which year, I was invited by Mr. H. F. Gunnison, then editor of the Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, to prepare a list of the "Indian Geographical Names of Long Island, with their Signification," for that annual for the coming year 1888. The list was revised and corrected with additions, in the Almanac for 1889 and 1890. This was followed in 1893, by an essay on The Indian Names of Places in Brooklyn. In 1894, ^e Aboriginal Terms for Long Island appeared. In 1895, was published an essay on Some Indian Fishing Stations on Long Island. My theme for 1896 was The Signification of the Name Montauk. In 1897, m Y contribution was The Derivation of the Name Manhattan. After a lapse of some years, this was followed in the Almanac for 1904 by a continuation, with additions and revisions, of the Indian Names of Places from the Almanac of 1890, which completed my contri- xviii Some Preliminary RemarKs butions to the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, all of which were drawn from the present work while in manuscript. The essays attracted the most attention, and were reprinted in several periodicals and after- wards revised with notes for my Algonqidan Series. The list of 1888 was the first ever published, since Schoolcraft's can hardly be called a list, and De Kay's was printed for further information but not published. Viewed from the standpoint of civilization, the interpretation of these Indian names is looked upon as being trivial and very nonsensical ; viewed, however, from the Indian standpoint, they are found to be very momentous and interesting. This standpoint has nearly always been misun- derstood or ignored. Our early settlers generally considered this when purchasing land from the natives, and always retained the Indian boundary designations, and fully set them forth in the so- called Indian deeds. A good illustration of a name, from an Indian's standpoint, is given by Mackenzie (Voyages, 1st Amer. ed., 1802, pp. 52-53), who mentions a carry on the Churchill River, in the British Possessions, called Athiquisipicliigan Ouinigan,* or "the Portage of the Stretched Frog Skin," which, 1 The etymology of this name is athi "frog"; quisi "to cut," or "to skin"; -pichigan, suffix of instrumentality, something "stretched out" being understood; ouinigan "a portage." Some Preliminary RemarKs xix he says, "was hung up there by the Knisteneaux, in derision of the natives formerly in possession of the country, who were held in great contempt for being poor hunters, and for their ignorance in properly preparing and stretching the beaver skins." It has been said, that in the composition of these names no imagination on the part of the Indians has been shown. This will apply to those of simple structure, but not to those of a more intricate composition, like the above. The familiar name, tomahawk, also possesses attributes from the Indian standpoint, totally unknown to the Americanist. The name of the weapon had its origin somewhere among the eastern Algonkians, possibly among the Massachu- setts, as represented etymologically, by the form tumetah-who-uk, "he that cuts off, by a blow. " The Indians were very figurative and expres- sive in their nature and speech, and so, favorite weapons, like the tomahawk, were given animate attributes, as represented by the Massachusetts notation. Tumhican, "a cutting instrument," is the inanimate form. The name was adopted so generally by the whites, that by colloquial usage it became well known to the Indians of an alien tongue, who applied it, as did also the English, to other weapons that would not "cut off," for no Indian of the language where it had its birth would have called a curved wooden club with a xx Some Preliminary IVemarKs globular head at its end, "a tomahawk," as has been done in museums and elsewhere. As Prof. Wm. H. Holmes, the eminent ethnolo- gist, very aptly remarks (American Anthropologist, n.s. vol. x., p. 276): "The English colonists ap- plied it not only to the native celt-hatchet, but to the grooved axe, the falchion club, and the plain globe-headed club. " It occasionally happens, when collecting Indian vocabularies, that a mistaken meaning sometimes occurs, due to the collector or native misunder- standing the answer to the question given by the interpreter. Strachey, in his Historic of Travaile into Virginia, etc., furnishes us with several instances of this kind, together with one rather remarkable ex- ample. Once upon a time, as the story goes, when on a visit to one of the Indian Queens, whose dominion or habitation was located on the south shore of James River, he noticed that she wore, a chain of large copper links, which went twice or thrice about her neck, which he said, they accoun- ted "a jolly ornament." On his asking about it, she replied: "tapoantamminais," and so he noted it in his " Dictionarie " (in the above work) as "a chayne of copper with long lincks, tapaantaini- nais," while the real meaning has nothing what- ever to do with " copper links, " but really indicates how she obtained it, viz.: "she enough-minded with corn, or she bought it with corn. " Its ety- Some Preliminary RemarKs xxi mology is as follows : tapa-antam-minais ( = Massa- chusetts tapa-antam-minneash] , from tdpa," enough, sufficient"; -antam, "minded," the characteristic and formative of verbs expressing mental states and activities, hence, "she is satisfied or conten- ted"; -minais (pi. of miri), "corn." It will be remarked that the Powhatan form is identical with the Massachusetts (the tilde over the m marks the omission of the m following), which shows how close these two dialects are in their cognation. There are several divisions of names which have been investigated by the author. First, the geographical names, properly so-called, which includes those bestowed by the Indians themselves, descriptive of some natural feature, and those that appear as boundary designations, as handed down by the whites in Indian deeds. These two sorts are by far the most numerous of all the names and the most interesting. The second includes Indian personal names, as adopted by the English, from the native, who formerly erected his or her wigwam and planted the land, swamp, or creek retaining the name. This includes such well known names as Georgica, Meacox, and Moriches. The third consists of those that are not Algon- kian, although believed to be such by the majority of the inhabitants of those hamlets retaining the name. This division includes Sy asset, which is of Dutch origin; Wainscot, which is English; xxii Some Preliminary RemarKs Hoggenock, an error of an engrosser ; and Ligonce, which belongs to the realm of English folk-lore. The polysynthetical structure of these geogra- phical names is, with few exceptions, very simple. The well, known Algonkian scholar, the late J. H. Trumbull, assigns them to three classes, with which I agree: "i. Names composed of two elements, which we may distinguish as adjectival and substantival; with, or without, a locative suffix or postposition meaning 'at,' 'in,' 'near,' or the like. (I use the terms 'adjectival' and 'sub- stantival' because no true adjectives or substan- tives enter into the composition of Algonkian names. The adjectival may be an adverb or a preposition; the substantival element is often a verbal, which serves in composition as a generic name, but which cannot be used as an independent word: the synthesis always retains a verbal form.) "2. Those which have only a single base- word, the substantival, with a postposition. "3. Those formed from verbs, as participials or verbal nouns denoting a place where the action of the verb is performed." To Classes i and 2 belong nine-tenths of all the Algonkian place-names throughout Long Island and islands adjacent. Those belonging to Class 3 are very rare, so much so that Trumbull does not mention a single example in his work on Indian Names in Connecticut, while Long Island gives us a number of this class of names. Some Preliminary RemarKs xxiii The application of Indian geographical appella- tions is not always obvious when translated. Let us illustrate this. There is a constant inquiry for euphonious Algonkian names and their signification. These are desired for various purposes, but all indicate the awakened interest in the matter under con- sideration. Such inquiries (until recently when illness prevented) were always answered to the best of my ability. In reply, to my often ex- haustive studies of the names, for most of them cannot be translated at sight, I am sometimes informed, that the translation does not apply to the locality now bearing the name. Why should it apply, after a lapse of two and a half centuries or more? The ancient "corn fields" are now covered with cedars, and the "chestnut trees" in the swamp have been burned for years, and the "burned woods " is merely a name. As the poetess has writ- ten, "tongue and time which gave alike are gone." Take the well-known name Shinnecock for in- stance; we find it applied to a canal, to a bay, to a neck of land, and to a range of hills, the last being an antithesis to the original bestowal, for Shinne- cock (not Shinnec-ock, as Ruttenber gives it) denotes "a level country," describing "Shinne- cock plain," where the first settlers of Southamp- ton found the tribe encamped in the earliest days of the township. XXIV Some Preliminary IVemarKs Some of the Indian names on Long Island are duplicated in Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. Long Island possesses the honor, however, of having two " Connecticut," rivers, neither of which borrowed its name from the larger and better known river; and it also possesses one "Mississippi," the name of which, historically, antedates that of the greater western stream. Many of the names have suffered curtailment in some of their component parts. These losses, due to colloquial use by the English, consist some- times of an initial prefix, sometimes of a suffix, frequently of both, which adds to the perplexity of a puzzling study. These losses can generally be rectified if we have the early records and deeds of the townships, wherein the names are often fully set forth. Long Island is rich in these records, and the greater part of them have been published, and so have added their testimony to the identification of many names. In the beginning of my studies in Algonki.m nomenclature, I found it necessary to utilize all the vocabularies obtainable for purposes of com- parison, the two Long Island specimens being totally inadequate for the proper study of these names. Therefore I have availed myself of Roger Williams 's Key into the Language of America; Cotton's Vocabulary of the Massa- Some Preliminary RemarKs XXV chusetts; Trumbull's works; Chamberlain's stud- ies; and many grammars and works from other dialects. I also found it necessary to do much laborious study, which does not show to any extent in my published essays. This includes the preparation of a Natick-English dictionary, made up from Eliot's Indian Bible, of which I have a copy of the second edition, not mentioned by Pilling. This dictionary consists of over five thousand entries ; but many words, however, are duplicated, in order to show their grammatical and polysyn- thetical construction, as well as to indicate Eliot's method of compounding words. My dictionary therefore differs entirely from Trum- bull's compilation, having been made up for my own use before his was published by the Bureau of American Ethnology. Neither work is exhaustive of the subject, as contained in Eliot's Indian Bible. In fact, there is strong probability, that if Trum- bull was unable to exhaust the subject, that it never will be done, owing to the labor involved in such an undertaking. There are certain peculiarities regarding some of the names of eastern Long Island, not found else- where. I refer now to some well-known names, which are almost effectually disguised under the orthography of a Dutch scribe; for instance, we find: Mochgonnekonck, given for Shinnecock; Cots- jewaminck written for Ahaquatuwamuck; Mir- xxvi Some Preliminary IVemarKs rachtauhacky for Meantaukut; Weyrinteynick for Wyandance; Catsjeyick for Cutchogue; and several others. During the progress of this work, while still in manuscript, awaiting further search and dis- covery of new names, I have devoted considerable study to the names on Martha's Vineyard. This essay will appear in a forthcoming history of that island, by Dr. Charles E. Banks, of the U. S. Marine Hospital Service. Also some study to the names in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Virginia, and Maryland, the results of which, with few exceptions, have never heen published. There are two studies which I regret to be obliged to leave incomplete, for I was deeply interested in them both. The first is a work on The Proverbs of Solomon, King of Israel (with notes, vocabulary, etc.), from the text of the Eliot Indian Bible, in collabora- tion with Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, of Clark University, Worcester, Mass. In 1907, when I was obliged to give up this study, fifteen chapters had been translated, and two chapters copied from the texts and verified. 1 The second study is Indian Names of Villages and Streams, from Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia. This list numbers about 176 names, 1 This work will be continued by Dr. Chamberlain, when opportunity offers, and will be published as a joint labor of the two authors. Some Preliminary IVemarKs XXVll the greater part of which are here translated, with their cognates from other dialects. The difficulty of interpreting and translating Indian names is seen not only in the work of ama- teurs but in that of some claiming a somewhat intimate knowledge of aboriginal languages and aboriginal history. An example of erroneous in- terpretation is to be' seen in the discussion of the etymology of the name Ronkonkoma by the late E. M. Ruttenber, in his Indian Geographical Names, published in the Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association for 1906. His derivation is wrong topographically, as well as linguistically. Marechkawick (1637), the Indian name of Brooklyn, cannot possibly be derived from Mereca, the South American name for a wild duck, now applied to the species classified scientifically, which had not been done in the early seventeenth century. Nor can Moriches be derived from the name of a South American palm, Moriche palmata; or Canarsie be made the equivalent of an East Indian Canarese. The Algonkian origin of these three names is be- yond doubt, their resemblances to words in other languages being simply chance. Yet such etymologies are to be found in the work of Mr. Ruttenber and others who have not hesitated to criticise the labors of competent Algonkinists. Of such chance likenesses Major J. W. Powell, the eminent ethnologist, wrote: xxviii Some Preliminary RemarKs "Such accidental resemblances are often found, and tyro philologists frequently assemble them for the purpose of demonstrating linguistic relation- ship ; such adventitious similarities are discovered in all departments of human activities, and have no value for comparative purposes." During the assembling of this list of Indian names, many ancient manuscript records, un- recorded deeds and papers relating to long for- gotten lawsuits, have been searched in order to make it exhaustive, if such an event were possible. However that may be, we can truthfully say it is nearly so, and leave to others to bring to light those that have been overlooked. Among the many friends, who have willingly assisted, with good success, in this search, I might name the late George R. Howell, Orville B. Ackerly, Esq., and William S. Pelletreau, A.M., to whom I owe my grateful acknowledgments, for the interest they have taken in my work. To Herbert F. Gunni- son, of the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, my thanks are also due, for continued interest in my studies. Miss Anna Mulford, has my thanks for her valued help in preparing these remarks. WM. WALLACE TOOKER. SAG HARBOR, N. Y. The Indian Place-Names on Long Island Indian Place-Names on Long Island I. ACABONACK, Acabonuk: a neck of land, meadows and harbor, in Easthampton town, ad- joining Gardiner's Bay. In the early records the name is almost invariably applied to the meadows. The meadow was laid out in 1651, viz.: "It is ordered that Thomas Baker . . . shall lay out Occabonack meadow betweene this and the iQth of this instant July uppon penalltie of payeinge io s every one yt shall neglect the same by the day" (E. H. R., vol. i., pp. 15-16). Variations are Accobannocke, 1652; Accaboneck, 1655; Occobonak, 1655; Ackobonuk, 1667; Ackabomtk, 1672, etc. Beauchamp (Ind. Names in N. Y., 1893) has Accaponack. I cannot do any better on this name than to quote from Trumbull's study : "The Indians frequently designated localities by the names of esculent or medicinal roots which they produced. In the Algonkin language, the generic name for tubers and bulbs was pen 2 Indian Place-Names varying in some dialects to pin, pena, pon or bun. This name seems originally to have be- longed to the common ground-nut, Apios tuber osa (Abnaki, pen, pi. penak). Other species were designated by prefixes to this generic, and in the composition of place-names, a suffix was employed to denote locality (auk, auki, ock, etc.). . . . Several local names of this kind have been preserved in the eastern townships of Long Island. The species denoted by the prefix cannot in all cases be determined, but the generic name, with its localizing affix, is easily recognizable. "Acabonac, Accabonuck: now the name of a harbor of Gardiner's Bay, Easthampton, was originally the designation of a 'root place.' The species is not ascertained. Probably it is the same that is mentioned by Hariot, in Virginia, as Okeepenauk, 'roots of round shape,' found in dry ground; the inhabitants used to boil and eat many of them" (Mag. Amer. Hist., vol. i., 1877, pp. 386-387). 2. ACCOM BOMMOK: "An ancient village site on Montauk" (De Kay's Indian Names on Long Island). The writer has been unable to find any other authority, than the above for this name. De Kay may have taken his authority from the following: (a) Accombomok: "Is the name of part of the On Long Island 3 town [of Easthampton], lying on the north ad- joining the sound where there is a small harbor." (Thompson, vol. i., p. 310.) Appears also as Acabomock (U. S. Coast Survey map). This place has always been known locally as Acabo- nack. (b) Accombomack: "That part of it [Shinne- cock] adjoining Peconic Bay is called Accom- bomack" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 359). This is another error, as the locality mentioned has always been known as Seponack or Sabonack, See Acom- bamack. 3. ACCOMPSETT: a locality inSmithtown, L. I. Found recorded in an order concerning the Smith- town boundary, dated 1670: "Declaring and offering to prove that ye Nesaquake lands lay on both sides of ye Ryver, and that parte lyeing on yewestsyde, comonly called NesaquaqiieAccomp- sett, did extend as farre as ye fresh pond west- ward" (H. R., vol. i., p. 170). See N esaquaqiie Accompsett. 4. ACHABACHAWESUCK: a small creek or brook, between Fourth Neck and Pine Neck, Atlantic - ville, Southampton town. It is now known locally as Wesuck. In the laying out of Wonunk Neck in 1686, we find it stated: "Fourth Neck begins at a marked tree a little below quogo path, and soe runs strait over to a tree at Acha-bacha-we- 4 Indian Place-Names suck, about 50 poles below the going over" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 114). The variations are Achabachwesuck, 1686; Achabusuckwesuck, 1738; Achabuchawesuck, 1738; Wesuck, 1738. This long name has been a puzzle for a long time, owing to loss of a portion of its reduplicated prefix, and the substitution of b for p. The real etymology is (Ch)acha-bdchau-we-suck,coTTespO'n.dmg to Mass- achusetts Chachapdchauwesuck, "separated turn- ing aside little brook, " hence "a boundary brook. " The intensive prefix denotes "a permanent or continuous division or separation." The com- ponents of the word are, therefore, chacha, denot- ing "division," "separation"; pdchau, "he turns aside," "deviates"; -suck, "creek," "brook." 5. ACOMBAMACK : the neck of land on which is situated the village of Bellport, Brookhaven town. This name is first mentioned in the Indian deed of 1664, viz.: "Concerning a parsell of land, lyinge upon the south side of Long Island, being bounded on the south with the Grate baye, and on the weste with a fresh ponde, aioyning to a place comonly called Acombamack, and on the east with a river called Yamphanke," etc. (B. H. R., vol. i., p. n). Variations are Occombamack, Ockanbamack, Com- bamack. The word Acombamack signifies "over against the fishing-place." The first section, acomb or occomb, is the parallel of the Massachu- setts ogkome (Eliot) ; Chippewa, agami; Narra- On Long Island 5 gansett, acawamen, signifying "on the other side," "over against"; the terminal affix -amack, de- notes "a fishing-place, " and is a common adjunct to many Indian place-names throughout New England and on Long Island. In this case, the neck of land was probably near a place where the Indians had a fishing weir. See also Algonquian Series, vol. i., pp. 16-18. 6. AGAWOM, Agawam: the town pond in the village of Southampton is now called Lake Aga- wam. Ogilby, who, in his History of America (1671, p. 161), writes: "About the year 1640, by a fresh supply of people, that settled on Long Island, who there erected the twenty third town, called Southampton, by the Indians Agawom," commits an error which has been perpetuated by many of the Long Island historians without question. It does not appear in any of the early records of the township. Ogilby, in the opinion of the writer, by mistake took this from Smith's Generall Historic of New-England (1624, p. 205), where the English name of Southampton was bestowed by Prince Charles, at the suggestion of Capt. John Smith, on an Indian village in Massachusetts called Agawom. The locality afterwards was called Ipswich. The name is applied to several localities through- out New England where there are low flat meadows or marshes. Of the several suggested transla- 6 Indian Place-Names tions, none are satisfactory, mainly because a termination is missing, making the name Aga- wom-uk, "where there is a going under," from agwu, "under," -worn, "a going," with locative, "where there is." The word would thus mean: "low flat meadows," that are frequently over- flowed. See other names belonging to Trumbull's third class. J. N. B. Hewitt (Handb. of Amer. Inds. N. of Mexico, vol. i., 1907, p. 21) interprets Agawam as "fish-curing (place)," and Kinnicutt (Ind. Names of Places in Plym. Co., Mass., 1909, p. 1 8) as " unloading-place, " or "landing-place," but neither of these can be correct. 7. AHAQUATUWAMUCK : Shelter Island. This name occurs occasionally in the early records separately. First, in the Dutch archives as Cotsjewaminck, afterwards in the English, in 1652, viz: "And hee the said Yokee delivered unto the aforesaid Captaine Nathaniel Silvester and En- signe John Booth one turfe with a twige in their hands according to the usual custome of the English, after which delivery and full possession given, the said Yokee, with all his Indians that were formerly belonging to said Island of Aha- quatuwamuck did freely and willingly depart" (Southold R., vol. i., p. 158). "All that their Islands of Ahaquatuwamuck otherwise called Menhansack in 1656" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 97). See Manhansack Ahaquatuwamock. On Long Island 7 8. AMAGANSETT: a village in East Hampton town. ' The foundation of the village was laid out at a very early day; its Indian owner was Am-eag- an-sett" (Gardiner's Chronicles of East Hampton). No authority for this statement can be found. I have previously given the signification as "in the neighborhood of the fishing-place" (Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1888, 1889, 1890; E. H. R., vol. iv., 1889). This seemed to be right by etymology, and from the celebrity of the locality as a whaling station from a very early period. Besides, a similar name appears as the terminal syllable in a Rhode Island place-name, viz.: Mashaguamagansett, "red (salmon) fishing- place." This meaning was originally furnished by Dr. Trumbull of Hartford, Conn., to Wm. S. Pelletreau, Esq., who gave it in his paper before the Suffolk County Teachers Association, May 3, 1883. Recent study of Eliot's Indian Bible in connection with the town records has fully con- vinced me that it is wrong, as the following shows. That part of the village south of the main street was known at the earliest period as the "Indian well plain," and was laid out previous to 1668 (E. H.'R., vol., i., pp. 305, 322). The tract north of the street was part of the undivided common land up to 1672, and was known as the "woods north of the Indian well" and as the "Amogonset woods." In 1672, Rev. Thos. James, John Mul- ford, and Jeremiah Conkling, in consideration of 8 Indian Place-Names their resigning title to the land on Montauk pur- chased by them in 1670 (see Wuchebesuck] , were granted a tract "att the woodland lyeing against the Indyan well, " or " above the Indyan well plain in the woods" (E. H. R., vol. i., pp. 344, 353). In 1683, Thos. James sells fifty-two acres of his allotment to Abraham Schellinger "in the woods eastward of ye towne, bounded E. by Jeremy Conkling, W. by Thos. James, south by ye high- way that goes to Napeage, north by highway commonly called A mogonset way." James's deed to Schellinger is not on record, but he conveys the remainder of his tract to the same party in 1685, where the land is "toward ye Indian well" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 235). John Mulford sells part of his tract in 1698, "lying Eastward in ye woods north of ye Indian well" (E. H. R., vol. ii., p. 409). In the following year (1699) he conveys another part of the same tract "at Ammaganset" (vol. ii., p. 465). A depression in the ground running for some distance north and south through the village is occasionally mentioned in the records as the "Indian well hollow" and is still so-called. Isaac Schellinger, a descendant of Abraham Schel- linger, now aged (1890) about eighty, says that tradition, as handed down to him, located the Indian well near the U. S. Life-Saving Station, on land now belonging to Mrs. Benj. Terry. The well was probably the hollow trunk of a pepperidge tree (Nyssa multiflora) sunk in the meadow that On Long' Island 9 adjoins the upland. I have seen several placed in that manner at running springs of water, that were quite ancient. Variations of the Indian name are: Amogonset woods, 1688; Amegansit woods, 1694; Amagansick, 1695; Amiganset, 1695; Ameganset, 1695; Ammagansit, 1698; Amegonset woods, 1699 (E. H. R., vol. ii., pp. 229, 309, 333, 335, 337, 408, 463). These terms all refer to the tract granted to the three individuals above named. The word Amagansett is therefore the Algonkian synonym of the English "Indian well plain"; and the Indians in speaking of it used the prefix which the whites dropped, as was fre- quently the case in many Indian place-names. The etymology is wutah, "a thing"; amogan, to drink " ;-es-it, "at, about," etc. As a whole Wutah- amogan-es-it "at about or in the neighborhood of the drinking thing (a well)," the equivalent of the Massachusetts (Eliot) wutah-amoganit, "at the well" (Genesis xxix., 2); wuttah-hamonganit, "to the spring (Deut. iv., 49); and of the Narragan- setts wutfammagon, "a pipe," "drink instru- ment" (R. Williams); wutt'amme, "he drinks" (R. Williams); wutt'ammanog, "weak tobacco," lit. "what they drink" (R. Williams). Both the early settlers and the Indians used the verb ' ' to drink" when speaking of smoking a pipe. 9. ANCHANNOCK: Robins Island, Peconic Bay, Southold town. The Indian name of this island IO Indian Place-Names seems to have been entirely lost, until it was brought to light by the publishing of the early records. The Indian deed, dated Dec. 7, 1665, says: "Certain Island called in the Indian tonge Anchannock in English Robert's Island [Robins], scituate lying and being in a branch of the sea that runs up between Southampton and Southold right over against that part of Long Island that is called Corchauk" (S. R., vol. i., p. 255). This island, together with Shelter Island (as the story goes) was chosen by James Farrett, the agent for the Earl of Stirling, as his perquisite, and ex- empted from the Southampton conveyance of 1640. Farrett having conveyed the latter to Stephen Goodyear of New Haven in 1641, he must also have sold this island to Robert Carmand or Cannon (?) for we find: "and whereas alsoe the said Stephen Goodyear by his bill of sale from Robert Carmand did stand seized of one Island commonly called by the name of Robert's Island scituate lying neere Menhansack Island aforesaid hee the said Robert Carmand haveinge formerly purchased the same of lyoncam Sachem of Pam- manock" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 97). No other record of Carmand 's purchase can be found. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888, 1889, 1890, I gave the meaning as a "place full of timber" or "land well wooded," considering it the equivalent of the Delaware (Zeisberger) tach- annicke, "full of timber," tachanigeu, "woody," On Long Island II etc. Hence we have Anchann-auke, "land well wooded," or "full of timber." After many years of study I am fully satisfied that the above is the true etymology, for none other answers as well. Wood was very scarce in Southold town from a very early day. See Mattituck. 10. ANENDESAK: a tract of land in-Huntington town. Records show "July 30, 1705, Cornelis Van Texall and others petition for a tract of land on Long Island, in the county of Suffolk, near the town of Huntington called by the natives Anende- sak, in English Eader necks beach." The mean- ing of Anendesak has not been ascertained. The word is probably badly corrupted (Eader neck = "Eaton's neck"). n. ANOCK: a short creek at the bottom of Fourth Neck, Atlanticville, Southampton. The trustees of the Freeholders and Commonalty of the town of Southampton, under date of July I, 1698, sold the common grass to Francis Sayre, from Annock to the west bounds. (Meacox Bay Oyster Case, p. 382.) Elisha HowelTs will, dated May 15, 1771, leaves son Mathew Howell "all that neck of land called Fourth neck and the land lying against said neck between the land of Capt. John Post and the creek called Anock Creek" (Pelletreau's Will, Sea-Side Times, Oct. 24, 1889). This is a remnant of a longer name, but what 12 Indian Place-Names the original might have been, it is impossible to say at this late day, as it is not found on record except as above. There are several names with similar ter- minations, such as : Mamanock, Mashmanock, etc. 12. ANUSKKUMMIKAK : neck of land in Baby- lontown, formerly called "Little East Neck," or "Capt. Fleet's Neck." We find the following in the early records of Huntington town, 1682: "A parcell of land or meadow lying and being upon a certain neck called by ye name of Anus- bymonika lying and being on ye south side of Long Island, being bound on the east by a creek; on the south by ye meadow of Cap- tain Thomas Fleet" (vol. i., p. 341). An Indian deed of 1697 says: "A certain necke of land lying on ye south side of this Island within Hunt- ington Patten joyning to a river yt parteth this sd necke and a neck called Sampaumes this river is called by ye Indians Anuskcomuncak, this sd neck is called ye Easte neck, or Captain Fleet's Neck, by the Indians Arasecoseagge" (vol. ii., p. 214). A deed of 1698: "Part of an Island of meadow being undevided lying on ye east side of ye neck called Amuskemunnica being bound on ye east with Sampaumes creek" (vol. ii., p. 218). Varia- tions are Wamskcumuncake (Munsell's Hist. Suff. Co.); Anuskkummikak (J. W. Cooper, Esq., Baby- lon Signal, June 13, 1885). These extracts from the old records prove con- On Long Island 13 clusively that the name belonged originally to the upland only, and not to the creek or meadow; and that Captain Fleet's meadow of Arasecoseagge was on the south of this neck. On the upland were located the corn fields of the Indians, doubt- less free from timber at the time of settlement. From this fact was derived the name, which signi- fies "land to hoe or break up," "planting land," "corn fields," "plowed ground"; the parallel is found in the Narragansett (R. Williams) anask- hommin, "to hoe or break up"; munaskunnemen, "to weed"; Delaware (Zeisberger) munaskhamen, "to weed," "to hoe out." Eliot uses the same radical in various forms for "to work," "plow- ing, " "the plowman, " etc., as, e.g., in Hosea, x. 12, annaskhamook, " break up " ; Isaiah xxiii., 24, anask- hammen, "plowman"; Micahiii., 12, anashkamuk, "plowed." Wood in his New England's Prospect (1634) gives: "another work is their planting of corne, wherein they exceede our English hus- bandman, keep it so cleare with their clamme- shell-hooes as if it were a garden rather than a cornfield not suffering a choking weede to advance his audacious head above their infant corne, or an undermining worme to spoile his spurnes. " Roger Williams (1643) says: "When a field is to be broken up, they have a very loving, sociable speedy way to dispatch it; all the neighbors men and women, forty, fifty, hundred, joine and come in to helpe freely. The women set or plant, weede and 14 Indian Place-Names hill and gather and barne all the corne and Fruites of the Field ; y t sometimes the man himself (either out of love to his wife, or care for his children, or being an old man) will help the woman which (by the custome of the country) they are not bound to." 13. APOCOCK: tract of upland and meadow, east of Beaver-dam River, West Hampton. The locality is now termed Paucuck. It is noted in the Southampton town records as early as 1663, viz. : "All these lands that he the said John Scot boght of Mr. John Ogden of Feversham, lying and being bounded, west on the south with a creek or river comonly knowne by the appellation of Apaucuck" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 175). An agreement of 1665 says: "The bounds agreed upon between the Shinnacock and Unche- chauke Indians before the Governor Richard Nicoll are, 'That the Shinnecocks Bounds to the westward are to Apaucock Creeke, That the Unchechauge Bounds to the East are Apaucock Creek, That the middle of the River is the utmost Bounds to each, But that either nation may cutt fflaggs for their use on either side of the River without molestacon or breach of the Limetts, agreed" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 125, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). Variations are: Apocuck, 1712; Appocock, 1738; Apockac, 1746; Apocock, 1748. This name is a variation of Appaquoge (Appuhqu-auke or Apoqu-auke) "flaggy On Long' Island 15 land," or "wigwam-covering place." See Appa- quogue. 14. APPAQUOGUE, Apoquogue: a farming dis- trict in East Hampton town, near a flaggy meadow. Although well known by this appella- tion throughout the township, it is not mentioned in the town records. The vicinity is sometimes designated as the "Lily Pond." As the name occurs in several localities throughout Connecticut, and on Long Island, we cannot do better than to give Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull's study from his Indian Names in Connecticut: The name signi- fies "a place where flags grow, " such as were used by the Indians for mats and for covering their wigwams: particularly the cat-tail flag (Typha latifolia}. The root means "to cover"; as in the Massachusetts, appuhqii.au, "he covers it," and abuhquosik, "a covering " ; Narragansett abockquos, "a mat for covering the wigwam"; Chippewa apakwei, "lodge mat." Chippewa and Ottawa pukwi, "cat-tail flag, " gives its name to Puckaway Lake, on the route from Green Bay to Wisconsin River (see Tanner's Narrative, p. 55). The word appaqiwgue represents appaqui-auke and means "lodge-covering place," the components being appaqui, "lodge-covering"; -auke, "place." 15. APPOPOTTAMAX : creek at Bay Shore. Mentioned in Brooklyn Times of January 26, 1899, 16 Indian Place-Names as about to be dredged. This name is not on re- cord, as far as I can learn, and no other authority than the above has been found for it. If the form is correct, it is probably appoquot-om-uck, "where there is going for flags, " or "where flags are gath- ered." The form belongs to Trumbull's Class 3, and is interesting on that account. See Appaquogue. 1 6. AQUEBOGUE: hamlet in Riverhead town, about three miles east of the county seat. The name belonged originally to land and meadows on the north side of the bay, although the same name was afterwards bestowed on meadows at Flanders in Southampton town. These meadows were considered very valuable by the early settlers and were the cause of a lawsuit in 1667. They are frequently mentioned in both the Southampton and Southold town records. This name appears first in the two Indian deeds of 1648, viz.: "The whole tract of land commonly called Ocquebauck together with the land and meadows lying on the other side the water as far as the creek . . . Toyoungs" (S. R., vol. ii., p. 12). "For all that land lying between Conchake and Ucquebaak com- monly called Mattatuck" (B. H. R., vol. vi., p. 76). From the above abstracts it will be readily seen that Ucquebaug was land on the north side of Peconic River and Bay. Paucamp, an old Indian, said in 1667: "Toyoungs [Red Creek as it is now called] being the outbounds lying in opposi- On Long Island 17 tion to Occabauk old grounds on the north side of the bay." The variations of this name are almost innumerable, among them: Occabock, 1656; Occo- bauk, 1663; Agabake, 1663; Ocquebauk, 1663; Ahkobauk, 1667; Ackqueboug, 1670; Aucquobouke, 1675; Hauquebaug, 1679 \0ccaquabauk, 1681, etc., etc. With all these variations, it resolves itself into an original Ucque-baug, "the end of the water-place" or "head of the bay" (ukque, be- ing a variation of wequa, "at the end of," "as far as," "at the head," -bang, being a variation of the inseparable generic -paug, "water-place"). The Montauk chief in 1667, referring to this land (Ukquebaug) called it "land from ye head of the bay" (Col. Hist, of N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 600). See also the discussion of this name by the late Wil- liam Jones in the Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico (Bull. 30, Pt. I., p. 71, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Wash., 1907). Mr. Jones's etymology is, however, not to be approved. 17. AQUEHONGA MANACKNONG: Staten Island, Richmond Co., N. Y. A deed from the Indians to Governor Lovelace, April 13, 1660, is for "an Island in Hudson's River, commonly called Staten Island, and by the Indians Aquehonga Manacknong" (Land Papers, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y., vol. i., p. 34). This name probably referred to a palisadoed village of the Indians, or perhaps one belonging i8 Indian Place-Names to the whites, located somewhere on the broad range of hills that extend across the island (near Tompkinsville these hills attain an elevation of 310 feet). The first part of the name is given in Dutch notation as "Ehquaons," Aquelionga being the parallel of the Delaware (Zeisberger) achwo- wangeu, "steep high bank"; manacknong from the Delaware manachk, "a fort," "stockade," or any "fenced enclosure"; -nong the terminal suffix denoting "locality," "place," etc. The word as a whole signifies "the high bank foot place," or "place of the high bank foot." See Monocknong and Eghqiiaons. 1 8. ARACA, A race: West Neck, Amity ville, Babylon town. Recorded in the Indian deed of 1697, viz.: "A certain neck of land lying on ye south side of this Island called by ye Indians araca by ye English ye west neck being ye weste- most neck of Huntington bounds on ye south side bounded on ye east by a River and swampe which parteth this sd neck and Neck called by ye Indians scuraway" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 208). A race, 1698. This name is perhaps the same as the Narragansett awwasse, Delaware awusse, Abnaki awas, "be- yond," "furthermost," "further," especially as it was the " westemost neck " of Huntington bounds at that date, as was Arasecoseagge on the east. 19. ARASECOSEAGGE: neck of land at the vil- On Long Island 19 lage of Babylon. It is mentioned by this name once only in the records of the town, then in the Indian deed of 1697, viz.: "Sd necke is called by ye english ye eastermost east necke or comonly known by ye name of Captain fleets neck and by ye Indans arasecoseagge. Bounded on ye west by a swampe yt parteth ye other east neck and this sd neck of upland from ye edge of ye medow to ye head of ye swamp" (H. R., vol. ii, p. 214). Arascascagge (Munsell's Hist. S. C.~). Mr. J. W. Cooper, in the Babylon Signal, June 15, 1885, writes: "The neck of land on which the Argyle Hotel was situated was called Awrasse-cas-cagge." The same neck is referred to under two other entries in the town records as Anusk kummikak, the probable explanation of which is that one was the name of the upland, while the other desig- nated the meadow. Roger Williams would probably have written this name, Awwassemicuckaskeet, "the furthermost meadow" (arase, the parallel of the Narragansett awasse, Delaware awossi, Abnaki, awas, "fur- ther, " "beyond, " "furthermost, " etc. ; coseagge, a corruption of a word corresponding to the Narra- gansett micuckaskeet, "a meadow"). The English appellation "Eastermost east neck," corroborates this analysis of the word. 20. ARESHUNK: a neck of land at Centre Moriches, Brookhaven town. The landing at 20 Indian Place-Names the foot of Union Avenue at that village is some- times so designated. The neck is now in the possession of Gaston Fay, the artist. The deed of Wm. Smith to Walter Dongan gives it as Areshunk, 1734. Another spelling is Arescunk, 1751. The deed of Jno. Gardiner to Jeremiah Havens, Aug. i, 1796, is "for a neck of land commonly called and known by the name of Aresunk Neck. " This name is no doubt derived from that of the Indian owner of the neck. John Mayhue, Indian, in 1680, deeds to John Townsend of Oyster Bay, "a sartain small neck of land on ye west side of Watshoge where my kinsman Warishone now liveth. " The last word is varied as Worishun in 1680. Areshunk is without a doubt a corrupted form of Warishone, the name of this Indian, which may be cognate with the Delaware (Zeisberger) wanessin, "to forget," -hence "the forgetter. " 21. ARHAKAAMUNK: Crab Meadow, Hunting- ton town. The variations of this name are quite puzzling and misleading. It was originally named in the deed of 1659, for a tract of land, now partly in Huntington and partly in Smithtown, given by Wiandance, the Sachem of Paumanack, to Lyon Gardiner, for his services in rescuing the Sachem's captive daughter from the Narragansetts, viz. : ' We say it lyeth between Huntington and Seatau- cut, the western bounds being Cow Harbor easterly Acataamunt" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii, p. 118, Office On Long Island 21 of the Secy, of State, Albany, N. Y.) ; copy of the original furnished to Mrs. C. C. Gardiner of St. Louis by the Long Island Historical Society, "Easterly Arhataamunt" '; Hon. J. Lawrence Smith's Notes on Smiihtown, Munsell's Hist. S. C.), Acatamunk; Nassaconsett's Deed to Richard Smith in 1665, Catawamuck; Dongan's Patent, 1685, to Judge Palmer and John Roysee, "called Crab Meadow, or by the Indians Katawamac. " The writer, on a recent visit to the rooms of the Historical Society, examined the original very carefully and found the word to be Ar ha t a a munt. It denotes a place where the Indians went to catch crabs, "a crab fishing-place." The prefix arhata is the parallel of the Chippewa (Baraga) ajageshi or ashagashi; Cree (Lacombe) asdkew; Algonquin (Mackenzie) achakens, acage (Cuoq) ; Delaware (Zeisberger) schahamuis, "craw-fish," "a crab"; Virginian (Strachey) ashaham, "lobster." The root means "they go back and forwards, from one side to the other, "as in Eliot (Joelii., 9), ahaosukque, " to and fro"; -amunk, "a fishing-place," from the insepa- rable generic -amack. The English name is probably from the same circumstance. See the discussion of this word in Algonqiiian Series, vol. vii., pp. 19-21. 22. ARRASQUAUG: "a brook forming part of the western boundary of South Oyster Bay, Queen's Co." (De Kay's Indian Names on L. /.). 22 Indian Place-Names The stream is now known as "Minell's Creek." This name is found in the Andros Patent of 1677, viz.: "Then along the sea-coast westerly to another certain river called Arrasquaung" (Thompson's Long Island, vol. i., p. 488). See Passasgueung. 23. ARSHAMOMAQUE : hamlet in Southold town, near Greenport, L. I. This name appears as Harshamomogue, 1795. SeeHashamomuk. 24. ASAWSUNCE: a swamp in Brookhaven town, south of the village of Yaphank. The name by lapse of time has become corrupted to Oosunk, and it appears in that form in Bayles's History of Suffolk County. It is recorded in the Indian deed of Yaphank neck, 1688, viz. : "North by a swompe called Asawsunce" and again in 1745 (B. H. R., vol. i., pp. 71, 156). Another variation is Oosence, 1808. This swamp probably derives this name from Asawsunce an Indian who lived at the swamp during the early days of settlement. Investiga- tion would probably reveal some token of his so- journ. Awoshonks or Awasuncks appears as the appellation of a swamp in Rhode Island, which takes its name from the celebrated squaw Sachem of Sogknoate in 1671. Sawseunck an Indian signs the agreement with Governor Eaton at Quinny- piock or New Haven, in 1638 (N. H. Col. R., vol. i.). This shows parallel personal names. On Long Island 23 25. ASHAMOMUCK: Crab Meadow, Huntington town (C. C. Gardiner, Papers and Biography of Lyon Gardiner, 1883). See Arhakaamunk. 26. ASHAWAGH: a locality at Hand's Creek, Three Mile Harbor, East Hampton town. Under date of January 2, 1666, "John Osburne ex- changes meadow at Ashshowale." Again, September 14, 1705, "Jeremiah Miller exchanges meadow lying at a place called Hand's Creek, to say all the meadow ground adjoining unto the said creek and Ashawagk that meadow ground at the head of the west branch of the said creek only excepted" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 251 ; vol. iii., p. 138). The land about Hand's Creek bears evidences of Indian sojourners in time past. Every sheltered valley in this vicinity facing the water bears a shell-heap. On the northern slope, at the head of Hand's Creek, between the branches of the creek can be seen the proofs of Indian habitations (shells, arrow points, pottery sherds, etc.). This aboriginal village covered over an acre of ground. It was this place that was called Ashwagh, signi- fying "a place between" (the branches of the creek). Compare Massachusetts nashaue (Eliot), "in the middle"; n'ashaw-auk, "land in the middle." The same name occurs in various forms throughout New England and on Long Island, Ashawog, Assawog, Nashaway, etc. See Assawanama. 24 Indian Place-Names 27. ASPATUCK: a creek in the western part of Southampton town, between Ketchaponack Neck and the locality formerly called "Little Assups Neck," now known as Quiogue. "At a town meeting, April I, 1682, it was agreed that all the meadow between Quantuck and Aspatatuck shall be laid out in proportions according to pro- priety" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 93). This is the first appearance in the records. Variations are Aspa- tatuck, 1682; Aspatuck, 1686; Assopatuck, 1738; Assapatuck, 1738; Assopstauk, 1738; Aspatuck, 1792. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac (1888), I gave the meaning as "the high place, " considering it the same as Aspatock, a river in New Milford, Conn. The name which means "high place," a "height" (ashpohtag, Eliot), was transferred to the river from some elevation near it probably from the ridge which divides its branches (Trum- bull's Indian Names in Conn.}. Wm. S. Pelle- treau, in his paper, Indian Geographical Names in Suffolk County, derives the name from the same source. The writer now doubts this deriva- tion, and suggests the following comparison, hashabp, hashab in Eliot; plural ashappog in Cot- ton. This word is used by Eliot for "flax," "tow," "a fish-net," and (Job viii., 14; Is. lix., 5) for a spider's web. It may have been primarily a generic name for vegetable fibre or fibrous mate- rial, specially appropriated to the Indian hemp (Apocynum cannabinum Mich.), thence to nets, On Long Island 25 lines, and ropes made from that or other fibrous plants (Trumbull, Narragansett Club, vol. i.). Roger Williams says: "Ashop, their nets, which they will set thwart some little river or cove wherein they kill basse (at the fall of the water) with their arrows, or sharp sticks, especially if headed with iron, gotten from the English, etc." From this our word Ashapo 'tuck signifies "fish-net cove," or "creek." Governor Andros in 1676 gave John Cooper permission to make fishing- weirs in two creeks, one of which was Quaquantuck, to the east of this creek. 28. ASSASQUAGE: Great Meadow Creek, near Jamesport, Riverhead town. So called in the Indian deed of March 14, 1648, for the tract of land "commonly called Ocquebauck," where we read, "provided that the aforesaid Indians, may enjoy during their lives, a small peice of land, to Plant upon, lying between the two creeks, Mia- megg, and Assasquage. " (Book, of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 210, Office of the Secy, of State, Albany, N. Y.) The name occurs also as Assasquog. This creek takes its name from the meadow through which it flows. Assasquage or Assasquog ( = Mass-asqu- ogue) means "great grass place or great marshy place," hence "a great meadow," as named in the Indian deed. See the discussion of the word Missisguoi, which probably has a like signification, in Dr. Geo. M. McAleer's A Study of the Ely- 26 Indian Place-Names mology of the Indian Place- Name Missisquoi, " (Worcester, Mass., 1906). The word Massas- quogiie is composed of mass, "great;" asqn, "grass;" -oque (-oke), "place." 29. ASSAWANAMA: A pond in Huntington town. Records show that on July 30, 1 705, Corne- lis Van Texall and others petition for a tract of land in the County of Suffolk, near the town of Huntington, "called by the natives Anendesak, in English Eader Necks Beach, along the sound four miles, unto the fresh pond called by the natives Assawanama where a creek runs into the sound and from the sound running into the woods six miles or thereabouts.' ' (Cal. of Land Papers in Office of Secretary of State, p. 79.) This is probably the same pond, called in the earlier records Unchemau or Unshemamuck, and the above, possibly a corruption of the same; but the present form makes it a different word entirely. The components of the name are assaiva nashaue (Eliot), "in the middle," "between," "midway," "place between," etc.; -ama = -amaugor -amack, "a fishing-place"; Assawanama thus signifies "the midway fishing-place," or "fishing-place between (the forks, or on the forks, of a river, creek, etc.)." See Ashawagh. 30. ASSUPS: name applied to two necks of land in the western part of Southampton town. The one east of Aspatuck Creek being known as On Long Island 27 "Little Assups," while the one east of Quantuck Creek was known as "Assups." We find it first noted, May 29, 1673, viz.: "Whereas those men . . . have . . . laid out ye homeward neck of meadow at and about Quaquanantuck, viz. from the west side of ye neck comonly called Assops neck unto a short creek at ye bottom of ... the 4th neck. " (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 252.) Variations are Assops, 1673; Assups, 1686; Assoops, 1738; Assup, 1734. In the study of this name several reasons may be brought forward to show its prob- able origin and signification. From the mark of the possessive, it might have been derived from Assup, an Indian, whose name may be the equi- valent of the Narragansett (Williams) Ansup, "the raccoon. ' ' This seems to be proven by the records (1686): "Assup's Little neck, the bounds of the upland thereof laid out by us is on the west side of a small pine tree." (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 113.) Wm. S. Pelletreau, in his Indian Names in Suffolk County, derives the name from Assopstauk (as he finds it in the early records), "fish-net place." That form belongs to Aspatuck Creek, no other form of Assups appearing but that given above. Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecticut gives: " Ahyosupsuck (Mohegan): the outlet of a pond now called Wyassup, also called Asupsuck, may have come from the Massachusetts and Narra- gansett ashap, hashap, wild hemp, flax, or other vegetable fibre used for making nets." 28 Indian Place-Names 31. ATHSCAR: a small stream in Islip town. It rises in a locality called the Deer Swamp and flows into the Orawac Brook. It is traditional; no early forms are to be found. The name is probably much corrupted and may possibly even be an error for Awixa. See Awixa. 32. AWIXA: a small stream of water in the town of Islip near Bay Shore, between Penataguit Creek and Orawac Brook. The neck on the west was once known by the same title. The earliest mention is in the Mowbray Indian deed, dated May 30, 1701: "It consisted of two necks of land bounded on the east by the brook Aweeksa. The Mowbray homestead was on Aweeksa Neck, near the brook, which is now regarded as the boundary line between the villages of Bay Shore and Islip." (Munsell's Hist. Suffolk Co.) Mod- ernly the name appears as Awixa. The word Aweeksa corresponds to the Massachusetts (Eliot) weeqsha, weeqshau, wehqshi, or weehqshik, "it extends to," "goes as far as," "is the end," or "limit," as in Eliot's Bible (2 Chron. xx., 16) wehqshik sepueses,' "end of the brook." It was frequently used, in its various changes, as a bound mark, and appears in the above deed of 1701, as the eastern limit of the above tract of land the Indians having sold "as far as" this brook Aweeksa. A brook in Connecticut, being the east bound of the territory claimed by the Pequots, On Long' Island 29 was called Weexcodowa from the equivalent term in Pequot-Mohegan (Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecticut}. 33. BASSALONA: high sandy bluffs at Russell's Neck, near Sag Harbor. On the maps Barcelona. The name is traditional and frequently pronounced as above. It does not appear in the early records. A hill of similar appellation appears in Chepachet, R. I., as "Absalona." If of Indian origin, its meaning has not been ascertained. It has been suggested by an old sea captain that the name was taken from the city of Barcelona in Spain, the bluffs resembling those at that city. If this be true, the word is not Indian. 34. BONDYQUOGUE. See Ponquogue. 35. BOSTWICKS: a harbor and creek on Gardi- ner's Island. Probably not Indian, but the name of a man who once had charge of the Island as an overseer. Sometimes varied as Bostick and Bostic. It seems that John Lyon Gardiner, the seventh proprietor of the Island, did not know the origin of this name, for in an old memorandum book, under date of 1798, he notes a number of Indian place-names of which he is to ask the meaning from the surviving Montauks. Among these appears Bostic. 36. CACHINNCAK : a brook in the town of Islip, 3o Indian Place-Names now called the Orawac. It is mentioned in the settlement of a controversy between Anning Mow- bray and Wm. Nicoll, Oct. 31, 1794, viz.: "deter- mined the head of said River to be at a certain maple tree standing about one rod north of where an old road crosses the head of sd brook or River and from thence west and by south until the head of Cachinncak River bears south." (Copy by O. B. Ackerly, Esq.) This name bestowed by the whites on the brook, according to the above settlement, did not belong there originally; but was a boundary mark of the original tract at the head of the river. The mark may have been the above "maple tree," a pile of stones, or a stake, and simply designated "the place of beginning." The name Cachinnc-ak, corresponds to the Massa- chusetts (Eliot) kutchinnik, kitchinnik (Cotton), "the beginning," with the addition of a locative termination -ak, "place." See Cagogunk and Kitchaminchok. 37. CAGOQUNK, Cagaqunk: creek in Islip town, now called Awixa Brook. In the Indian deed to JohnMowbray, May 30, 1701, for Aweeksa Neck, it "was bounded west by Watchagne running North- ward from the heads of Cagaqunk and Penata- quitt Rivers to the bounds between the North and South Indians. " Also appears as Cagoqunk. (Copy from O. B. Ackerly, Esq., N. Y.) This name did not originally belong to the brook, but On Long Island 31 simply described the extent of the grant to John Mowbray, as given by the Indians to the inter- preter, and misunderstood probably, as the name of the stream by the person who drew the deed, it being stated and understood that the Indians had conveyed all the land that they owned between those rivers, up to the boundary line between the north and south. Cagoqunk denotes "the whole width (to the river), " "as wide as (to the river). " It parallels the Delaware (Zeisberger) elgigunk, "as big," "as wide"; elgigunk-haki "as big and wide as the earth is"; and Chippewa (Baraga) enigokwag-aki, "as wide as the earth is." See Cachinncak. 38. CANAPAUKAH: the north branch of New- town Creek at Long Island City. Sometimes known as the "Dutch Kills." Mentioned in the Indian deed of July 9, 1666, as being: "A small creek called by the Indians Canapaukah, where Burger's mill stands." (Riker's Annals of New- town, p. 72.) An abbreviation of the word seen in Narragansett wau-kaunopauk-ut, "at the fenced water-place." No doubt referring to the mill-dam (from wau-kaun6sint, "fence"; -pauk, "water-place"; -ut, "at"). 39. CANARSIE: a village at Flatlands, King's Co. This part of Long Island was settled by the Dutch very early; in fact New Amersfort or 32 Indian Place-Names Flatlands is now acknowledged to have been the first white settlement on Long Island. The local- ity was the headquarters of the tribe known as the Canarsies. The earliest appearance of the name is dated January 21, 1647, viz: "We Wil- lem Kieft have given and granted to George Baxter and Richard Clof, with their associates a certain tract of land situate on the south side of Long Island called Canarsie with all the meadows belonging." (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 61.) Variations are: Connarie See (Jamaica Bay), 1606; Conor asset, 1656; "Piece of meadow land near the Canarisse," 1661 ; Canaryssen, 1666; Canause, 1666; Canarisea, 1680; Kanarsingh, 1719. This name is an abbreviation, and as is frequently the case where the word has been a long time in use, it has been softened. It will be noticed that the English form Conor asset differs from the Dutch, although the pronunciation is about the same. It may be considered as the parallel of the Narragansett Wau-kaunosint; Massachusetts (Eliot) Won-kon- sin, (Cotton) Wo-konsin; Abnaki (Rasle) cod- kaiimzen; Micmac (Rand) Wo-kdloosdn, "a fence," "fort," "hedge," etc. With the locative -ing or -es-et it means "at or about the fence or fort"; in fact, "the fenced place" is the significa- tion of Canarsie. We cannot state positively at this late date whether the name belonged originally to the "fenced village" of the tribe or to the whole territory, as it was afterwards applied by both On Long Island 33 the Dutch and English. The Dutch manured and planted the lands here many years with con- sent of the Indians before any purchase was made, as stated in the Nicoll patent of 1667. Conse- quently the lands were more or less fenced in, both that of the Dutch and also that planted by the natives. This is reiterated in the Indian deed of April 1 6, 1665, when: "Wametappack, Sachem of Canryssen and (others named) lawful owners of Canaryssen and the appendages thereunto apper- taining sold to the inhabitants of New Amers- foort a parcel of land with conditions that the purchasers once for always a fence shall set at Can- arissen for the protection of the Indians' cultiva- tion, which fence shall thereafter by the Indians be maintained and the land which becomes inclosed in fence shall by the Indian owners above men- tioned all their lives be used." (Stiles's Hist. Kings Co., p. 71.) From this and the fact that their village was called Keskaechquerem I incline to the belief that the name belongs to all the territory that was fenced, until at last there was nothing left to the Indians but the small portion fenced in at the present Canarsie. See Conor asset. 40. CANTASQUNTAH : a brook in the town and village of Islip, sometimes called the ''Widow's Brook." This name is recorded in the Indian deed from the Sachem Winnequaheagh to William Nicoll, Nov. 29, 1683, viz.: "all that tract of 3 34 Indian Place-Names land . . . bounded on the east by a certain river called Conetquot, on the south by the sound (bay) , on the west by a certain river called Cantasquntah, on the north by a right line from the head of the said river called Conetquot to the head of the said river called Cantasquntah." (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 444.) The name appears also as Cantas- guntha. (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Islip.) This name denotes "a place where the great reeds or rushes grow." Cant-as qunt-ah corresponds to Massachu- setts keht-asquet-auke, "great reed place." It is "the principal place of reeds" in that vicin- ity. The components of the word are keht-, "great," "chief"; asquet or askket, "reed"; -auke, "place." 41. CANTIAQUE, Cantiagge: point of trees on the bounds between the towns o f Hempstead and Oyster Bay. This bound-mark appears in the first conveyance for land by the Indians in 1653, viz.: "and bounded near southerly by a point of trees called Cantiaque" (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 485); Andros Patent, 1677: " from thence west- erly along the middle of said plains till it bears south from the said Robert Williams marked tree at a point of trees called Cantiaque" (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 489) ; Dongan's Patent for Hemp- stead, 1685: "and from thence up a direct line till it comes to a marked tree on the east side of Cantiagge Point" (Thompson's L. /., vol. ii., p. On Long Island 35 15). This name designates ' ' where trees are being blazed." The same radical is found in the Dela- ware (Zeisberger) gischhaque, "to cut with an axe"; Chippewa (Baraga) kishkigaige, "I chop wood"; kikaige, "I make marks on the road, set- ting up branches, etc."; nintchigandaweige, "I cut off branches"; Micmac (Rand) kdktaaga, "to chop all." (For Robert Williams's marked tree see Kiscasutta.) The name of the chief of the Hacken- sack tribe, called Cantaqua (Nelson's Ind. of N. J . , 1894, P- J 3 2 ) ma y be a related word. After him Cantaqua' 's Creek, a tributary of the Hackensack River was named. 42. CASTATEUM, Cashuteyie: meadows near Flatlands, King's Co. Nine Indians (named) by deed dated June 16, 1626, convey to Jacobus Van Corlaer the following: "the middlemost of three flats belonging to them called Castuteeuw situate on the Island called by them Sewanhacky "; same date: "the westermost of the flats called Kesta- teuw;" July 16, 1636: "eastermost of the three flats called Casteteuw" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 3). Variations are Cashuteyie, 1638; Castateum, (De Kay). Furman (Antiq. of L. /., p. 180) gives the "westermost flat" as Kaskutensuken. This name simply designated the tract of salt meadows which both the Dutch and English in the early days valued more, for the grass they produced, than they did the bordering upland. The word 36 Indian Place-Names Kestateuw, Casteteuw=Kes-asketu, "where grass is cut or mowed. " 43. CATACONNOCK: Great Neck near Setau- ket, Brookhaven town, supposed to be the neck of land now known as "Old Fields." We find it as follows: " This writing witnesseth that Wyan- dance, Sagamore of Long Island, doe promise to sell the Great neck, to the Inhabitants of Setaul- cott. Memorandum: "The name of the neck aboves'd is Cataconnocke, March 8, 1866." (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 1 6.) Thompson (L. /., vol. i., p. 431) has Cometico. Cata- is a form of kehti, kehte, or keit, as Eliot writes it, varied by other writers as cot, cat, cata, etc., signifying "chief," "principal," "great," etc.; -connock corresponds to the Massachusetts komuk, "an enclosed place." ' ' The enclosed place ' ' might have been a palisadoed village of the Indians, where the chief resided, or a "place," "land," "a field," limited not extended, shut in by water or otherwise. In fact it might apply to a "neck of land" making the word the equivalent of the English "Great Neck." See Cometico. 44. CATAWAMUCK: Crab Meadow, Huntington town. See Arhakaamunk. 45. CATCHAPONACK: see Ketchaponack. 46. CATSJEYICK: Dutch notation for Curchaug, On Long Island 37 Southold. This form of Curchaug is found in the Dutch Archives, first in a treaty dated May 29, 1645, when " Wittaneymen, Sachem of Shinne- cock, appears before the council declaring to be impowered by his brethren, naming among others Mamawichtouw (Momoiveta) , Sachem of Cats- jeyick," and again in 1647: "when deputies from Hemsteade report that the chief of Catsjaock and his brethren at the east end of Long Island had agreed with other Indians to kill the English at Heemsteede. It was then agreed to send Secre- tary Van Tienhoven who understands the Indian language to the east end of the Island in a sloop to enquire of the chief, whether the above report be true or not. It is also resolved to present the Chief of Catsjajock and his brethren with three cloth coats and some trifles in the name of the Hon ble company. " See Cutchogue. 47. CATUMB: reef of rocks at the east end of Fisher's Island, Long Island Sound (U. S. Coast Survey Map). See Ketumpscut. 48. CAUMSETT: Lloyd's Neck, Huntington town. This name is found recorded in the Indian deed of Sept. 20, 1654: "This writing witnesseth that I Ratiocan Sagamore of Cow Harbor, have sold unto Samuel Mayo, Daniel Whitehead and Peter Wright my neck of land which makes the east side of Oyster Bay, and the west side of Cow 38 Indian Place-Names Harbor on the north side bounded with the sound, called by the Indians Caumsett (H. R., vol. i., p. 4). This name signifies "at, about, or in the neighborhood of a sharp rock," from the words seen in Narragansett (R. Williams) can "sharp," ompsk orm's "a rock," cduompsk, "a whetstone" or a "rock suitable for sharpening"; and Massa- chusetts (Eliot) koiompsk," "sharp rock." With the diminutive form of the locative the name is Cau-omps-es-et. On this neck probably still re- mains a rock of gritty nature, to which the Indians came in order to sharpen their stone implements, or it may have been simply a sharp pointed rock. "Boulders of granular white limestone occur on Lloyd's Neck" (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 59). 49. CAUS CUNG QUARAM : neck of land in the town of Babylon. See Guscomquorum. 50. CAUSHAWASHA: A swamp on Hashamo- muk Neck, Southold town. One of the bounds of the neck referred to in 1661, viz.: ''The utter- most part of the said Land beginninge from the northeast at a pond called by the Minnapaugs, so to a greate swampe called in the Indean tounge Caushawasha by the east side of Dismal to a certain creek the Indeans call Paugetuck on the south side " (S. R., vol. i., p. 210); again in 1686: "to run from sd black oake to a white oak att a swamp as they call Causawashowy" (S. R., vol. ii., On Long Island 39 p. 277). Caushawsha corresponds to the Narra- gansett (R. Williams) cutskafisha; Massachusetts (Eliot) kutshaumune, "the lightning." It was probably the name of an Indian who located his wigwam and corn fields near the swamp. Personal names were frequently given to swamps where the Indians lived by the English settlers. These being favorite abiding places of the natives on account of the living springs, running brooks, and their sheltered positions. Nearly every one in the vicinity of Sag Harbor has on its northerly side a shell-deposit showing aboriginal sojourners in time past. 51. CHEBIAKINNAUSUK, Chabiakinnauhsuk: a locality in the "North Neck," Montauk. One of the bounds of the Wuchebesuck purchase, men- tioned in the Indian deed of 1670, viz.: "so on a straight line to Chebiakinnausuck" (Hedges' Address, 1849). Ranger's Deeds, 1840, has Cha- biakinnauhsuk. This bound-mark was located at a long brook one of the many outlets of the swamps that dot this section; but the name probably does not refer to the brook itself, as the writer once sup- posed from its terminal affix. (See Names in East Hampton, E. H. R., vol. iv.) The prefix chebia- or chabia- in this compound name is an equiva- lent for the Massachusetts (Eliot) chabenuk, "that which divides or separates," "a bound- mark;" as in Job xxxviii., 25, Howan chachaubenuk 4O Indian Place-Names nip pee poohsem ut, "who hath divided the water course. " The second part corresponds to kinnau- suk, the Massachusetts (Eliot) kuhkinneausuk "you mark," kuhkinneasu, "he marketh." Chabia- kinnansuk thus signifies the marked separation, "where he marketh bounds, " " a boundary place," "a bound-mark." 52. CHECKACHAGIN : a brook in the town of Oyster Bay, Queen's Co., flowing northeasterly into Beaver Swamp Creek. Two of the variants from the records of the town are Chaugren, Cho- gorin. Geo. W. Cocks, Esq., of Glen Cove, in- forms me that he remembers it as a boy fifty years ago, colloquially, as " Choggin. " The name is a personal one from one of the chiefs, " Chechagon alias Quaropin," mentioned in an Indian deed of January 9, 1683. (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 489.) 53. CHEQUIT: a name formerly given to the point of land on Shelter Island where the S. I. Heights Ass'n have erected a hotel and many cottages, now called Prospect. The name is derived from a fish that is caught in the waters in the spring, called by the whites after the name Chequit or Chickwick; in other parts of the country it is sometimes called Squeteage, Suchermaug, and Shecutts, by the English "weak-fish." According to W. R. Gerard (in Handb. of Amer. Inds. N. of On Long Island 41 Mexico, vol. i. p. 316), sqiieteague is a corruption of the Narragansett pesakweteauag, "they make glue," in reference to the use of the ''sounds" of the fish by the Indians for making a glutinous sub- stance. It is doubtful whether chequit is, as some have thought, a corruption of sqiieteague. (A.F.C.) 54. CHOCOMOUNT: "a hill on Fisher's Island, Coast Survey Map, not Indian, or, unless much corrupted, of Indian origin" (Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecticut] . 55. CHOGGIN: a brook in Oyster Bay town, Queen's Co. See Checkachagin. 56. CHOPPAUHSHAPAUGAUSUCK : a. locality on Montauk being the ditch (so-called) or the outlet of the Great Pond on the south, from which "Ditch Plain" derives its name (E. H. R., vol. ii., p. 206). This boundary place is mentioned in the deed of 1670 (sometimes called the nine-score acre pur- chase, or land between the ponds), viz.: "and so along to the sea-side to a place called Choppauh- shapaugausuck" (Hedges' Address, 1849), Cop- pauhshapaugausuk (Ranger's Deeds, 1850). The first three syllables, chop-pauhsha, are the equivalent of the Massachusetts chippachaug, "a separated place," "apart separated," from chippai (Eliot), "a part," or "portion" (as in Ezekiel xlv., I, chippai ohke, "portion of land;" Leviticus xvi., 22, 42 Indian Place-Names chip ohkeit, "land uninhabited," "land apart"); pausha corresponds to paushinum (Eliot) "he di- vided or separated. " (Ps. Ixxviii., 13.) The third part represents paugaus (Eliot), "to widen," "to operate;" the terminal affix -suck, "an outlet," or "a small stream flowing out of a pond," "a brook." Altogether we thus have Chop-pausha- paugau-suck, which therefore means "the place of separation where the brook opens out." See Chebiakinnausuk . 57. COBB: a farming district at Southampton, L. I. We find this name first recorded in 1652, when: "It was granted by the towne unto Mr. Henry Eason, that he should have to the quantity of three acres any parcell of land hee shall find fitt for his use near unto Mr. Odell his 4 acres in Cobs pound" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 86). For fifty years the locality is so designated, afterward it be- comes simply Cobb, and as such was handed down to the present day. The reasons that gave rise to the name have been forgotten for generations, although the oldest inhabitant and common con- sent derive it from aboriginal sources. In an article in the Sag Harbor Express, March II, 1888, the writer suggested its origin from the material of which the pound may have been built, viz. : Cob "clay" mixed with straw for walls, etc. (Webster). Mr. Geo. R. Howell, of the N. Y. State Library, Albany, suggests its derivation On Long; Island 43 from Cob, an Indian, who may have been the pound-keeper; hence "Cob's pound." This sug- gestion may be a correct one, but it is possible that Cob might be the name of a negro as well. A "Moses' pound" is mentioned in the Hunting- ton Records, and a "Chestnut pound" in the Brookhaven Records, thus showing a personal and a material derivation. I doubt the aboriginal origin. 58. COCHIMINCHOAKE, Chikemenckoake: Mo- riches Island. Mentioned in a law suit between John Cooper, plaintiff, and John Ogden, defend- ant, held at New York, Oct. 30-31, Nov. 1-2-4, 1667, in regard to whales cast up on the beach. See Kitchaminchok. 59. COCKENOE'S Island: off Westport, Conn., near the mouth of Saugatuck River; so-called from its Indian proprietor, Cockeno, Cockenow, or Chachaneu. In the deed to the proprietors of Norwalk, 1652, he is called "Cockenow de Long Island" (Hall's Norwalk, p. 35), and this seems to identify him with "Chekanoe, an Indian of Menhansick [Shelter] Island, named in Col. Rec., iii., 476 (Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecti- cut, p. n). Probably he was the Indian called by the Montauk Sachem "my agent Chockanoe or Checkenow. ' ' He seemed to have acted as inter- preter and laid out the bounds of many of the 44 Indian Place-Names early purchases on Long Island from the Indians (H. R., vol. i., p. 17). This name, Cheekanoo, Cockenoe, Chickino, Chekkonnow, or Cockoo no matter how varied in the records of Long Island and elsewhere, for every Town Clerk or Recorder, with but a limited or no knowledge of the Indian tongue and its true sounds, wrote down the name as it suited him, and seldom twice alike even on the same page, finds its parallel in the Massa- chusetts of both Eliot and Cotton, in the verb kuhkinneau, or kehkinnoo, "he marks, observes, takes knowledge, instructs, or imitates"; hence, "he interprets," and therefore indicating, by a free translation, "an interpreter or teacher"; this word in its primitive form occurs in all dialects of the same linguistic family (that is, the Algonkian) in an infinite number of compounds, denoting "a scholar ; teacher ; a thing signified ; I say what he says i.e., repeat after him, etc." See my Cocke- noe de Long Island (N. Y., 1896) for a full his- tory of this Indian. 60. COEKWAS: creek on Rockaway Neck, Hempstead town. According to the records of March 2, 1682: " Enamant and Mongowack, Indians of Recowack petition that their gift to Jan (John) Hansen and others of a neck of land, in the north west point of Racowack, beginning at a certain creek called Coekwas, running thence south by west to another kill (or creek) called Hapax On Long Island 45 be confirmed" (Cal. of Land Papers in Office of the Sec'y of State, p. 25). See Copwax. 61. COMAC, Comack: "formerly called Winne- Comack, is a pleasant cross-road village situated in the eastern part of Huntington town on the middle country road of Smithtown turnpike, and partly within the bounds of Smithtown. It is an ancient settlement, and is located in the midst of a rich agricultural district. The surface is level, or slightly rolling and the soil heavy and nearly every acre under a high state of cultivation" (Bayles's Sketches of Suffolk Co.). See Winne- comack. 62. COMETICO: the Indian name of Old Field's Point, Brookhaven town (De Kay). This was probably taken from Thompson (L. /., vol. i., p. 431). Mr. Thompson does not give his authority and the writer had been unable to find any other, and considers it a mistake of Mr. Thompson for Cataconnock. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1889 I derived it from a personal name or the same as given in TrumbuH's Indian Names in Connecticut, viz.: Ske* -kom' -eko ; modern Chicomi- co; an Indian village, about two miles south of the present village of Pine Plains, Dutchess Co., N. Y. A Moravian mission station, 1740-44, on Chicomico Creek which runs northwesterly through Pine Plains township, perpetuates the name, which 46 Indian Place-Names local tradition misinterprets "Little mountain." It is obviously formed from "she," "che," for mishe, or k'che, "great," and komuk (Eliot) or comaco, "house" or "inclosed place." The place may have been so denominated (like weramo- comaco, in Virginia, and Narragansett sachimma- comonock, "sachem's house") from the "great lodge" of some chief, or because here was the "great village" of the tribe. This quotation from Trumbull shows Cataconnock to be nearer the true form than Cometico. See Cataconnock. 63. COMPOWAMS: a neck of land in the town of Islip, west of Bay Shore. The brook which bounds it on the east was called by the same name, now known as the "Bay Shore Brook," and one time designated as "Thompson's Brook." On Sept. I, 1701, the Indians sold to Thomas Willets two necks of land called Manetuc and Watchogue, "bounded west by the river called Compowams, east by the river called Watchogue, south by the salt-bay, and to extend northward, keeping the full breadth of said necks, as far as the north side of the pines." On "June I, 1703, the Indians conveyed to Oloff, Philip and Stephen Van Cort- land, a neck called Compowams, having the neck called Mantash on the east, and a neck called Missatuck on the west, extending northward into the woods from the Indian path five English miles" (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 447). Varia- On Long Island 47 tions are Compowis, Compowms, Compauwams. From the mark of the English possessive the word appears to be an Indian's personal name. Perhaps the name may be the equivalent of the Massachu- setts (Eliot) Kuppohkam, "he closes"; Kuppuhon, "door." (A. F. c.) 64. CONEGUMS: a creek at Mattituck, South- old town. In the Indian deed, dated March 20, 1648: " Uxoqiiepassem or Puammis Sachem, to- gether with his three brothers, viz.: "Weewacup, Nowconneey, Neesautguaggus convey to Mr. Theo- philus Eaton, Governor of New Haven, and to Mr. Steven Goodyear, Deputy Governor, all that their land lying between Conchake and Ucquebaak, commonly called Mattatuck, bounded on the East with the creek Conegums and the way leading thence to Mattatuck pond, for drawing over their canoes" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 77). The original deed, in a dilapidated condition, but still legible, is in the possession of the Long Island Historical Society. This stream is now known as "Reeve's Creek" and is near the boundary between South- old and Riverhead towns. The Mattituck pond (so-called) is the sheet of water now designated as Mattituck Bay. Between the two in ancient times the Indians were accustomed to drag their canoes across, as mentioned above; this gave it the name, which occurs in the oldest records of Southold, of Canoe place. The signification is 48 Indian Place-Names "a boundary," because it was the east bounds of the above tract of land. See Kanungum. 65. CONNECTICUT: a creek or river in Brook- haven town, now called Carman's River. By some, this and the following name might be considered as taken from the well-known river of New England, but it was not, these having been so-named at a very early period. In fact it was a common appellation for long streams of water. In Wyandance's deed for meadow, at Mastic, 1657, we find: "Two great necks of meadow lying from a river called Connecticut and so to a river called Wegonthotak" (B. H. R., vol. i.), and in 1674: "that lyeth between a river called Conitticut to another called Mastic' 1 (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 33). This river in the early days was sometimes designated as "East Con- necticut" in distinction to the one mentioned below. 66. CONNETQUOT: river or creek in the town of Islip, sometimes called Nicoll's River, or more often Connetquot brook. The Southside Club House is located on this beautiful stream of water. In the early days it was sometimes termed the ' ' West Connecticut. ' ' Thus in 1 662 : ' ' West Cun- iticutt or meadow that they bought this Conitu- cutt situate betwixt Unkachak and Sequatake" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 36). In an Indian deed to On Long' Island 49 Wm. Nicoll, 1683: "all that tract of land situate, lying and being on the Southside of Long Island, bounded on the east by a certain river called Conetquot" (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 444). This name and the previous one are derived from Quinni- (qunmh- in Eliot; variations quonne, conne, etc.), "long"; -tukq, "a tidal river or creek"; the locative -ut, "at." The whole word quonne-tukq-ut thus signifies, "at the long river." See Quonettquott. 67. CONORASSET: a name said to have been applied by the Indians to a tract of land now included in the town of Jamaica. It is found so recorded in a petition to Peter Stuyvesant, Governor General of New Netherlands, March 10, 1656, viz.: 'The place they desire and have alreadie petitioned for is called Conomsset and lies from a River which divides it from the Conorie see to the bounds of heemsteade and may containe about twentie families." In the permit granted by the Dutch the land is called '' Canaresse" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., pp. 339> 34o)- A variant is Canorasset (De Kay). It was part of the territory of the Canarsies and takes its name from the headquarters of that tribe. See Canarsie. 68. CONUNGUM, or Conungam: "about midway between Manorville and Riverhead lies the settle- 50 Indian Place-Names ment of Calverton. The locality preserves the ancient name of Conungam, Riverhead" (Mun- sell's Hist. S. C.). See Kanungum. 69. COOSPUTUS: "one of the smaller necks of land into which Mastic Neck, is divided " (Bayles's Hist. Suffolk Co., also MunselTs Hist. S. C.). Pos- sibly a variation of Poospatuck. See Poospatuck. 70. COPECES : a locality at the head of Three Mile Harbor, East Hampton town. According to the records, on "Sept. 20, 1705, Jeremiah Miller exchanged meadow ground lying at or near the head of Three Mile Harbor at a place called Copeces" (E. H. R., vol. iii., p. 139). The head of this harbor is inclosed or shut in by a point of land and meadow, leaving a very narrow passage into the inner harbor or cove, which makes it a sheltered place for the boats of the fishermen who live in the vicinity, as it must also have been for the canoes of the red man who made this section a favorite resort, indicated by the numerous shell- heaps now whitening the shores and bluffs. The name is the equivalent of the Narragansett aucupawese, Massachusetts, kuppi-es, "little cove," literally, "little place of shelter." The word is derived from kuppi, "shut in," "shel- tered"; -es, diminutive suffix. See Copiag, Copwax. 71. COPIAG: a neck of land in the western part On Long; Island 51 of Babylon town, south of the settlement known as Breslau. One of the necks of meadow sold by the Indians in 1658, names of the same not being given. In a deed of 1666, we find: "passell of meddow . . . being in a neck comonly called by the Indians Coppiage" (H. R., vol. i., p. 84). Variations are Copyag, 1693; Cuppuauge, 1698. On modern maps the name appears as Copiag. Trumbull in his Indian Names in Connecticut gives the following etymology for a name of similar form: "The name denotes a 'harbor,' or 'place of shelter'; literally a 'place shut in.' " Massachusetts kuppi, "closed"; kobkog, "haven," "harbor"; Narragansett aukup (we have an equi- valent for this name in Quebec; and also in the modern Cape Poge formerly Capeack, Capawack, etc., on Martha's Vineyard)." Eliot also uses the name for "forest," "woods," etc. The neck Kuppi-auke was so called, because it was "land shut in," by the meadows by which it is nearly surrounded, from the "forest" that covered it, or perhaps some "sheltered harbor" at or near it. The components of the word are kuppi, "shut in," "sheltered;" -auke, "place." See Copeces, Copwax. 72 . COPWAX : creek on Rockaway Neck, Hemp- stead town, Queen's Co. The records of March 20, 1684, mention a "tract of land lying at a creek called Oppeax, and so running to another 52 Indian Place-Names called Copwax" (Cal. of Land Papers, Sec'y of State's Office, p. 27). It is named as Coekwas in an entry of 1682. The word is the same as the previous name, with slight variation. The creek was possibly a ' ' place of shelter ' ' for canoes. John Smith and others call the locality on Martha's Vineyard, Capawack or Capawac. 73. CORAM, Corum: a farming hamlet in Brookhaven on the old country road, near the geographical centre of the town. Another small settlement about two miles southeast is known as " Cor am Hills." Many of the Long Island his- torians derive this name from one of the native chiefs. Munsell, e. g.,from Caraway. This name appears on a deed of 1673 as Cor away or Puding (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 43). In an order to Richard Woodhull, dated Aug. 13, 1677, we find: "that the new way designed and ordered in Governor Nicoll's time through the middle of the Island (the old country road) . . . bee nott only re- marked but sufficiently cleared of brush . . . and that hee settle a farm ... at or about Mon- corum" (Col. Hist, of N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 729). Again in 1730: "wee have layed oute to John Smith the land granted to William Satterly about Wincoram" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 121). Modernly Cor am or Corum. Cor am or Corum Hill is found in Huntington, Conn. (Trumbull's Indian Names in Conn., p. 12). Wine cor em occurs in a deed of On Long Island 53 1738. "At or about Moncorum" shows that the range of hills which rises up so plainly from the plains north of Patchogue now known as the Cor am Hills was the locality intended for a farm. The same name occurring in Connecticut applied to a hill shows that we must look to some charac- teristic of the hills for its meaning. Therefore, instead of being derived from some Indian chief, I regard it as the equivalent of the Massachusetts (Eliot) mcDnouhkoiyeum, "a valley," "low coun- try," shortened into Moncorum and afterwards into Coram. It probably referred to a passage between the hills or some valley near them. 74. COSTEYICK: "place of uncertain location, " (De Kay's Names on L. /.). This is Dutch, and not Indian by some means taken from the proper name of Peter Cornelissen Costelyick, Master of the "Pine Apple" in 1648 (Col. Hist. N. F., vol. xiv., p. 86). 75. COTSJEWAMINCK : This form of the name of Shelter Island, and islands adjacent, is found on record in a treaty of 1645. It is the Dutch notation for Ahaquatuwamuck. See Manhansack- Ahaquatuwamock, also MocJigonnekonck. 76. COWAMOKE: "A locality in Smithtown, (De Kay). "The Indian name of Fresh Ponds, a small settlement in the northwestern part of 54 Indian Place-Names the town [Smithtown] was called Cowamok" (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 460). It is probable that Mr. Thompson is in error and gives us Cowa- mok for Unshemamuck. De Kay's authority is probably Thompson. Possibly this form of the name might be translated as "pine tree place," corresponding to the Massachusetts k@wa; Narra- gansett (R. Williams) cowaw, "pine tree"; -alike, "land" or "place." See Unshemamuck. 77. CUMSEWOGUE : a farming district upon the high level plain, about a mile south of Port Jeffer- son, Brookhaven town. The only early record we have been able to find is as follows: In 1805 the Commissions of Highways are called "to view a road or highway near Setauket at a place called Comsewague" (B. H. R., vol. ii., p. 97). A variant is Cumsewage, 1835. Modernly the name is Cumsewogue. A post-office having been estab- lished here, the name in accordance with orders from the P. O. Department, has been changed to Echo, which is to be regretted. This name prob- ably refers to some road or trail originally estab- lished by the Indians and afterwards used by the whites as was frequently the case. Earlier forms would probably show that it was derived from the word corresponding to the Delaware (Zeisberger) pomsi; Unkechaug (Jefferson) copu- musah; Mohegan (Edwards), kepumsek, "thou walkest" ; Chippewa (Baraga) bimossewin; Algon- On Long Island 55 kin (Mackenzie) pemoussai, "to walk." The same radicals appear in the Narragansett (R. Williams), yo-cuppummesicommin, "cross over into the way there." The etymology is, therefore, Cumsew- auke, "a walking place. " 78. CUPSAGE : a locality on the Great South Beach, opposite Eastport, Southampton town. The place is probably referred to in an entry of Jan. 15, 1662, viz.: "Part of the Shinnecock Indians . . . doe say that they have given and made over all their land from Niamack over to the old gutt, westward unto Capt. Topping with all then- interest in the beach" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 27). In 1693 : " near a place called Cupsawege about a mile and a half from the gut near a place called the green pines" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 85). Other records give Capswague, 1693 ; Cup Soak gutt, 1700. In 1703 we find in the town records: "And west- erly from an Inlett out of ye sea or mane otion comonly known as Copsoage gut" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 177). Still other variants are: Cups age, 1712; Cupsouge gut, 1712; Cupsoge, 1768. This name is derived from the equivalent of the Mas- sachusetts (Eliot), kuppi, "closed," "shut in," etc., and -sauk, "an inlet " or "outlet " (of a body of water). The meaning of Kup-sauk is thus an "inlet that closes or shuts up," "ashut up inlet," ' ' closed inlet. ' ' These passages of water, or guts, as they are often termed, that connect the Great South 56 Indian Place-Names Bay with the ocean, frequently close up, and remain so, until a new one is formed by storms or by digging. The beach is marked in many places, where once the inlets poured their streams into the broad Atlantic or vice versa (H. R., vol. iii., p. 231, 238). See Seapoose. 79. CUTCHOGUE : post-office and farming ham- let in Southold town. This name was originally applied to a tract of land, on which one of the Island tribes was located at the era of settlement. On this tract still known as the "Fort Neck" (and the original Corchauge) was located their palisaded inclosure. The late J. Wickham Case wrote: "The fort was eligibly and pleasantly situated on the east side of the neck, on a declivity sloping toward the creek, and close by a fine spring of pure water, which rises on the shore just above high water mark and flows into the creek, which lies in close proximity to the fort. The lines of embankment of earth, and the trenches which surround the fort are still to be traced. An excavation of considerable depth (probably the store-house) is within the enclosure which em- braces half or three-fourths of an acre" (S. R. vol. i., p. 121). On July 21, 1891, by invitation of the owner, Mr. Henry V. Downs, I visited the spot and found it to be as described, with the exception, that it is situated in a dense grove, that has been undisturbed for many years. The On Long Island 57 neighboring fields bordering the creek bear evi- dences of wigwam sites. Shells, pottery sherds, arrow-points, etc., are met with at every point. This neck of land is both interesting and historical, it being on record as having been visited both by the Dutch and English on many occasions, per- haps in 1633 by Winthrop in the "Blessing," and no doubt by James Farrett in his "Ketch" in 1639-1640. The four forts of Paumanack (Montauk's, Manhansett's, Shinnecock's, and Cor- chaug's] bear close relationship to each other. By signal fires or smoke from Shinnecock, to Corchaug, thence to Shelter Island, thence to the Nominick Hills on Montauk, or vice versa, the four tribes could be brought together in a few hours. No prominent Indian name on Long Island has been more of a puzzle than this one, owing to the curious way in which the English spelled it; and yet, its etymology is very simple. The Dutch seem to have caught the true sound better than the neighboring settlers. This was probably due to the fact that Secretary Cornelis Van Tienhoven "who understands the Indian language" recorded it. Variations are Catsjeyick, 1645; Catsjaock, 1647; Car choke, 1648; Corchake, 1648; Cor change, 1648; Curchaug, 1660; Cauch- hauge, 1673; Cauchaug, 1677; Courchauge, 1677; Corchogge, 1684; Cauchauk, 1704; Kachogue, will of Wm. Wells, 1696. Modernly the word is spelled Cutchogue. Catsjey, Catsja, Carch or Caugh, 58 Indian Place-Names = kehche, kehti or keihte (as Eliot variously writes it) signifies "chief, " "pre-eminent," or "superior, " "greatest," "principal," etc. Thus with the locative termination -auke or -ock, we have Kehch- auke, "the greatest or principal place " (of refuge for the women and children of that tribe, and where the Sachem lived, in fact his "headquar- ters). Capt. John Smith (True Relation, p. 24) mentions the "king of Kiskieck, " and on the map of Virginia (Generall Historie) we find a king's town called "Kiskiack, " lying near the mouth of the Pamunkey River. This is the Virginia equiva- lent of our name. Ruttenber's suggested deriva- tion from Maskutchoung cannot be correct. 80. CUTSGUNSUCK, Cussquontuck: a brook or creek on the bounds between the towns of Brook- haven and Smithtown at the village of Stony Brook. Recorded Aug. 6, 1702: "Ordered that a warrant bee given to the surveyor for the Laying out of one hundred acres of land for Mr. Phillips att a place comonly called Cutsgunsuck and in case it prove to be within the bounds of Smithtown he shall have the equivalent elsewhere" (B. H. R., vol., i. p. 94). Another entry gives it as "Cuts- gunsuck." The original award to the arbitrators, Woodhull, Hallock and Townsend in 1736, divid- ing Smithtown among the heirs and grantees of Richard Smith, gives us: "Which lyeth at a place called Cussquontuck. " A copy of the same in the On Long Island 59 Town Clerk's office " Cutscwontock "; Andros pa- tent, Smithtown, 1675: "bounded eastward by a runne of water called Stony Brook"; Brookhaven and Smithtown boundary award, 1725: "Do judge and award that the head of the middle branch of Stony Brook . . . shall be one of ye bounds between ye said towns" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 115). In this name we discover the Algon- kian synonym for Stony Brook, corresponding to Massachusetts qussuk (Cotton), "stone"; qussuk- quanash (Eliot), "stones," "rocks," as in mukin- numook gussukquanash, "gather stones" (Lev. xxi., 46) ; qussukquanumit Bohan, "to the shore of Bohan, " literally, "to the stones of Bohan," (Joshua xv., 6). This word is identical with the Narragansett qussucqun, "heavy"; literally, "it is heavy" (Trumbull's Notes, Narr. Club Reprint of R. Williams's Key, p. 177). This finds its counterpart in the Delaware ksucquon; Chippewa kosigwan, "it is heavy." The terminal affix seems to have been varied in the early records from -suck, "a brook," or "outlet," to -tuck, "a creek," "flowing stream," or "tidal river." Thus we have qussucqun-suck, "stony brook," or qussucqun-tuck, "the stony creek." 8 1 . CUTUNOMACK : see Ketanomocke. 82. DICKEPECHEGANS : hills in Huntington, now know as "Dix Hills." The early form as 60 Indian Place-Names it appears nearly fifty years after the settlement of the town, viz.: "dickepechegans," 1689; dick- petheyans," 1689; "dickepechegans," 1690; "dich- pechegans," 1690 (H. R., vol. ii., pp. 25, 41, 66, 68), has all the attributes of a personal name in the possessive case. Dick, an English name, has been added to the aboriginal, as was frequently done by both the whites and the Indians, and the name given to the hills, because here was located the wigwam of Dick Pechegan, and the fields that he planted. His name appears on the Indian deed as to Wm. Massey, dated 1692, as Pechegin (H. R., vol. ii., p. 107). 83. EBWONS: neck of land, Brookhaven town on Mastic, also called Rattlesnake Neck, lying between Winocroscombs Neck and Floyd's Neck on a survey of 1693, by Aug. Graham. This appears not to be an Indian name, but is from a former owner, "Samuel Eburn" of Setauket, who bought it in 1684. See Winnecro scorns. 84. EGHQUAONS: Staten Island, Richmond Co., N. Y. So-called in the Indian deed dated July 10, 1657, viz.: "We the undersigned natives of North America, hereditary owners of Staten Island, certify and declare to have sold and con- veyed to Lubbertus Van Dincklage, attorney for his Noble Honor, Hendrick Van der Capellen tho Ryssel the whole of Staten Island, by us called On Long Island 61 Eghquaons" (Col. Hist. N. F., vol. xiv., p. 393). This is the Dutch notation for Aqiiehonga. See Aqiiehonga Manacknong. 85. ENAUGHQUAMUCK: a locality named as the limit of a grant by Wiandance, Sachem of Pawmanack, to Lyon Gardiner in 1659: "for all whales that might come ashore from the place called Kitchaminfchoke unto the place called Enoughquamuck" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 38). Examination of the original records shows it to be Enaughquamuck. The localities mentioned are within the jurisdiction of Tobacus and Wine- croscum, Sachems of Unkechaug, and they had given their permission to the grant. The year previous Wiandance sold to Lyon Gardiner the right of herbage on the land covered by his grant, viz.: "which beach begins Eastward at the west end of Southampton bounds and westward where it is separated by the water of the sea cominge in out of the ocean sea southward with the great sea, Northward by the Island water: reserving the whales that shall be cast up" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 148). Winecroscum, in 1685, denies having given his consent to this transfer, (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 69). Enaughqu-amuck, "as far as the fishing-place," was probably the inlet mentioned in the above grant. Enaughqua is the parallel of the Massachusetts (Cotton) un- nuhkuquat, "as far as"; Narragansett, ammckqua, 62 Indian Place-Names "at the end of, " "ending of either land or water, " "to the extreme point," or "limit of," as in you- anuckquoqua, "how big," "how far"; Chippewa (Baraga), enigokwa aki "as wide as the earth is," enigokwadessing, "as it is wide." With the locative -amuck, "a fishing-place," denotes "as far as the fishing-place goes." See Kitchamin- chok. 86. EQUENDITO: Barren Island, Flatlands, King's Co. Mentioned in the Indian deed of April 13, 1664: "We Wawmatt Tappa and Kacka- washke, the right and true proprietors of a certain island called by the Indians Eqiiendito, and by the English Broken Lands . . . said Island called Equendito, etc." (Stiles's Hist. King's Co., p. 77.) The Island is now wholly composed of white sand, and the area of the Island has very considerably decreased within the memory of persons now living. Years ago the Island was destitute of trees, producing only sedge affording coarse pasture. Sixty years ago cedar trees sprang up over the Island furnishing a roosting place for a vast number of crows. The Indian name and its English one shows that it was cleared by either the whites or the natives. The prob- ability is that the drifting sand covered the natural soil after it was cleared. The name is an abbreviated form of a word corresponding to the Massachusetts pequettah-ohke, "land opened On Long Island 63 or broken up, " "land from which trees and bushes have been removed to fit it for planting"; or else (p)equen-ittuk, "cleared of trees" ; in fact, "broken lands" as called by the English or Dutch. 87. ESSACHIAS: a small creek in the town of Islip, mentioned as follows in a deed of 1714, discovered by O. B. Ackerly, Esq.: "East of Great River, and south east of Brickkiln Point, two small creeks or runnes of water, called Weha- hamis eastward and Essachias westward." Prob- ably a personal name of an Indian resident near or at the creek. It may be a variation of the biblical name Zaccheus, as such names were fre- quently bestowed on the Indians when converted. 88. GENISSEE: a swamp at Sag Harbor, where the pumps and engine house of the Sag Harbor Water Works are located. This name is found mentioned in a deed of 1838, viz.: "That equal undivided half or moiety of a certain lot of land situated in the port of Sag Harbor, being lots No. 2 and 3 in Genissee so called." This tract was granted to Hubbard Latham by Southampton town in 1804. At the beginning of the present century the rich lands of the Genesee valley in the western part of the State were becoming famous and were being rapidly filled with the streams of emigrants flowing west, hence the adoption of the name in this section. The name is derived from 64 Indian Place-Names Onondaga genriis-he-yo, "the beautiful valley," or "the pleasant valley," being thus of Iroquoian origin. According to J. N. B. Hewitt (Handb. of Inds. N. of Mex., vol. i., 1907, p. 489), the Seneca Tyo'-nesi 'yo signifies, "there it has fine banks." 89. GEORGICA: a farming district in East Hampton, between the village and Wainscot, bordering on the sheet of water known as "Geor- gica Pond." The earliest mention of the locality is June 10, 1652: "Thomas Talmage senior two ackers upon the Little plaine beitmore or lese bounded with the hieway South Georgika West and North and Mr. James East" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 23). At a town meeting of June 19, 1657: "An Indian being asked how far Shinne- cocks Indians bounds went . . . answered that it went to george cake or Wainscot at the least or there abouts" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 114). Variations are Jorgke, 1650; "4 acres laid out att the neck of Georgika where Mr. Mulford formerly mowed, " 1667 (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 268) ; Georgeke, 1685; Georgekea, 1690; Jorgake, 1713; Georgicay, 1728; Georgake, 1731. This place derives its name from an Indian who formerly lived on the neck. Jeorgkee an Indian "goes to sea to kill whales for Jacob Schillinger of East Hampton and partners," as per agreement dated April 7, 1679 (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 79). This derivation is also the traditional one as handed down to Mr. On Long Island 65 Sineus Talmadge, the present owner of part of the above tract of land. The signification of the name has not been ascertained. It is possible, how- ever, that it may be a corruption of the English George. 90. GILGO: an inlet from the ocean to the "Great South Bay," between Oak Island and Jones's Beach, Babylon town. 91. GONUX: a point of land on Great Hog Neck or "Peconic Park," Southold town. So- called from an Indian who was drowned in the vicinity over one hundred years ago and buried upon the point. The grave at one time was marked by a stone on which was carved G. X. The East Hampton Church Records, copied by J. Lyon Gardiner, Esq., and preserved at Gardi- ner's Island, contain the following entry: "1767, June 5th. Moses Gonack, drowned." The word is probably related to the Delaware gunaxin, "to be long, to be tall, to be high, " giinaxu (Zeisberger), "he is long, tall of stature"; Massachusetts qunnunkqussu, "he is tall"; Narragansett, qun- nauqussu, "a tall man." See Gunnunks. 92. GOORGO: neck of land in Islip town, east of Babylon. It was "formerly called l Go-or-go_ his neck' which has been corrupted to George's 5 66 Indian Place-Names Neck and St. George's Neck" (Munsell's Hist. Suffolk Co., Islip). This is probably an error, according to the following record, the word being a corruption of George, viz.: "Richard and Thomas Willets in 1696 procured a deed for a tract of land lying to the east of Sequatogue and called by the English George's Neck " (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 446.) 93. GOWANUS: creek, bay, and locality in the City of Brooklyn. It appears very early in the Dutch records, in 1638: "Thomas Bescher sells a plantation to Cornelis Lambersen Cool, situate on Long Island near Gowanus" (Col. Hist. N. F., vol. xiv.). Kieft's Patent 1640 (Red Hook, I2th ward Brooklyn): "peice of land upon the Long Island . . . reaching in breadth from the kil and valley that comes from Gowanes, N. W. by N." (Col. Hist, of N. Y., vol. xiv.). Variants are: Kil of Gowanes, 1645 ; Gouwanis, 1652. Stiles 's History of King's County, from other records, gives Goujanes, Coujanes, Cojanes, and Cujanes (which bespeak a Spanish derivation). From the mark of the possessive the land probably takes its name from the Indian who planted there, Gauwane's plantation. His name may be trans- lated "the sleeper," or "he rests." It is cognate with the Delaware gauwin, "to sleep;" Massachu- setts, kouweu, "he sleeps," koueuenin, "a sleeper." See also Algonquian Series, vol. ii., pp. 29-32. On Long Island 67 94. GUEGUIS: Little Neck in the town of Babylon. This name appears but once in the town records, then in a deed from Samuel to Hannah Titus, dated Aug., 1696: viz.: "which necke is comonlye called or known by the English by ye name of ye Litell necke by ye Indians gueguis" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 194). 95. GUNNUNKS: a swamp in the North Neck, Montauk. A small tract of land in close proxim- ity is called Gunnunk 's Garden. It lies midway between Fort Pond and Culloden Point, at the foot of the range of hills, known as the Rocky Ridge. I have been informed by Jonathan Gould, Esq., who lived at the second house for many years, that the swamp and garden took its name from an old squaw who made her home there. Mr. Abraham Schellinger of Amagansett, aged over 80, says, "that he heard his father speak of this squaw who was called Luce Gunnunk, and that she was a very tall woman." It may have been originally the parallel of the Delaware gun- aquat, "tall"; Narragansett and Massachusetts, gunnuqui, or gun'unkq, "tall"; -unk, "a tree" (Trumbull); gun'unk, "a tall standing tree." See Gonux. 96. GUSCOMQUOROM : neck of land in Babylon town, now known as the Great East Neck. One of the five necks of meadow bought in 1657, 68 Indian Place-Names but not named. In a record of 1669, we find: "and the other parcell lying on a neck called by the Indians Guscomqiwrom and by the English the East Neck." Indian deed for Santapaug, 1689: "Southward unto the Indian path nor- ward as now is, and from the River eastward that parts guscomquaram from the said Santa- paug. " Indian deed for the upland, 1698: "all that tract of upland . . . comonly known by ye English by ye name of ye East Neck, by ye Indians Cans Cung Quaram" (H. R., vol. i., pp. 10, 154; vol. ii., pp. 34, 222). Munsell's History of Suffolk County gives Caus-kum-cru-a-ran. Gus- comquorom denotes "a crossing-place"; from the fact that it was crossed by the Indian trail, or that there was a wading place between that neck and Santapaug. The word is related to the Mas- sachusetts (Eliot) qushkodtewm, "he went over," ' ' passed over ' ' ; Delaware, gochgoshgaan, ' ' to cross (a water)"; Micmac, usogomaase, "to cross a water"; Chippewa, gashkis, "to pass over some- thing." We may compare Micmac Assookcum- kakuuc, "crossing place" (Campbell's Hist. Yar- mouth Co., N. S., p. 20). 97. HAPAX: creek on Rockaway Neck, Hemp- stead town. Probably a form corresponding to Massachusetts dupauk, "flooded or overflowed land," so-called from the meadows that border the creek. See Coekwas and Oppeax. On Long' Island 69 98. HASHAMOMUK: a neck of land west of the village of Greenport, Southold town. The name originally belonged to a limited tract of land, although the early settlers so-called the whole eastern part of the town as shown by an entry of 1659, viz.: "It was ordered that Hashamom- muck Neck from Wm. Solmons and John Con- kelynnes bounds to the utmost poynt of land agst Plumb Gutt, " etc. (S. R., vol. i., p. 324). It is first mentioned in a certificate dated 1645, but not recorded until 1750, one hundred and five years afterwards, viz.: "This may serve to certify that I, William Salmon, have bought of a man- hansuck Indian named Paukamp ... a parcel of land comonly called Hashamommock" (S. R., vol. ii., p. 276). Variants are Hashamamuck, i6^;Hashamommuck, 1653; Hashamoomuk, 1677; Hashshamamuk, 1680; Hashamomuk, 1684; Har- shamomque, 1795; Arshamomague, 1890. This name belongs to Trumbull's Class 3, and is an interesting specimen of that class. Hashamomuk neck was noted for its running springs of water, which made the neck very desirable to the early settlers. Hence the name which is derived from h'ashim "a spring of water for drinking pur- poses"; Massachusetts, ashim, "fountain"; -om, "the verb of motion"; -muck, "where a thing is. " Hence H'ashim-om-muck, "where the springs flow." See Mashomuck. 7O Indian Place-Names 99. HASSOCK: a creek in the meadow near Rockaway Beach (U. S. Coast Survey Map). 100. HASSOCK: a tract of meadow near E ust Rockaway Inlet, called "Great Bear Hassock." 101. HASSOCK: another tract in same locality, called "Black bank Hassock." The word is the parallel of the Narragansett hassucki, "marsh land"; Delaware, assisku, "miry or marshy." See Rassapeague. 1 02. HASSOCKEY: localities mentioned in the early records in connection with marshy tracts of land. First in 1657, Records of Jamaica, "Has- sokie meadowes" (Col. Hist, of N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 505), again in 1682: "It was voted and agreed by the major part of the town that the Hassokey swamp over against Jonathan Rogers, shall be sold at a vandue by the burning of an inch of candle" (H. R., vol. i., p. 339). Also Hassokey Meadow, 1683. 103. HAUPPAUGE: a hamlet on the southern border of Smithtown. The locality was called in the early records of the town "Wheelers," from two of the first settlers. Hauppaug road now forms part of the boundary between this town and Islip. "In 1735, Hauppauge neck containing 1200 acres, as owned by the Smiths, was only that On Long' Island 71 portion of it which lay in Smithtown. The neck ran across the town of Islip and was the tract included in the Gibbs's patent of 1692" (Mun- sell's Hist. Smithtown, p. 39). The locality is a swampy section, abounding in springs of running water which make the head waters of Wingan- hauppauge brook that flow southward through the town of Islip, hence the name given to the hamlet being the same as the brook with the prefix dropped. The traditional meaning "sweet water" as given by the various Island historians, is inadmissible. It is from the word correspond- ing to the Massachusetts (Eliot) dupauk, "over- flowed land;" Micmac (Rand) aoompogwa, "to be overflowed ; ' ' Delaware, chuppegat, ' ' high water. ' ' The name was also applied by the Indians to springs that flow out and cover the land, which fully described the swampy characteristics of Hauppauge neck. See Winganhauppauge and Win- gatthappagh. 104. HAUQUEBAUG: see Aquebogue. 105. HOCUM: "the neck of land at West Islip, generally known as Secatogue, is sometimes called Hocum." (MunselTs Hist. Suffolk Co., Islip.) 'The neck now owned by the Willets family was called by the Indians Hocum, the name of Secatogue or Sequatake being nearly coextensive with the jurisdiction of that tribe" (Thompson's 72 Indian Place-Names L. I., vol. i., p. 448). The above statement is not founded on facts, for the neck was no doubt called Secatogue; on it was located their principal village at the era of settlement. Consequently, the term Secatogue could not have designated their whole territory. Hocum was perhaps a name of one of the chiefs who resided here, or it may have been descriptive of some part of the neck, "hook-shaped," from a word corresponding to the Narragansett (R. Williams) hoquaun; Delaware, hoquaan, "a hook"; perhaps related to Hoaham, Hoham, Hooham (Nelson, Pers. Names of Inds. of N. J., 1904, p. 20), the name of several Delaware sachems (A. F. c.). 1 06. HOGGENOCH: a supposed Indian name, now applied by the owner, C. A. Lament, Esq., to "Little Hog Neck" near Sag Harbor. It is a corrupted form of Hog Neck, so spelled by mis- take in the Dongan Patent for Southampton, Dec. 6, 1686. 107. HOHOSBOCO: creek in the southern part of Newtown, Queen's Co. An Indian deed, Oct. 3, 1662, has: "neck of meadow land com- monly called Plunder's Neck, bounded on the east by the river Hohosboco" (Riker's Annals of Newtown, p. 53). 1 08. HOMES : a hill at "North Sea," Southamp- On Long Island 73 ton town. The records show that on "Apr. 28, 1670, Robert Fordham sells a peice of land at a place called Whomeses" (S. H. R., vol. ii., pp. 3, 26). This tract was located near the place now known as "Homes 1 Hill." W. S. Pelletreau, Esq., informs me that he never was able to find the origin of the name. I would suggest that it is from the word corresponding to the Narragansett homes, "an old man," indicating where at one time an old Indian lived. This word was also used by the Nissequoque tribe as proven by a record of 1663, when Jonas Wood "went to view foure Necks of meadow and there lived an old Homes and his sonne, whose name was Wane- quaheag" (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Smithtown, p. i). The Sachem Chice (also signifying "an old man") signed the Southampton Conveyance of 1793 (vol. i., p. 5). This word, according to Trumbull, characterized old age as entitled to respect, and without associating the idea of decrepitude, which belongs to homes. 109. HOOPANINAK: an island at Flatlands, King's Co. Mentioned in the Indian deed of May 13, 1664, viz. : "both of upland and marshes, anyway belonging thereto, as the Straun Beach or Beaches, as namely that running out more westerly with the Island adjoining, and is at the same time by the ocean sea wholly inclosed, called hoopan- inak, etc." (Stiles's Hist. King's Co.,} p. 78). 74 Indian Place-Names The Island, "by the ocean sea wholly inclosed," is what is referred to in this deed. The word kupp-anahan-ak means "the inclosed or shut in island-place," from hoop corresponding to Dela- ware kuppdsk; Massachusetts kuppi, "to inclose," "to shut in"; manahan-ak, "island place" (manahan, " island "; -a&, "place"). no. IHPETONGA: a name bestowed upon Brooklyn Heights in the city of Brooklyn by Henry R. Schoolcraft, who says "The voca- bulary of the A/Eohegans affords, however, a few other terms, the application of which may well be assumed from their etymology. The heights of Brooklyn are graphically described in the term Ihpetonga; that is, "high sandy banks" (Gowans's Bibliotheca Americana, vol. i., p. 26). He derives it probably from the Chippewa ishpakumiga, "bank of earth," instead of the Mohegan aspetong; Massachusetts (Eliot), aspohtag, "a height"; the word being paralleled by the Delaware achwowangeu, "high sandy banks." See Al- gonquian Series, vol. ii., pp. 46-49. See also Aquehonga Manacknong. in. IRABASH: seeJabash. 112. JABASH: a cove on the east side of Shin- necock neck half way from the head of the creek to the point. (Letter from Wm. S. Pelletreau.) On Long Island 75 Called by one of the Indians residing on the neck, " Ir abash cove." 113. JAMAICA: village and town in the south- western part of Queen's Co. "The name by which the town is designated has been variously accounted for, but the prevalent opinion is that there was once a family of Indians who resided near the bay, south of the Beaver Pond, who were known as the 'Jameco' Indians" (Thompson's L. I., vol. ii., p. 96). In the certificate of pur- chase, dated 1656, we find: "Living at ye new plantacon neare unto ye bever pond, comonly called Jemaica" (Thompson's!,. /., vol. ii., p. 97). The early records give the name almost invariably as ' Yemacah. " Variations are Jamaick, 1666; Jameca, 1678; Jamaicah, 1696; etc. Flint in his Early Long Island (1896, p. 198) gives a form Jemaco. The reference to the Beaver Pond gives considerable insight into the origin of the name as does also the ancient form of spelling. The locality was probably so designated on account of the beavers found living at the pond formed by the dam, which they had made. The name is the parallel of the Delaware tamaqua, tamaque; Abnaki, tem&kSe; Narragansett, tummock; Massa- chusetts, tummunk, "beaver." Similar sugges- tions, deriving the word from the Mohegan antique, "a beaver," appeared in the Brooklyn Standard Union Newspaper, for March 19, 1882. 76 Indian Place-Names 114. KAHAIJONGH: a brook in Islip at Bay Shore. "About half mile west of Omwac brook, another stream runs down rejoicing under the two names of Kahaijongh and Awixa" (Bayles's Sketches of Suffolk Co.). This is another form of Cagoqimk or Cachinncak. See Cachinncak and Cagoqimk. 115. KANTUCK: a locality in the town of Oyster Bay, Queen's Co. It is a wild, hilly, and swampy combination at the head of a large body of salt meadow. The brook Checkachagin or Choggin flows through the locality. (Informa- tion by Geo. W. Cocks, Esq.) 1 1 6. KANUNGUM: a pond at the extreme northwestern bounds of Southampton town. The pond being a widening of the Peconic River at Calverton, Riverhead town. It is mentioned once only in the book of proprietors' records, Southampton town, as " Kanungum pond" (Let- ter from Wm. S. Pelletreau). Varied as Conun- gum and Conungam. Prime's Hist, of L. I. gives the bounds of Southampton, as follows: 'To the head of Peconic Bay thence west to Kanungum Pond, through which the Peconic River passes. From this point the western bounds is a straight line south about 10 to Sea- tuck creek." The name denotes "a boundary," from a word corresponding to the Massachusetts On Long; Island 77 (Eliot) kuhguttum, "determined," "fixed"; kuh- kuhguttum, "bounds"; kuhhunhunkanash, "the bounds." The same name appears in Massa- chusetts attached to a pond called Chaubunagon- gum, which gave the name to an Indian village in close proximity called Chaubunakongkomuk, "the boundary inclosed place," "boundary village." See Konkhunganik. 117. KASKUTENSUKEN : see Castateum. 118. KATAWAMAKE : Katawamac: Crab Mead- ow, Huntington town. "In December 1685, Gov. Dongan made a grant to Judge John Palmer and John Roysee of New York, all the lands be- tween Cow Harbor [Northport] and Fresh Pond, bounded south by the road to Smithtown and called Crab Meadow, or by the Indians 'Kata- wamac' (Hon. Chas. R. Street; Munsell's Hist.S. C.}. On April 21, 1702, "Isaac De Riemer and others petition for a tract of unpatented land to the eastward of Huntington, and to the west- ward of Nesseqiiack, commonly called by the In- dians Katawamake, and in English Crab Meadow" (Land Papers, vol. iii., p. 61, Office Secretary of State). See Arhakaamunk. 119. KEEMISCOMOCK: "A little brook which divides the shores of Saghtekoos, or Apple tree neck, was called by the Indians Keemiscomock, or 78 Indian Place-Names Weepoose" (Bayles's Sketches of Suffolk Co., p. 210). No earlier authority than the above has been found, and Mr. Bayles was unable to recall where he obtained it. The name denotes "a secret enclosed place, " "a place of refuge." The components of the word are keemis, corresponding to Massachusetts kemeu, "it is secret"; kimi (Del- aware) ," secret "; kimSi (Abnaki) "en cachette"; and -comock = komuk, "enclosed place, " the second component. 1 20. KESKAECHQUEREM : a village of the Canarsie Indians, near Flatlands, King's County. In 1638, "Kakapoteyno, Menqueruan, and Su- wiran, chiefs of Keskaechquerem transferred to the Noble Lords, Directors of the West India Co. a peice of land lying on Long Island, etc." Also mentioned in 1642 in a "Lease for a plantation situate on the Flatland near Keskaechqueren" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., pp. 14, 36). This name is probably related to the Narragansett (R. Williams's Key, chap, xxviii) : " Keesaqunnamun, a kind of solemne, publicke meeting wherein they lie under the trees, in a kinde of Religious observa- tion and have a mixture of Religion and sports." See Algonquian Series, vol. ii., p. 33. 121. KESTATEUW: see Castateum. 122. KETANOMOCKE: Indian village at Hunt- ington, L. I. A deed from Wm. Jones to Robert On Long; Island 79 Seely , Dec. 22 , 1 662 , says : ' ' Theophilus Eaton, Esq. , late Governor of New Haven Colony, deceased, unto whom the lands mentioned were given or granted by Rusurocon Sagamor of Cutunomack in the pre- sence of sundry Indians have, etc." (H. R., vol. i., p. 43). A certificate dated Aug. 17, 1663, states that a deed of Eaton's Neck was given to Theophilus Eaton in 1646, viz.: "we . . . testifie that Resorokon Sagamore of Ketanomocke of Long Island now called by the English Hunting- ton, Did give and grant to Theophilus Eaton, Esq. and Governor of New Haven, etc." (H. R., vol., i., p. 49). Also occurs as Ketewomoke. This was probably one of the palisadoed villages of the tribe and where the Sachem Resorokon 's big house or wigwam was located at that period (1646), but not the place from which the tribal name of Matinnicock was derived. Resorokon, or Raseokan in other deeds, is called the Sagamore of Matinnicoke. Sec'y Van Tienhoven of New Netherlands, 1650, wrote of what is probably the village: "the smallest stream runs up in front of the Indian village, called Martinne houck, where they have their plantations. This tribe is not strong and consists of about 30 families. There were formerly in and about this bay, great numbers of Indian Plantations, which now lie waste and vacant" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. i., p. 366). This name must be assigned to Trumbull's Class 3, i.e., "those formed from verbs, denoting 8o Indian Place-Names a place where the action of the verb is performed. " The first part ketan (Narragansett kitthan) signifies "the sea"; -om is the verb of motion in its simple iorm;-imick having the termination of the third person singular of the conditional present passive, "where or when a thing is." Hence we have Ketan-om-muck, "where the sea flows," "the shore," or "beach." Ruttenber confuses this name with that of Crab Meadow. See Arhakaamunk. 123. KETCHAPONACK : a neck of land in the western part of Southampton town on Quantuck Creek, West Hampton Post Office. It is first found recorded in 1663, viz.: "Whereas Capt. Scott and ye town committee agreed for Quaquan- antuck without specifying in the agreement or Indenture that he reserved 5 acres of salt marsh in Ketcheponack neck," etc. (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 38). Variations are Catchponack, 1681; Catchaponack 1683; Ketcliaponack, 1732; Ketchabonack, 1738; Ketchabonnack, 1782; Dr. J. H. Trumbull, by mistake, locates the neck on Shinnecock Bay, viz.: " Ketchaponock, Catchebonnuc, a neck on Shinnecock Bay, Southampton, was a 'place of the largest roots ' (kehche-pen-auk] , i. e. , the largest species of esculent roots found in that neighbor- hood. In some parts of the country the name would indicate the yellow water lily (Nuphar advena), Josselyn's 'water lily with yellow flowers; On Long Island 81 the Indians eat the roots, which are long in boiling. They taste like the liver of a sheep' (N. E. Rarities, p. 44). The Long Island kehche- pen may have been the Arrowhead (Sagittaria) , the katness of the Delaware Indians, the root of which is sometimes 'as big as a man's fist.' It was eaten either boiled or roasted; its name was transferred by the Indians to the turnip, intro- duced by Europeans" (Mag. Amer. Hist., vol. L, pp. 386-7). W. S. Pelletreau, Esq. (Ind. Geog. Names in Suffolk Co., 1883) translates it as "land where the great ground-nuts grow." John Smith in his Generall Historic of Virginia ( 1624, Book I, p. 17) says: "ground-nuts as big as egges, as good as potatoes, and 40 on a string, not two inches under ground, were found on the Elizabeth Islands off the Coast of New England, during Capt. Gosnell's voyage, 1602." See Aca- bonack, Sagaponack, and Seponack. 124. KETUMPSCUT: "President Stiles, on the authority of Adam Babcock, Esq. in 1671, gives this as the Indian name of the west end of Fisher's Island ; but it belonged originally at the east end (modern Catumb reef) and means 'at the great rock;' keht~ompsk-ut" (Trumbull's Indian Names in Conn.). See Catumb. 125. KILLIS: a pond at Bridgehampton, South- ampton town. According to Prime's History 82 Indian Place-Names of Long Island, this name is derived from an Indian who formerly lived near the pond. An- other tradition is that it is the name of an Indian who was drowned in its waters. Kittis still sur- vives among the Shinnecocks as a family name, but Wm. S. Pelletreau, Esq., informed the writer that this was a corruption of "Achilles." On searching the old records, Prime's statement is found to be in error and that the name was originally derived from "John Kelly," or "Kel- lie," who was allotted land in this neighborhood; the early form being "Kettle's Pond." 126. KIOSHK: Ellis' Island, New York Harbor, means "Gull Island." The name was taken from the Chippewa and bestowed upon the Island by Henry R. Schoolcraft in 1845 (Gowans's Biblio- theca Americana}. In Chippewa, "gull" is gaiashk or kaiashk, corresponding to Cree, kiydsk. 127. KISCASUTTA: "a point of trees" on the great plain, N. E. of Hempstead. Mentioned in a land grant to Robert Williams, 1666 (Town patents, vol. i., pp. 69, 70, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). This point of trees is frequently referred to in many of the ancient documents relating to the boundaries between the towns of Hempstead and Oyster Bay. First in the confirmation of the sale of Hempstead by the Indians, May II, 1658, viz.: "Pointe of Trees On Long Island 83 adjoining to the land of Robert Williams where we left marked trees" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 416). In testimony before the Governor in relation to land claimed by Tackapousha, the Massapeage Sachem, June 22, 1677, Mr. Gilder- sleeve, aged about 76, testifies: "And the East line at a Pointe of trees that parts Robert Williams and us where the Indians marked some trees and from ye marked trees northward" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 729). Kiscasutta is the Long Island equivalent of the Delaware (Zeisberger) inshasu, "to mark"; giskhasu, "to chop"; -ittuck "trees"; thus "marked trees," "trees chopped" or "blazed" for a boundary mark, as referred to in the above testimony of Mr. Gildersleeve. See Cantiaqiie and Cantasquntdh. 128. KISSENA: a pond at Flushing, Queen's Co. This is not a Long Island name, but a later- naming of a pretty sheet of water from the Chippewa (Baraga) kissina, "it is cold." 129. KITCHAMINCHOK, Ketchininchoge: now called Moriches Island, on the north shore of the Great South Bay, at East Moriches. It is sepa- rated from the mainland by a very narrow strait, and contains about 50 acres of land and meadow with a small pond. On July 28, 1659, Wiandance, Sachem of Pawmanack, sold to Lyon Gardiner "all the bodys and bones of all the whales that 84 Indian Place-Names shall come upon the land, or come ashore, from the place called Kitchaminf choke, unto the place called Enoughgiiamuck, only the fins and tayles, of all we reserve for ourselves and Indians with the consent of Wannuggeashcum [Winecroscum] and Tawbaughauz [Tobacus] Sachems of the places aforesaid" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 34). Examination of the original word shows that the (f) is intrusive, and an error of the printer. It is also mentioned in the will of Col. Matthew Howell (Oct. 13, 1704) who leaves "son Israel ^ of ^ of an Island called Ketchininchoge" (Pelletreau's Abstracts of Wills, Sea-Side Times, Southampton, Sept. 27, 1888). This name is a simple boundary designa- tion, no doubt bestowed at the time the grant was given. The first component, kitcha (ketchi, cochi, chike) connotes "a going on from a begin- ning"; cognate with Massachusetts kutche, "it begins"; Narragansett kitche, it "begins," etc. The other component -minchok, -menchoake is the Montauk munchoage, "an island." Hence the name Kitche-minchoake, "the beginning island," which is a good etymology. See Cochiminchoake. 130. KONKHUNGANIK : the name of the south- ern part of Fort Pond, Montauk, Easthampton town, generally applied by historians to the whole part. First noted in the Indian deed of 1661, viz.: "All the peice or neck of land belonging to Montauk land westward to a fresh pond in a On Long Island 85 beach, the name of the pond being Quanuntowunk on the north and Konkhunganik on the south," (Hedges's Address, 1849). It appears also as Konhhonganik (Ranger's Deeds, 1850). Other variations are Kongonock, Konkhonganik (original deed in possession of the Bensons), Konhhon- ganik, Konk-hong-anok, Konhunganock, being er- roneous multiplications from the original record. This pond was the eastern limit of the grant, and the exact line was defined by a fence, which the Indians by the terms of the deed were obliged "to secure on ye southside of ye aforesaid pond, from all Cattle, During the time their corn is upon the ground." A fence still stands, as it has done for the past two hundred years, on the same line. The name Konkhunganik signifies "at the bound- ary, " or " to the line, " the parallel of the following Algonkian terms, Massachusetts, kuhkuheganit, "to the line" (Eliot: Isaiah, xxviii., 17); kukhun- hunkganish, "the bounds " (Acts xvii., 26) ; kuhkoh- hamoonk, "by line" (Psalms Ixxviii., 55) ; Delaware (Zeisberger) kikhican, "boundary"; Chippewa (Baraga) kikaigan, "mark to guide travellers." See Kanungum and Ronkonkoma. 131. LIGONEE: a swamp and brook at Sag Harbor. The brook, flowing from Long Pond into the cove at the "North side," is the south- western boundary of the corporate limits of the village and has been a famous place for alewife 86 Indian Place-Names fishing for many years. The brook is not natural but dug by the fisherman. I find it on record in 1726, viz.: "Laying out of Highway from Sage to ye harbor and so runs in that road near ye east end of ye Long pond and to run northward to ye slade that comes up from ye head of Liganee swamp" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 192). Variations are Leganee 1733; Litganee, 1849. This name is not Indian, as has been supposed, but English folk-lore, from a man who sank in the swamp "Leg an' knee." There are many names here- abouts of similar origin, like "Soak hides," "Scuttle-hole," etc. 132. LUSAM: "Jericho (Oyster Bay), the In- dian name of which is Lusam, is a pleasant village near the centre of the town, upon the Jericho turnpike road, 27 miles from the city of New York" (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 504). In 1682, the Indians sell to John Townsend: "50 acres on east side of cartway from Muskceta Cove to ye farme called Lusam or Robert Williams plan- tation. " In 1689, is mentioned "Sarah Williams, widow of Robert Williams of Jericho alias Lusam. " Thompson probably derives his authority from these records. The name is probably not Indian, but a contraction from the name of a village in England called Lewisham, now a part of London. 133. MACUTTERIS: a locality at Flatlands, On Long' Island 87 King's Co. Mentioned in the Indian deed of May 13, 1664, viz.: "both of upland and marshes, anyway belonging thereto, as the Straun Beach or Beaches, as namely that running out more westerly, with the Island adjoining and is at the same time by the ocean sea wholly inclosed, called hoopaninak and shanscomacocke and macut- teris, etc." (Stiles's Hist. King's Co., p. 78). This word is probably related to the Narragansett moskituash, "a meadow," and the name refers to the marshes sold in the above deed. 134. MADNANS, Madnank: Great Neck, North Hempstead, Queen's Co. Thompson says: "The name of Great Neck was Madnank called by the early settlers Madnans" (Proceedings, N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1845). The early forms Madnans or Mad-Nans in 1672 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 667) suggest that the name is not of Indian origin, but may have been so-called from some crazy squaw or white woman. Again, Madnank may be abbreviated from a longer name, for it seems to contain the inseparable generic adene, "hill," and auke, "land," or "place," signifying therefore some kind of a "hilly place." 135. MAHCHONGITCHUGE: a swamp in the North Neck, Montauk. This name is found recorded in the Indian deed of 1670, for the land between the ponds as follows: "from thence to 88 Indian Place-Names the swamp where the hay stacks stood called Mahchongitchuge, and so through the swamp to the great pond" (Hedges's Address, 1849). It appears also as Mahchongitchigo (Ranger's Deeds, 1 850) . This name is susceptible of two definitions, if we apply the Algonkian mode of compounding names: Malichong machaug (Narragansett, R. Williams), "a swamp;" -itchug, either Massa- chusetts muskechoge, "a place of rushes," or chip-pitchoge, "a place of separation," "a turn- ing place," from the fact of its being a bound- mark. The last may be nearer correct and denote "the swamp place of separation." 136. MAKEOPACA: a locality at Gravesend, King's Co. Mentioned in the Indian deed of July 20, 1684: "For a certain parcel of land commonly called by the Indians Makeopaca, beginning at the most eastward end of the beach called by the Indians Moeung, bounded on the westmost side by the land heretofore purchased from Chippahig, and on the eastward side by a creek commonly called the Strome Kill, and soe along from the head of said creek, through the middle of the meadow and valley till they come to a white-oak tree standing by the Flatland wagon path and soe running to another white-oak tree standing by Utrecht wagon path, and soe on a direct line to the Flatbush fence, and upon the west side bounded by the field of Utrecht" On Long; Island 89 (Stiles's Hist. King's Co., p. 162). This was a large tract of land, probably cleared for cultiva- tion by the whites before its purchase or else clear naturally. The name denotes "a great clearing" or ' ' openfield." The components corresponding to Delaware mecha; Massachusetts, masha, "great"; paca = pauqu-auke, ' ' open land. ' ' Trumbull shows this Algonkian name curiously disguised in Tippecanoe (Kentucky and Indiana) which is a corrupted abbreviation of Kehti-paquonunk, "at the great clearing," the site of an Indian town on the Wabash River. Filson (Hist, of Kentucky} wrote it: Kathtippacanunck. J. P. Dunn, how- ever (Handb. of Amer. Inds. N. of Mex., vol. i., 1907, p. 759), thinks that Tippecanoe is for Kitdp- wdnunk, "buffalo-fish place," the river at that place being named by the Miami Indians from kitdpkwan, "buffalo-fish" (A. F. c.). 137. MAMANOCK: a neck of land at East Moriches, Brookhaven town. On Sept. 25, 1693, Aug. Graham surveyed for Doctor Henry Taylor and another "two necks of land called by ye name of Marigies and Mamanock." A deed of 1691 mentions Meritces and Mamanok Necks lying together (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 417). Other variations are Maritches and Mamannuck, 1697. The first component of this name, maman, signifies "to join, " "to unite, " as in the Chippewa mamawissin, "it joins together"; the other com- 90 Indian Place-Names ponent is the locative -ock or -auke. The name, therefore, signifies "land united or joined (to some other tract)," as in the above, it was "land joined to Meritces Neck." See Moriches. 138. MANANTIC: a neck and creek in the west- ern part of Shelter Island. The name is tradi- tional, found only on the maps of the Island and in local parlance. It is pronounced Me'nan'tic by the Shelter Island people. This is not the parallel of Delaware menantic, "a spruce or cedar swamp" (as some might suppose), but describes the creek, which has a small island at its outlet ; viz. : Manan, ' ' an island ' ' ; -tic = -tuck, ' ' a tidal stream. ' ' Hence "an island creek" is the meaning of Manantic. 139. MANCHONACK : Gardiner's Island, East Hampton town. The island is so named in the Indian deed to Lyon Gardiner, May 3, 1639, as follows: "knowe all men by these presents, that we Yovawan Sachem of Pommanocc and Aswaw Sachem his wife for ten coats of trading cloath to us before the making hereof payed and delivered by Lion Gardiner commander of the forte called Saybrook fort als Paskpeshauks at the mouth of the River of Kennecticut doe hereby for us and our heirs and successors grant, bargaine and sell unto the said Lion Gardiner all that our Island called Manchonat" (Lechford's Note Book, Arch&o- logia Americana, vol. vii., pp. 207, 208). Variants On Long Island 91 are Manchonacke, 1639; Monchoneck, 1655; Man- chonacke, 1659; Monchongamuc, 1840. On Gar- diner's Island is preserved an old memorandum book, containing the vocabulary of the Montauks given to Lyon Gardiner, the 7th Proprietor, March 25, 1798, by George Pharaoh, then aged 66, and the chief of this tribe. In this short list of words is Mashongonoc (Gardiner's Island), "a place where a vast number of people had died of a distemper." Gardiner wrote on another page, Oct. 1802: "The Isle of Wight or Gardiner's Island in Indian is pronounced Mashong-o-noc and spelled in old writings Manchannock man signifies Island and the remainder signifies a place where many people had died. The Indians on Montauk have a tradition that a little before the English came a distemper had carried off nearly all the Indians, they say it was not the small-pox, perhaps yellow fever." This meaning is probably the correct one. The name is derived from the same radical as Narragansett man- chanhom, "the dead man"; literally, "he has gone;" Massachusetts, moncheog (Eliot), "we departed"; monchu (Eliot), "go ye"; monche- Omwog (Eliot), "they have gone." This makes Mancheog-0-auke "land of the departed." 140. MANETUCK: a neck of land in Islip town, west of Bay Shore. On "Sept. I, 1701, the Indians sell to Thomas Willets two necks of land 92 Indian Place-Names called Manetuc and Watchogue, bounded west by the river called Compawams, east by the river Watchogue, south by the salt bay, and to extend northward, keeping the full breadth of said necks, as far as the north side of the pines" (Thomp- son's L. /., vol. L, p. 447); also a deed of March 2, 1705, by the Van Cortlandts to John Mowbray, "bounded east by neck called Marihtak. " Varia- tions are Manetuc, Mantash, Manshtak, Marihtak, Manetuck, etc. I, at one time, considered this a form of Manatuck, a name given to hills throughout New England, and denoting "a place of observa- tion," "a look out" (Trumbull). This meaning would not apply to this neck of land, as far as its hilly qualities are concerned. I now regard it as corresponding to Delaware menantak, "a pine swamp"; Zeisberger gives menantac, "a spruce, pine or cedar swamp." This fully describes the neck and this etymology seems to be confirmed by the mention of "pines" in the earliest deed. 141. MANHANSACK - AHAQUATUWAMOCK : the full Indian appellation of Shelter Island. The earliest record we have been able to find is dated March 23, 1652, viz.: "We whose names are here underneath subscribed doe hereby testify and declare that Yokee formerly Sachem of Man- hansick ahaquatuwamock now called Shelter Island did on the three and twentieth of March 1652, give full Possession unto Capt. Nathaniel Silvester On Longf Island 93 and Ensigne John Booth of the aforesaid Island of Ahaquatuwamock with all that belonged to the same" (S. R., vol. i., p. 158). Again in 1656: "all that their Islands of Ahaquatuwamuck other- wise called Menhansack" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 97) ; Menhansack-ahaquashu-wornock (Thompson's L. /.) ; Man-han-sac-kah-aquash-w-om-uk (Hors- ford), "Island at the river mouth and sheltered much stockade place." Traditionally, "an island sheltered by islands," is an offhand translation and nearer right than Horsford's labored meaning. The name is made up as follows : Menhansack or menhansett, "the island neighborhood; " ahaquatu, "sheltered" or "covered," cognate with Dela- ware ehachquihasu, "clad," "covered"; Massa- chusetts, onkaiwohguassD (Eliot), "a shelter"; Micmac, apkoouase, "to take shelter." The terminal affix -amuck, "a fishing place," occurs more often than -omuk, "a place limited." I therefore make the name Manhan-es-et-ahaquas- sd)-amuck, "the island neighborhood much shel- tered their fishing place. " See Algonquian Series, vol. vii., pp. 25-30, for a discussion of this word. See also Manhansett. 142. MANHANSETT: name by which Shelter Island is generally known. An entry dated May 8, 1656, says: "And whereas the said James ffarrest by deed under hand and seale bearing date the eighteenth of May one Thousand six hundred 94 Indian Place-Names ffortie and one . . . conveyed unto Stephen Goodyear of New Haven, Merchant his heirs and assigns forever the aforesaid Island of Menhan- sack" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 96). Variants are Munhansett, 1648; Manhansett, 1657; Manhan- sack, 1665. The name has been interpreted by Prof. E. W. Horsford as "island at the river mouth." The early form shows this to be an error, for the reason that the affix is not -sec or -suck, but is the diminutive -es-et, "at," "about," etc. That of 1652, Manhansick is evidently an error of spelling, for Amagansett occurs with the same. Besides Shelter Island is not by any possibility "land at a river mouth," but "island land, or neighborhood" describes it perfectly. See the previous name. See Manhansack-Aha- quatuwamock and Manhasset. 143. MANHANSUCK : a brook in Southold town, now called Pipe's Neck Creek. It flows into the harbor just west of Greenport and has a small island of woods at its mouth. It is mentioned in Farrett's deed to Richard Jackson, Aug. 15, 1640, as follows: "ffifty acres of meadow and upland lying and being uppon the north of the River called Manhansuck in Long Island, to the eastward of the place commonly called the ffive wigwams" (S. R., vol. i., p. 112). As copied from the original record, the name is Manhansuck. The late J. Wickham Case says, "The place On Long Island 95 called the 'Five Wigwams' has lost all marks of identification. It may have been upon Pipe's Neck, but I am inclined to think it was upon the small island of woods, belonging now to the estate of Jeremiah Moore, deed., at the mouth of Pipe's Neck Creek" (S. R., vol. i., p. 113, Note). The wigwams could not have been located on the island, for it was the small island that gave the name to the creek, viz.: Manlian-suck, "an island brook," or "island at the outlet," from manhan "island"; -suck, "brook," "outlet." I think the five wigwams were on Hashamomuk Neck. See Sonnquoquas. 144. MANHASSET: a name now given to a village, and to the neck of land formerly called Cow Neck, Oyster Bay, Queen's Co. "Cow Neck, celebrated for its fine pasture lands, has become by some strange metamorphosis Man- hasset, the name of an Indian tribe once inhabit- ing Shelter Island" (Thompson's L. /., vol. ii., p. 302). Prime derives the name from the same source. See Manhansett. 145. MANHATTAN: an Island and Borough of that great civic consolidation, New York City. The earliest appearance of the name is on a map discovered in the general archives of Simancas, Spain, made in 1607 (Brown's Genesis of the U. S., p. 456), where it is given as Manahatin, which I 96 Indian Place-Names regard as a very pure form. The "Carte Figura- tive" of 1616 has it Manhattes, and so in 1626, when purchased from the Indians. The other variations are: Manahatas, 1630; Munatthans, 1631; Manhattos, 1632; Manhutton, 1633; Man- hattans, 1637, etc. Heckewelder wrote: "It is added in return for their civilities the natives were made to taste intoxicating drinks, and that in order to commemorate the event they called the Island thereafter Mannahattanink, 'the place of drunkenness of madness from drinking.' Schoolcraft, however, in a report on aboriginal names (Trans., N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1844) asserts this to be "sheer inference, unsupported by philology," and gives as the correct name of the Island, Monahtanuk, descriptive of the whirlpool at Hellgate. Thus do two noted linguists dis- agree, when in fact both are wrong. Benson, in his memorial (read before the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1816) gives the meaning as being the "town on the Island," and quotes extracts to prove it, viz.: "town of Manhattan," "townsmen of the Manhat- toes," etc. The true etymology is indicated by the early form from Spanish sources, viz. : Mana- hatin, from manah "an island," -atin, "a hill," "the hill island." Other etymologies have been suggested, none of which are acceptable. For a full study of this name, see Algonquian Series, vol. i. See also Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1897, pp. 279-283. On. Long Island 97 146. MANISSES: Block Island, Long Island Sound. In Lyon Gardiner's Relation of the Peqiwt War, Miantemonie, the Narragansett Sachem, is reported to have said to the Mon- tauks: "I am come to you privately first, be- cause you can persuade the Indians and Sachem to what you will, and I will send over fifty In- dians to Manisses and thirty to you from thence, and take an hundred of the Shinnecock Indians with an hundred of your own here, and when you see the three fires that will be made forty days hence, in a clear night, then do as we, and the next day fall on and kill men, women, and children, but no cows, for they will serve to eat till our deer be increased again." The Indians of Manisses were frequent visitors to the Montauks. This was made a point of in Ay res 's Legends of Montauk (1849): "But yester-e'en, the sun went down Upon Manisses' walls of stone, Where I with three brave followers came To watch the evening's dying flame." Parsons's Indian Names of Places in Rhode Island (1861) gives the name as "Monasses, Island of the little god," but the signification given by Trumbull is no doubt the true one, viz. : Manisses, little island" from the diminutive munnoh-es. " 98 Indian Place-Names 147. MANITTUWOND: Plum Island, Southold town. Roger Williams, in 1637, writes to Gov- ernor Vane: "ThePequts are scarce of provision, & therefore (as usually so now especially) they are in some numbers come down to the seaside (& 2 Islands by name Munnawtawkit & Manit- tuwond especially) to take sturgeon & other fish, as all so to make new fields of corne, in case the English should destroy their fields at home" (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. vi., 4th series, pp. 189-190). Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in his Indian Names in Connecticut, offers no inter- pretation of this name. I would suggest that it is derived from what they did there, viz. : "to make new fields of corne." The same root is found in the Narragansett aukeeteaumen and quttdunemun, "to plant corn." Manittuwond signifies, therefore, "an island to which they went to plant corn." Compare the Delaware, minihaking, "corn land"; Chippewa, manddmini- kitigan, "Indian corn field"; Massachusetts eachi-min-ineatu-konash, "corn fields" (St. Luke vi, i). See Munnawtawkit. 148. MANNAHANNING : Coney Island, King's Co. In the Indian release of May 7, 1654: "the said Guttaquoh, acknowledges to have sould all his right and clayme to said land called Nar- riock (the Island) and Mannahaning (the neck)' 1 (Thompson's L. I., vol. ii., p. 175). The above in On Long Island 99 parentheses is probably an error of Mr. Thomp- son's. They should be reversed. Narriock, "a point of land, " applies to the neck; Mannahaning, "land on the island," or "island land," to the island only. See Minnahanonck. 149. MANNATTO: a high hill and hamlet, Oyster Bay, Queen's Co. We find it first on re- cord in the Indian deed of Aug. 18, 1695, for the tract known as the Bethpage purchase, viz.: "att a dirty hole upon ye Brushy plaines, near Mannatto Hill, from thence up a hollow on ye south side of Mannatto Hill," etc. (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 507). Furman gives it as Manet or Manetta Hill, and says: "It is Manitou Hill or 'hill of the great spirit.' He gives a tradi- tional story to account for the origin of the name (Antiquities of L. /.). This is probably as true as most of the traditional signification given to many of the Long Island Indian names, being founded on fancy without a grain of fact. The name signifies "a hill surpassing others in the same vicinity," being derived from mon, "sur- passing," and attin, "a hill," hence "the sur- passing or wonderful hill." Mount Monadnock in New Hampshire gets its name from Mon- adn-ock, ("land or country of the surpassing mountain"; mon, "surpassing"; adn, "hill or mountain"; ock, auke, "land or country"), being thus a parallel to Mannatto. See the discussion of loo Indian. Place-Names Monadnock in the Journal of American Folk- Lore, vol. xvii., 1904, pp. 172-174. 150. MANOWTASSQUOT : a creek on the bound- ary between the towns of I slip and Brookhaven. It has been designated by all the Long Island historians as the Indian name of Blue Point, but it belonged originally to the creek or river west of the point, as proven by the following extract from the Fletcher Patent for Islip, 1697 : "Bounded easterly by a brook or river to the westward of a point called the Blew Point, known by the Indian name of Manowtassqtwt, easterly to the mouth of the Manowtassquot aforesaid" (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 443). Walter L. Suydam, Esq., perpetuates the name as " Manowtasquott, " for country-seat at Blue Point. The name denotes "a locality where the Indians gathered flags or rushes for baskets and mats." The components of the word are manowt = Massachusetts, mana>t, pi., manfaash (Eliot), "baskets"; Narragansett, munnote, pi. munnotash, "baskets" ; assqu = Massa- chusetts, misashquok (Eliot), "bulrushes"; auke, "land"; -ut, "at"; mansit-ashgu-auk-ut, thus signifies "at the basket-rush place." Wood informs us: "In summer they gather flaggs of which they make Matts for houfes and Hemp and Rufhes, with dying ftuff of which they make curious baskets with intermixed colours and pro- tractures of antique imagerie; thefe baskets be of On Long; Island 101 all fizes from a quart to a quarter in which they carry their luggage " (N. E. Prospect, p. 2, 108). 151. MANTASH, Manshtak. See Manetuck. 152. MANTOOBAUGS: a parcel of land on Hashamomuk neck, Southold town. It is men- tioned in the Indian deed of 1660, that divers years since (in 1645) "they, the said Indians reserving out of the said neck two swamps . . . and a parcel of land thereunto adjoining called Mantoobaugs" (S. R., vol. i., p. 207). From the above and the mark of the English possessive it is evident that the reasons for reserving the tract were because it happened to be the Indian Mantoobangs plantation or corn fields, and where one of the five wigwams were located in 1640. See Sonnquoquas. 153. MANUNKQUIAUG : a locality in the North Neck, Montauk, East Hampton town. Found on record as one of the boundaries in the Montauk Indian deed of 1670, viz.: "then straight from the hay stacks to the great pond, so along by the said pond to a place called Manunkquiaug on farthest side the reeds, growing on the end of the great pond eastward (Hedges's Address, 1849). The name appears also as Manunkquinaug (Ran- ger's Deeds, 1850) ; Manunkquiag (De Kay, 1851). Ranger's Deeds has "woods" in place of "reeds" IO2 Indian Place-Names as in the above. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888 and 1889, I gave the meaning as " Men- haden country," or "fertilizer land," supposing it to be the same as Manunkatuck, Guilford, Conn., of which Mr. Trumbull says: "Probably ' menhaden country ' from munonqutteau (mun- nohquohteau, Eliot), ' that which fertilizes or manures land '- whence comes Narragansett mun- nawhatteafig (R. Williams), the Indian name of white-fish or bony-fish, 'fertilizers,' now corrupted to menhaden." Further study satisfies me that this cannot be the derivation of the name, the locality on the southern shore of Great Pond- on what is now called Ditch Plain, being more or less marshy, with flags and reeds, would not be a place where these fish could have been taken. I am satisfied that it is a form corresponding to the Narragansett anuckquaque, "as far as," "the extreme limit of," "the ending of either land or water"; Chippewa (Baraga) enigokwa, "as wide as," enigokwadessing, "as it is wide." Here we find the name as the extreme eastern limit of the above tract of land, M'anunkqua-auke, "as far as the land goes," "end of the land," etc. See Wuchebesuck. 154. MARECHKAWICK, Marychkenwikingh: an Indian village on the site of the Borough of Brooklyn. In the Indian deed of July 16, 1637, for two islands in the Hellegat, is stated: On Lon Island 103 "Personally appeared before us Seyseys and Num- ers both chiefs of the Marychkenwikingh . . . with consent of the community there." Again: "a peice of land on Long Island near Merch- kawikingh" (Kieft's Patent, 1640). Other vari- ants are : Merechkawick, 1643 ; Marechkawick, 1643 ; "a peice of land at Merechkawick on the Kill of Gouwanes," 1643; Reckkenweck, 1643; Reck- kenwick, 1647 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., pp. 5 et seq.}. This name has seen various translations, none of which need any extended notice at this time. The adjectival merechka is the equivalent of the Delaware (Zeisberger) menachkha; Massa- chusetts, menehket, "fortified," "fenced," "pali- sadoed "; primarily "to make strong with trees." The substantival wik (Delaware, wik; Massa- chusetts, wek or week, "house," "home"; and from it comes wigwam) is the conditional third person singular, of the verb "when (or where) he is at home," which, w r ith the locative suffix makes the Delaware wikink, Massachusetts weekit, "at or in his house." This gives us in the Delaware, to which dialect this name is closely allied, Menachklia-wik-ink, "at his fortified or palisadoed house." This refers, no doubt, to its being the residence of the Sachems. See Algonquian Series, vol. ii., pp. 15-21. 155. MAROSSEPINCK : Indian village in South Oyster Bay. This is the Dutch notation for IO4 Indian Place-Names Massapeague. The Indian deed of Jan. 15, 1639, says: "We Director and Council of New Nether- land, etc., testify and declare that to day, date underwritten personally appeared before us Meclio- wodt, chief Sachem of Marossepinck." Variants are: Marospinc, 1644; Massepinc, 1656 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xvi., pp. 15, 56, 369). Mechowodt was the father of Takapousha, Sachem of the Massa- peagues at the time of the settlement of Hunting- ton. See Massapeague. 156. MARRATOOKA: a pond and a farm border- ing it at Mattituck, Southold town. C. W. Wick- ham, Esq., the proprietor of the Marratooka Farm informs me by letter that the name was varied from Mattituck, first to Marritook and then to its present form. See Mattituck. 157. MARSEY : an abbreviation of Massapeague. According to the records: "This spring (1653, O. S.) the Dutch governor . . . sent one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island to Nit- tanahom the Sagamore, to assist and to do unto him what he would have him do. But the Sagamore told him he would have nothing to do with it, whereupon Govert gave the Sagamore a great kittle to be silent, Nittanahan told him he had but 20 men and the English had never done him wrong and he had no cause to fight against On Long Island 105 them" (Drake's Book of Indians, 8th ed., Book 2, p. 79). See Massapeague. 158. MASHASHIMUET : name of the springs, on south side of the Otter pond, Sag Harbor, now included in Mrs. Russell Sage's playground. The name is traditional, and was given to me by Stephen Pharaoh, of Montauk, and Aunt Ollie, an Indian woman, then living at the Northside. The locality was the centre of former Indian sojourns as shell-heaps bear witness, as well as relics discovered, and graves found. In one of the latter lately opened, on the hill above the springs, was found a fine typical "Monitor pipe" of steatite. The name Mash-asMm-et denotes "at the great spring, from mash, "great"; ashim, "spring"; and the locative, -et, "at." The name Mashashimuet has been revived by Mrs. Russell Sage and bestowed on the park which she has given to Sag Harbor. The park includes the Otter pond and its springs. 1 59. MASHMANOCK : one of the names for Canoe Place Creek, Southampton town. The Indian deed of March 14, 1648, to Theophilus Eaton, and Stephen Goodyear, for the tract known as Oc- quebauck, says: "Together with the Land and Meadows, tying on the other side the water, Southward, so farr as the creeke Mashmanock, which is the fifth creek from the fresh River, io6 Indian Place-Names towards Shinicock" (Books of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 210, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). This name is probably related to Mashomuck, with a slight variation. Mashmanock (Mash- mom-ock) signifies "land or place where there is moving or dragging a boat," hence a "Canoe Place." See Mashomuck. See also Algonquian Series, vol. viii., pp. 41-62, for a discussion of the related Virginian tribal name Massawomeke, "those who go and come by boat." 1 60. MASHOMUCK: a neck and a point of land at the southern extremity of Shelter Island op- posite Sag Harbor. The name is traditional, and found only on maps and in a few of the Island histories, in the forms Meshomac, Marshammock, Mashomuk, Mashomuck (U. S. Coast Survey); locally Mashom-uk. In the Brooklyn Eagle Alma- nac for 1888, 1889, 1890, 1 gave the meaning as the "great stockade-place," Massa-komuk, from the suggestion of Prof. E. N. Horsford of Cambridge. Later investigation, however, compels me to reject it. Mtishawomuk, Mishatimut, Shawmut, as it is variously given, was the name of Boston Neck, Mass., and the same name in a variety of forms appears in other parts of that State, and in Rhode Island. Our name is no doubt of the same derivation, of which Trumbull gives the etymo- logy, viz.: " Mushwn or Mishwn (Eliot) signifies a boat or canoe; more exactly a canoe made by On Long Island 107 hollowing out the trunk of a tree, as distinguished from the light and frail bark canoe. In the vocabularies of the Algonkian dialects, we find the Old Algonkin shiman; Long Island mashuee, etc.; in the modern Ojibwa, chemaun ; and in the Pequot, meshwe. The verb of simple mo- tion, that which expressed the notion of going, was in the third person singular of the indicative present, &m, or as Eliot sometimes wrote it with the pronominal prefix of the third person, wsm (in the plural @mwog, "they. go"). In combina- tion with other words it denotes the direction, manner, or agency of going. Eliot writes -ohham and -horn for the singular, as pummohham, "he goes by sea," nohham, or nohhom, "he goes by sailing, he sails" (en nohhamun, "to sail to," Acts xx., 1 6), sohham (soh-atm], "he goes forth," etc. For comwog, Roger Williams writes, in the Narra- gansett dialect, homwock, "they go." From mushsn or meshwe, "boat", and (smwog or hom- wock, would be formed mush&ahomwog or some- thing like it: "they go by boat," or "by canoe." In Roger Williams 's Key, we find this phrase as one of familiar use in Narragansett, li Cornish - hommis? Did you come by boat?" (p. 8); " Comiskomhom? Go you by water?" (p. 109); " MishfDnhomwock, they go or come by water," i. e., by canoe (p. 72). The Indians never em- ployed a verb in the indicative plural as the name of a place, but a form very often used for that io8 Indian Place-Names purpose was what may be termed a conditional verbal, or gerundive having the terminative of the third person singular of the conditional- present passive in -muk. This form was much employed where, in English, we should use the infinitive, or an abstract noun. Examples may be seen in Eliot's translation of Ecc. iii., 3-7; a time to kill to build up to weep to dance; where the verb, preceded by the particle adt (cf. Latin ad) as nushehteamuk, ayimuk, maumuk, pumukomuk, etc., signifying (where, or, if) there is killed, or when killing (building, weeping, etc.) is. So Mashauwomuk may be literally translated "where there is going by boat, or where they go by boat"; and the name was applicable to any place on a river or arm of the sea from which boats habitually crossed to the bank or shore opposite, in a word, a ferry (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Dec. 1866, pp. 376, 379). This I believe to be the derivation of our Meshomuk or Mashomuk and the location favors this interpretation. The residence of the Shelter Island Indians on Sachem's Neck was a short distance north. From Mash- omuk the settlement of the Montauks at "Three Mile Harbor" was easily reached by canoe, also Gardiner's Island, and the village of the Shin- necocks by the trail from Sag Harbor. On Cedar (or East) point opposite are found the indications of an Indian village; from there the trail goes on a straight line to the Indian village On Long Island 109 of Ashawagh at Hands Creek, Three Mile Harbor. See Algonquian Series, vol. viii., pp. 40-62. 161. MASKACHOUNG, Maskutchoung: a neck of land in the southeastern bounds of Hempstead, where an Indian village was one time located. In the articles of agreement between the Governor of New Netherlands and Tackapousha, March 12, 1656, we find: "That Tackapousha being chosen Chief Sachem by all the Indians from Massapeag, Maskahuong" etc. (Thompson's L. /., vol. ii., p. 8). The bounds of Hempstead, May n, 1658, were: "att the South Sea by a marked tree made in a neck called Mashkutchoung" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 416). The form Maskadioung occurs in 1685. This name denotes "grass land, " or "on the grass land," and is the equivalent of the Chippewa (Baraga) mashkode, "prairie"; Mas- sachusetts, mosketuash (Cotton), "grass"; Narra- gansett, maskituash, "grass," with the locative -ong. The neck is on the south part of the great Hempstead plain. Compare Chippewa (School- craft maskoding, "prairie"; maskodaong, "in the prairie." 162. MASPETH: a village in Newtown, Queen's Co. See Mespaetches. 163. MASQUETUX : a neck of land at West Islip. On some maps Masquetux, situated between no Indian Place-Names Apple-tree neck and Compowams. "Next is a neck of land called Masguetux bounded on the east by a brook of the same name" (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Islip). There is a possibility that this is a corrupted form of the earlier name for this neck, Missatuck or Mispotuck. If not, we may find its parallel in the Mohegan Muxquataug, "a place of rushes," designating some particular part of the neck. See Mispatuck and Missatuck. 164. MASSABACK: see Massakack. 165. MASSABARKEM: Gravesend Neck, King's Co. (De Kay's Indian Names on L. /.). The confirmatory deed of Gravesend was signed in 1650 by four Indian Sachems, who called the Indian name of the place, Massabarkem (Mun- sell's Hist. King's Co., p. 18). This name is probably badly corrupted; its etymology has not been ascertained. 1 66. MASSAKACK: hill in Huntington town. On March 18, 1702, Isaac Deriemer and others petition the Governor for a license to purchase "a tract of land called by the Indians Massa- back, in English half hill, in the County of Suffolk, about three miles long and two in breadth, close by the town of Huntington." On Dec. n, 1702, the same parties petition again for the same tract "called by the Indians Massakack" (Coll. of On Long Island ill Land Papers, Office of the Sec'y of State, pp. 58, 64). This is probably the locality now known as the "Half Hollow Hills." It signifies "the great hill land," from massa, "great," "big," "large," etc.; adchu, "hill"; auke, "land." Thus, Mass-adch-auke, corrupted to Massaback or Massakack. This is the same as Mass-adcliu- setts without the locative terminative -sett, = es-set. See the discussion of Massachusetts in the Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xvii., 1904, p. 175. 167. MASSAPEAGUE, Marsapeague: the home of the tribe of Indians known as the Massapeags, located on Fort Neck now belonging to the Floyd- Jones estate, in the town of South Oyster Bay. At the period of settlement, two Indian forts were found there. The remains of one were or are still visible. The other, on the southernmost point of the salt meadow, consisted of palisados set in the meadow. The tide and storms many years since wore away the land where it stood, and the place is now covered by water. It was no doubt the situation of these forts that gave the name to the place, being on the "great water land," or being "land on the great cove." Its earliest mention is found in the Dutch records (see M arossepinck) . Variations are: Masepeage, 1643; Marsey, 1653; Massapeage, 1657; Marsa- peake, 1658; Messepeake, 1658; Mashpeag, 1675; Masha-Peage, 1675, etc. The same name is found 112 Indian Place-Names in Connecticut, Massapeag (Mohegan), tract of land sold by Uncas to Richard Haughton, 1658. Its eastern bound was a long cove. The name Massa-pe-auke means "great water land," or "land on the great cove " (Trumbull). Mashpee, in Barnstable County, Mass., seems to be the same word. See Massapequa, 1 68. MASSAPEQUA: a pond and brook in South Oyster Bay town. The R. R. station of the Montauk Division of the L. I. R. R., formerly known as South Oyster Bay, was changed during the summer of 1890 to Massapequa. It is a variation of Massapeague. See Massapeague. 169. MASSEPE : a river or creek in the southern part of the town of Jamaica, perhaps the one now called Thurston's Creek. It is mentioned in connection with the laying out of the squadrons of men for mowing the Jamaica meadows, July 1657: "The 2d squadron (6 men named) are to mowe eastward ffrom ye afforesayd to ye great river called Massepe" (Col. Hist. N. F., vol. xiv., p. 505). Here we have a Mississippi River on Long Island, so-called because it was greater than others in the vicinity. The name is com- pounded from massa, "great"; "big," etc.; sepe = Chippewa sibi ; Massachusetts, sepu ; Narra- gansett, seip; Shawnee, sepe; Unkechaug, sipus; On Long' Island 113 Mohegan, seepo, "a river " ; strictly "a long river. " Thus Mass-sepe means "a great (long) river." 170. MASSAPOOTUPAUG : a locality in the west- ern part of Southampton town. Mentioned but once in the town records, January 15, 1662: "part of the Shinnecock Indians give to Capt. Topping land from Niamack over to the old gutt, and their bounds goe to Masspootupaug which is the west end on the south side" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 27) . The name is derived from massa, ' ' great' ' ; pootuppog, "a bay or cove that has a narrow inlet from a river or sea." Eliot uses ptuppog and pvtupag for bay in Joshua xv., 2, 5. The modern Abnaki is podebag. "The literal mean- ing is 'a bulging out,' or 'jutting' (podode) of the water inland" (Trumbull). The Unkechaug petapagh, "bay," was recorded by Jefferson. As the Shinnecock bounds in 1665 went to Apocuck Creek, now known as the Beaver-dam River, this was probably the "East Bay," south of West Hampton. It narrows to a width of only a quarter of a mile at Mastic Neck, and besides an inlet from the ocean formerly existed on the south beach of that bay. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888, I gave the meaning as "great boggy meadow," from pootapaug, "boggy meadow," related to Chippewa petobeg, "a bog," and Abnaki poteba n , "to sink in the mire" (Trumbull). It is spelled and pronounced similar H4 Indian Place-Names to the preceding ; but I regard the former as being more correct. 171. MASTIC: a broad neck of land in Brook- haven township. This neck is also divided into many smaller necks, most of which bear abori- ginal names. As a name, it belonged originally to the large estuary or cove on the east side of the neck, now called "Forge River," as proven by the following extract from the Indian deed of 1674: "land that lyeth betweene a River called Conitticut, to another River called Mastick" (B. R., vol. i., p. 32). It occurs as Mastuck in a deed of 1692; Mastic, 1693. The same name occurs in Connecticut as "Mystic River, " between Stonington and Grot on. The "great river" of Boston Bay, which separates Charlestown from Maiden and Chelsea, its estuary receiving Charles River, bears the same name. The word signifies the " great river. ' ' Massa (or mis si] ' ' great " ; -tuck or -tick, "a tidal river." Mastic was the great tidal river or cove, as compared with others in the same locality. See "Forge River" on maps of Long Island. 172. MATANUCKE: a name of Staten Island, Richmond Co., N. Y. (French's Gazetteer of N. Y., 1860). "Among the 'Patroons', as they were styled, was Michael Pauw, who purchased Matanucke, now called Staten Island, from the On Long' Island 115 Indians by deed, dated Aug. 19, 1660" (Coll. N. J. Hist. Soc., vol. i., p. 18). This name is of similar import to Matinnecock and other names denoting "a place of observation," "a look out," etc. This appellation was generally given to high land, islands, etc. The island seems to have been earlier and more generally known as Aquehonga Manacknong. See Aqiiehonga Manack- nong and Matinnecock. 173. MATINNECOCK: a point of land, island, and village in the town of Oyster Bay, Queen's Co. It is difficult to locate the exact spot to which this name was originally applied. The Matinnecock tribe roamed about and that fact gave the name to a number of places, perhaps far removed from their ancient home. Thompson says: "East Island is called Matinnecock Island, the extreme point of which, though improperly, is yet called Matinicock Point" (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 495). The earliest record that we have been able to find is April 15, 1644, when: "Ganwarowe Sachem of Matinnekonck, acting for the adjoining villages, viz. : Matinnekonck, Maros- pinc, and Siketenhacky, requested to have peace and to plant in the above villages which was granted him" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 56). In 1645, the Matinnecocks were residing on the Nissequogne River. Van Tienhoven wrote in 1650: " Martin Garretsen's Bay or Martinnehouch Ii6 Indian Place-Names is much deeper and wider than Oyster Bay, and runs westward in, divides into three rivers, two of which are navigable, the smallest stream runs up in front of the Indian village called Mar- tinnehouch where they have their plantation. This tribe is not strong, and consists of about 30 families. In and about this bay there were for- merly great numbers of Indian plantations, which now lie waste and vacant" (Col. Hist.N. F., vol. xiv., p. 314). Hon. C. R. Street (in MunselTs Hist. S. C.} locates this on Huntington Bay. But in 1655 we find: " Mattinnekonck Bay also called Martin Garrettsen's Bay . . . west of Oyster Bay" (Col. Hist. N. F, vol. xiv., p. 314). We meet with the following variations besides the above: Matinnecoke, 1653; Montinnecok, 1656; Matinnecogh, 1656; Matinnecoke, 1663; Metinicok, 1672. This name is descriptive of "high land," probably given to one of the many high hills that dot that section perhaps the high "Harbor Hill," in North Hempstead. M ' atinne-auke-ut signifies "at the place to search, or to look around from," "at the place of observation," "at the hilly land." A Matinnekonck (on some maps Tinnekonck} Island, now Burlington Island, is in New Jersey. Matinnack Islands in Maine are mentioned by Capt. John Smith (Gen. Hist. N. E., 1624) and have no doubt the same meaning. The components of the word are m'atinne, correspond- ing to Massachusetts natinneham, "he searches"; On Long Island 117 Delaware (Lenape) latonniken, "to search, to ex- amine"; anke, "land," "place"; -ut, "at or near." 174. MATOWCAS: name of the territory on which stands the city of Brooklyn. "This town formerly composed part of a powerful Indian Sachemdom ; and with other parts of the Island bore the Indian name of Matowcas" (Furman's Antiq. of L. /.). A variation of Matowcas is Mattanwake or Meitowax. See Meitowax. 175. MATSEPE: village of the Massapeags, Fort Neck, South Oyster Bay. This is the Dutch notation for Massapeague, named in Journal of New Netherland, 1647: "a troup of one hundred and twenty men . . . marched towards Heem- sted (where there is an English Colonie depen- dant on us) . . . our force was divided into two divisions Van der Hil with fourteen English towards the smallest, and Eighty men towards the largest village named Matsepe, both of which were successful, killing about one hundred and twenty men; of ours one man remained on the field and three were wounded" (Doc. Hist. N. Y., vol. iv., p. 1 6). The above event is given in all the Island histories as taking place in 1653, but as this was written in 1647, it must have been much earlier." See Massapeague. 176. MATTANWAKE: a name of Long Island. Hubbard, in his History of New England, says: n8 Indian Place-Names "That at the time of the grant to the Earl of Sterling, in 1635, it was called by the Indians Mattanwake." But in a copy of the grant at hand, we find it quoted: "All that Island or Islands heretofore comonly called by the several name or names of Matowa or Long Island" (Col. Hist. N. 7., vol. xiv., p. 30, Note). See Meitowax. 177. MATTAWOMMAX: a locality in Brook- haven town, mentioned in a deed from John Thompson to John Pallmer, dated March 2, 1685, for his "share of meado at Mattawommax'," recorded in Sessions No. i, Suffolk County, Clerk's Office, Riverhead, L. I. (Copy by O. B. Ackerly, Esq.). This name belongs to Trum- bull's Class 3, and signifies "where the going is bad," referring no doubt to the meadow. The components of the word are matta, "bad"; worn, "he goes or proceeds from" (m in Eliot); auke, "land," "place." See Mattemoy. 178. MATTEMOY: one of the smaller necks of Mastic, Brookhaven town. According to several of the Long Island histories. It is evi- dently traditional, for it does not appear in any of the records. De Kay and Thompson give it as Mottemog. In 1646 Pawquash an Indian was sen- tenced to be whipped because "he did blas- phemously say that Jesus Christ was mattamoy On Long Island 119 and naught" (TV. H. Col. Rec., vol. i., p. 262). Eliot uses mattamog (Prov. xxvii., 2) plural for "fool." Therefore this may have been the per- sonal name of an Indian living there, who they called Mattemoy, "a, fool," or it may be derived from Mattamaug, "bad or poor fishing-place." The following is of interest here: "Mottemog: This is the Indian name of a 'Neck' on the south side of Long Island, 64 miles from the City of New York. A Neck, in the Long Island vernacular, means a parcel of land fronting salt water between two creeks. Mottemog has Sheep Pen Creek on its east side and John Neck Creek on its west side at a point on the Great South Bay where the Bay is only a mile wide, so this Neck is only about a mile and a quarter from the broad Atlantic. The undersigned offers for sale 250 acres of Mottemog (there are only 400 acres in the whole Neck), a tract, 1,700 feet wide on the Bay (with riparian rights), a parallelogram in shape, over a mile long, and about equally divided between meadow, arable land (very fertile), and big oak timber. It can be trans- formed by a skilful landscape architect into a beautiful home at slight cost, unless the owner desires expensive buildings. Not many neighbors, but all desirable, being descendants of original owners from Colonial times, occupying large es- tates. The land can be had for half value. O. B. Ackerly, 146 E. 34th Street, New York City." I2O Indian Place-Names 179. MATTHABANKS: Great South Beach op- posite the town of Brookhaven. In a memoran- dum on file (endorsed "a record for ye beach," March 15, 1668-9): " Owenamchock, the Eastward bounds of Tobacus Land sold to Setauk, Mattha- banks the name of ye Beach, the wester Bounds is Nanmicake (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 23). This name is probably analogous to the Massachusetts (Eliot) Wussabanunk, "a bank of a river," etc.; Micmac koskibunak, "the bank of a river." The Massa- chusetts Wussabanunk or Wussapinunk is com- posed of wus, "brim," "edge"; appin (from appu) "he sits"; -unk, "place" (Trumbull). 1 80. MATTITUCK: a village, bay, and creek in the western part of Southold town. The name was given originally to a tract of land, partly in Southold and including part of the present town of Riverhead, which was set off as a separate township in 1792. It is first mentioned in the Indian deed of 1648: "All that tract of land lying between Conchake and Ucguebaak commonly called Mattatuck " (B . H. R. , vol. vi. , p. 76) . Again in 1661 : "lands att Oyster ponds, Curchaug, Occa- bauck, and Mattatuck should be surveyed" (S. R., vol. i., p. 350) ; in 1665 " Corchaug and Mattaducke and all other tracts of land ... by what name soever called" (Indian Deed, S. R., vol. i., p. 250) ; in 1667: "Lands and meadows . . . commonly known by the name of ... Mattatuck' 1 (S. R., On Long' Island 121 vol. i., p. 230). Variations are Mattatuck, 1648; Matatucke, 1653; Mattaducke, 1665; Mattatuk, 1685; Mattetuck, 1843, etc. It appears as the Indian name of three different localities in Con- necticut. According to Trumbull "The name (Matah'tugk] designates a 'place without wood,' or 'badly wooded,' 'destitute of trees.' " Wm. S. Pelletreau, in his Geographical Names, says, after giving the above meaning: "A far more probable derivation is 'matta' (a form of 'massa') and 'tuck, 1 a creek, and the meaning 'great creek,' a meaning which is amply sustained by the geo- graphical features of the place." Trumbull is the author of both derivations but inclines more to the first, as does the present writer. In 1654 (only fourteen years after the settlement) there was such a scarcity of timber in the town of South- old that they had to enact a law prohibiting the cutting of timber, "from the utmost part of the town westward towards Mattetuck to the furthest poynt of that neck of land . . . Plumb gutt." In 1660 they passed another law to the same effect (S. R., vol. i., pp. 319-335). Mattituck would therefore seem to be derived from matta, "no"; -tuck, -tugk, "tree." 181. MATTOCK: a swamp in Southampton town near "North Sea." First mentioned in an entry of 1743, viz. : "lot of land lying in the North sea line joyning to Mattock swamp." Again in 122 Indian Place-Names 1763: " a difference arose between Samuel Jagger and Thomas Jennings about some meadow at a place called Matuck swamp." (S. H. R., vol. iii., pp. 40, 240). This name might be translated "bad land," from Matt-auke (matt, "bad"; auke, land"), and this would describe the swamp, but I am inclined to think the swamp takes its name from an Indian who formerly lived there; besides, the land adjoining bears evidences of such habitations. 182. MATTUCK: a brook at East Moriches, Brookhaven town. "This neck 'Watchogue' con- tains the eastern section of the village of East Moriches, and is bounded on the east by a small brook called Mattuck" (Munsell's Hist. Brook- haven). Mattuck is derived from matt, "bad"; -tuck, "a creek." It may be, however, an abbreviated form from a longer term. 183. MEACOX: a farming district, and inland bay at Bridge Hampton, Southampton town. In the early records of the township, Meacox is always referred to as a tract of land, and in the division of the land among the settlers as a plain, the bay being called " Mecox Water," for the reason that it borders the plain on the south. We find the locality mentioned as early as 1644, viz.: ' Yt is further ordered that . . . two persons, one of which shall goe to viewe and espie yf there be On Long Island 123 any whales cast up as far as the South Harbor, and the other shall goe unto the third pond beyond Meecocks, beginning at the windmill" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 32). Variations are: Meacoxe, 1646; Mecocks, 1654; Mecoks, 1654; Meacocks, 1657; Meecooks, 1659; Meacox, 1677, etc. This local name, by all the historians of Long Island, has been taken to be of Indian origin. I have had the same supposition and, in the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888, 1889, 1890, gave its significa- tion as " a plain bare of timber,' ' regarding the word as a variation of the Delaware (Zeisberger) megucke; Massachusetts (Eliot), mukoshqut, "a plain." This derivation I now believe to be an error. Halkett Lord, Esq., suggests that it is from "Meacock" an obsolete English term re- corded in Cotgrave (1611), Phillips (1706), Bailey ( I 737) etc., with the sense of "ninny," "coward," "effeminate fellow"; French, "bedier." Still for all the foregoing, I believe it to be of Indian origin, and a survival of the name of one of the signers of the Southampton Indian deed of Dec. 13, 1640, where it appears as Secommecock = Secom-mecock = Mecock. With the mark of the English possessive, as it often occurs, we have Mecock's, which is a very probable derivation. 184. MECHAWANIENCK : a locality in King's Co. Mentioned in the Indian deed of New Utrecht, Nov. 22, 1652, viz.: "the said land 124 Indian Place-Names stretching from behind Mr. Paulas' land, called Gouwanis, across the hills to Mechawanienck lying on the south east side Amersfoort (Flatlands) and thence past Gravesend to the sea following the marks on the trees" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 190). This is the only mention of this locality that I have been able to find from an early record. This name probably indicated an "old Indian trail or path," from mechowi, "old," "ancient, old in use"; anink (cf. Delaware aney, "road," "walking road," "path"); thus the "old path or trail." 185. MEITOWAX: one of the names of Long Island. Variously given as Matouwac, Matou- acks, Meilowacks, Metoac, Meitowacks, Matowcas, Mattanwake, and Matowa. It appears by these names on all the Dutch maps from Lucini about 1631, to Evans in 1775. In the patent of Long Island, etc., by Charles II. to his brother, the Duke of York, 1664, Meitowax is given as being its Indian name. Benson, in his Memorial read before the N. Y. Historical Society in 1846, derives Mattoway or Meitowax from the Montauks, and says: "All of which, however, differently spelled or pronounced by the whites, doubtless purport the same." The late Henry R. School- craft, in a paper read before the same Society in 1845, derived the name from the same tribe. Both are in error, as the name was not so derived. On Long Island 125 It is by synthetical resolution, Meht-anaw-ack, "the land of the periwinkle," or "country of the ear-shell," -Massachusetts, meht, "an ear"; anaw, "a shell"; -ack, "land," or "country." See Algonguian Series, vol. ii., pp. 9-18, for a further discussion of this Indian name for Long Island. 1 86. MEMANUSACK, Memanusuck: the stream of water from which the present village of Stony Brook, Brookhaven town, takes its name. It is first found on record in the Indian deed for Smith- town, Sept. 29, 1650, viz.: "Certain quantity of land at a river knowne by the name of Nesa- quake River, and from that eastward to a River called Memanusack lying on the north side of the Island" (Munsell's Hist. S. C.}. Also occurs as Memanusuck. No doubt the same as Mahman- suck, or Maumansuck in Connecticut, denoting a "place where two streams meet," or perhaps "a brook connecting two ponds. " This prefix means "to bring together" (Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecticut}. This brook is an outlet of a pond into the harbor. The name would thus be derived from memanu, cognate with Delaware mawenemen, "to bring together," "to gather"; Massachusetts, mianail, "he assembles," "gathers together"; -suck, "brook," "outlet." 187. MEROSUCK: Canoe Place, Southampton 126 Indian Place-Names town. "The isthmus between Shinnecock and Peconic Bays was called by the Indians Merosuc or Canoe-place, the spot across which they hauled their canoes from one bay to the other" (Thomp- son's L. /., vol. i., p. 360). Also Merosuck (Fur- man's A ntiq. L. /.) . This name is not found in the town records. The late G. R. Howell doubted the name and its application. Its etymology has not been ascertained. 1 88. MERRICK: a name now given to a small settlement, five miles southeast of the village of Hempstead, L. I. It is first found on record in the Indian deed for Hempstead, Nov. 13, 1643, viz.: 'That we of Masepeage, Merriack or Rockaway wee hoes names are hereunto written have sett ouer hand and sold unto Robert Fordham and John Carman on Long Island Inglishmen the half moiety or equal part of the great plain lying to- wards the southside" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., P- 53) Variants are: Merioke, 1647; Meracock, 1656; Moroke, Mericoke, Mericock land, 1675; Merricock, "planting land voluntarily left, " 1675; Marrocock, 1684. In 1675, Tackapousha, Sachem of Mashpeag, "declares yt Mercock Land which Hempstead enjoy was never paid for" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 696). This name seems to have been originally applied to the Hempstead plains, which it describes. Merricock represents Massachusetts Mehchi-auke, "bare land"; or On Long Island 127 Mehchi-auke-ut, "at the barren land," "bare of trees," "a plain." The components of the name would then be merri (Massachusetts mehchi, mehcheyeu) " it is barren "; auke, "land";-w, "at." 189. MESPAETCHES: a name originally given to a swamp and creek in the western part of Queen's Co. The stream is now known as Newtown Creek. This name is first mentioned in the Indian deed of Aug. i, 1638, when the Council of New Netherland secured for the West India Co.: "a certain tract of land lying on Long Island, reaching in length from the plan- tation of George Rapaljee (called Rinnegak- onck) a good league and a half to the Mes- paechtes and in width from the East River about one league to the copses of the same Mespaechtes" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 54). Munsell (Hist, of King's Co.) has, "about one league to the swamp of Mespaechtes." Thompson (L. I., vol. ii., p. 137) says: "The name (Maspeth) originally belonged to the western part of the town (New- town) the latter being probably the appellation applied to a tribe of Indians residing about the head of the creek." Variations are Mespatchis Kil, 1642; Mespachtes Kil, 1646; Mespacht, 1654; Mespaat, 1656; Mespath, 1661. English forms Maspeth and Mashpath occur in 1703. The name may have been applied to the resident at the swamp and his family, but the word bears great 128 Indian Place-Names resemblance to Mecht-pe-es-it, "at the bad water place," which would apply to the locality, a low swampy region, now being gradually covered by the march of improvements. It may be the parallel of the Micmac (Rand) mespaak, "over- flowed" (by the tide). The locality even now is occasionally overflowed by the water backing up on very high tides. See Algonquian Series, vol. ii., pp. 39-4 1 - 190. MESSEMENNUCK, Messememuck: a creek at the head of Peconic Bay. Mentioned in the testimony of Paucamp in 1660, "an Indian then 80 years of age, descended from the House of the Sachems in the end of the Island," who testified: "that the first in his time [the Acaboug Indians] did possesse the upland and meadows in the swamp side of the river being in the west end of the Bay five creeks, the first Messemennuck, the second Nobbs, the third Suggamuck, the fourth Weekewackmamish, the fifth Toyoungs," (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 213, Office of theSec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). In some copies the name appears as Messememuck. There is some difficulty about locating this creek, owing to the encroachment of water on the land, for there is a tradition extant, that the present Flanders Bay was originally landlocked and has been opened during the past two hundred years. If this is not a fact, then we must give the name to LoPontz On Long Island 129 or Havens' Creek, which empties into Flanders Bay thence into Peconic River at Broad Meadows Point. If tradition is correct, we must give the name to the Peconic River. This seems to be corroborated by early records. The name is to be interpreted as Messem-amuck, "an alewife fishing-place, ' ' from messem = Massachusetts (Cotton), ommis-suog; Narragansett, aumswog (Williams) ; Pequot, umsuauges (Stiles) ; Abnaki, aumsoo-ak, "alewives" (Alosa vernalis, Mitch.); -amuck, "a fishing-place." We find in the deposition of Rev. Thos. James, 1667, that Paquatoun, the Montauk Counselor, told him: "that the bounds of the Shinacut Indians: since the conquest of those Indians; which formerly many years since lived at Ackobauk: did reach to a river where they use to catch ye fish we commonly called Alewives: the name of that River: he said is Pehick-komik . . . two other old women in- formed him: that they gathered flags for matts within that tract of land : But since those Indians were conquered that lived att Ackobauk the Shino- cut bounds went to the river Pehik konuk where the Indians catched Alewives" (E. H. R., vol. i., pp. 260, 261; MunselTs Hist. S. C., E. H. town). Wood thus describes the fish in question: "Ale- wives be a kind of fifh which is much like a herring, which in the latter part of Aprill come up to the frefh Rivers to spawne, in such multitudes as is almoft incredible, preffing up in fuch fhallow 130 Indian Place-Names water as will fcarce permit them to swimme, having likewife fuch longing defire after the frefh water ponds, that no beatings with poles, or forcive agitations by other divices, will caufe them to returne to the fea, till they have caft their fpawne (N. E. Prospect, 1634, p. 38). See Suggamuck. 191. MESSTOPASS : a dirty hole of water near Mannatto Hill, in the town of Oyster Bay. A boundary mark in the Indian deed of Nov. 1 8, 1695, viz.: "from thence to ye sd Hole of dirt and water near Mannatto Hill called by the Indians Messtoppas" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 507). In De Kay, Messtopass. The Delaware machtit, ' ' filthy, " "dirty"; mecht, "bad"; Massachusetts, nuppisse, "a small pool of water"; indicate the etymology of the name, Macht'uppisse, "a filthy pool of water. " 192. MIAMEGG : a creek near the present village of Jamesport, Riverhead town. The name is found on record in the Indian deed of March 14, 1648, viz.: "Provided the aforesaid Indians (Occomboomaguns and the wife of Mahahannuck) may enjoy during their lives, a small peice of land, to Plant upon, lying between the two creeks Miamegg and Assasquage" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 210, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). Variants are Miamogue (Munsell's Hist. S. C.) ; Miomog (Thompson, 1845); Wyamaug, On Long Island 131 etc. This name was originally applied to the creek, and not to the point, as stated in some of the Island histories. It is probably from the equivalent of the Narragansett midwene, "a gathering together," "a meeting"; Massachu- setts (Eliot) miyaneog, "they gather together"; miy-amaug, thus means "a meeting fishing- place" from miy, "together"; -amaug, "fishing- place." That is, a locality where the Indians came together to fish, probably for alewives, or menhaden to be used for fertilizing their corn- fields. 193. MIAMOGUE: "The village of Jamesport, Riverhead town, is very pleasantly situated on a point projecting into Peconic Bay and bearing the Indian name Miamogue" (Munsell's Hist. S. C.}. See Miamegg. 194. MINASSEROKE: Little Neck, now called "Strong's Neck, at Setauket." Little Neck, called by the Indians Minasseroke, lies between Old-field or Conscience Bay and Setauket Harbor. It is believed to have been thickly populated, and a favorite residence of the Sachem. A part of it is still designated as the "Indian Ground," which was originally conveyed by the natives to Andrew Gibb, in 1685" (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 431). De Kay gives Minesuc and Min- asouke. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1888, 132 Indian Place-Names 1889, 1890, I derived this name from the huckle- berry or some other small berry formerly gathered there (Chippewa, minais, "little berry"; Delaware, minall, "huckleberry"). This may be wrong and the true meaning may be found in the above quotation, viz.: "Indian Ground," being an old Indian corn-field, maize land, and the word turn out to be an abbreviation of Eachimineas-auke, "com land." 195. MINAUSSUMS: a neck of land in the town of Brookhaven, so named in an Indian deed of April i, 1690. An error for Winnecro scorns (q.v.). N*. 196. MINNAHANONCK : Blackwell's Island in the East River. In 1637: "Two chiefs of the Marychtenwikingh (in Brooklyn) surrender and convey to Wouter Van Twiller, Director General of New Netherland, two islands, situate in the Helle gat, of which the larger is called Tenkenas and the smaller Minnahanonck, lying to the west of the larger" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 5). Also occurs as Minnehanock (French's Gazetteer, p. 419, Note). The same name is found in Connecticut as Manhannock, "Wright Island" opposite Wethersfield. According to Trumbull, 'The name ( = munnohan-auke) means 'island place' or 'land on the island.' " The components On Long Island 133 of the word would then be minnahan, "island"; -onck, -ock (-auke), "land," "place." 197. MINNAPAUGS: a small pond at Southold, L. I. "Little pond by the sound at Hortons Point, sits like a May Queen, embowered in trees and flowers, forever looking out upon the blue waters of the sound" (Note by J. Wickham Case, S. R., vol. ii., p. 530) ; Certificate of Wm. Salmon, 1645: " Monnepaught at the fresh pann" (S. R., vol. ii., p. 276). A deed of 1649: "Wm. Salmon sells three parts of his upland lying betwixt Tom's creeke and Mr. Goodyears land reaching to a fresh pond lying on, the North sea with an Island of trees standing in it" (S. R., vol. i., p. 176). Bounds of Hashamomuk, 1660: "that land ad- joining Tom's creek . . . and so along to the North east to a place called Minnapaugs, being a little pond and a parcell of trees standing by it" (vol. i., p. 208). These extracts describe the pond and also give its signification: Minna-pe-auke, "little island pond," minna being the diminutive of manhan, denoting "little island"; pe-auke, "water place," or paug (inseparable generic), "a pond." 198. MINNESUNK: a word compounded in 1866 by Mr. George R. Howell, Assistant State Librarian at Albany, and bestowed on a pond in Southampton town at North Sea. This name 134 Indian Place-Names was probably made up from the Siouan minne, signifying "water," and the Algonkian sunk or saunks, the "Queen" or "Sachem's wife"; the name being intended to mean the "Queen of the water." The first component was evidently taken from Minnehaha (cf. Minnesota, etc.) in which word minne = mini, "water," in the Teton, a Siouan dialect. The name is thus hybrid Siouan-Algonkian. Delaware mbi, "water," how- ever, appears in some old vocabularies as minne. (A. F. c.) 199. MINNEWITS: an island at the western end of Long Island Sound, probably either "Hart's," or "City Island." Mentioned in a journal of a voyage in 1663, viz. : "When the ebb was passed we weighed anchor, passed Hellgate at low water, and arrived by laveering and rowing near Minnewits Island, where we stopt. " Also Minnewits, 1673 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. ii., pp. 385, 655). Although resembling, this is not an Indian name, but a form of Minuit, Peter Minuit, a former owner of the island and Director of New Netherland; his name is sometimes given in the early records as Minnewits (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. i., p. 291). 200. MINNISAIS: Bedlow's Island, New York Harbor, now the site of the Statue of Liberty. It is a Chippewa name bestowed by Henry R. On Long Island 135 Schoolcraft in 1843, -Minnisais, "the lesser is- land" (Go wans 's Bibliotheca Americana; Trans- actions, N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1844). 201. MIRRACHTAUHACKY: Dutch notation for Montauk. This form of spelling is found on record in the treaty of May 29, 1645; when Wittaneymen Sachem appeared before the Council of New Netherland, declaring to be impowered by his brethren, naming among other Weyrin- teynich [Wiandance], Sachem of Mirrachtauhacky (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 60). De Kay cites: " Merautahacky an unknown locality on Long Island" (Indian Names of L. /.). See Montauk. 202. MISPATUCK, Mispotuck: a neck of land in Islip town. In the deed by the Van Cortlandts to John Mowbray, March 2, 1705, for the neck called Compawis . . . bounded west by neck called Misputuck . . . Mispotuck neck bounded west by Apple tree neck" (Letter from O. B. Ackerly, Esq.). A deed of 1703, calls this neck Missatuck. Again Thompson (L. I., vol. i., p. 447) has, "Thence to Mispatuc (or Udall's Brook) on the west." Later still the name appears as Masquetux. In my Algonguian Series (vol. ii., pp. 41-42) I suggested the same derivation for Mispatuc, as Maspeth, "an overflowing tidal stream, or a bad water place." I see no reason for changing the etymology. See Mespaetches. 136 Indian Place-Names 203. MISSATUCK: a neck of land and brook in the western part of Islip town. The brook is now designated as Udall's Brook. The Indian deed of June i, 1703, to the Van Cortlandts for the neck called Compowams, has the "neck called Missatuck on the west" (Thompson's L. /., vol. i., p. 447). The various names for this neck are so similar it is hard to tell which should be the true form. This form might mean "a great creek or river," from massa, or missa, "great"; -tuck, "creek or tidal river"; or it may have designated some large tree which served as a bound-mark. Massa, "great"; -tugk or -tuck, "a tree." See Mispatuck and Masquetux. 204. MISSIPAUG: name suggested by Mr. George R. Howell for the "Big Fresh Pond" west of the road from Southampton to North Sea. The Indian equivalent of "big fresh pond," literally "great water place" (Howell's Hist. Southamp- ton, 2d ed., 1887, p. 141). The components of the word are missi, "great;" -paug, "water- place," "pond." 205. MOCHGONNEKONCK : the Dutch notation for Shinnecock. So named in the following treaty: "Before us the Director and Council of New Netherland appeared Wittaneymen, Sachem of Mochgonnekonck, declaring to be empowered by his brethren, named as follows, to wit Rochkouw, On Long; Island the greatest Sachem of Cotsjewaaninck, Mama- wichtouw, Sachem of Catsjeyick, Weyrinteynich, Sachem of Mirrachtauhacky , and said, as well in his own name as in that of his brethren aforesaid, that they had taken under their protection the villages named, Oiiheyinchkingh, Sichteyhacky , Sicketauy- hacky, Nesinckqueghacky, at which place the Matinnekonck now reside, and Rickouhacky, and requested to walk in a firm bond of friendship with us and promised that the Christians should experience at the hands of his people, or of those above named villages, nothing but every kindness, and as a proof of their good disposition, they offered to go against our enemies, which he has done, and brought a head and hands of the enemy, and has agreed with us to aid our people from henceforth against the Indians our enemies, which we have accepted. In ratification of this treaty, we have given a present to the above named chiefs, with promise not to molest them so long as he and the above named villages remain in their duty, but to show them all possible friendship. In testimony of the truth the original is signed by us, confirmed by our seal and handed to the chief, the seal being pendant thereto the 29 of May, 1645, in Fort Amsterdam, New Netherland" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 60. See also Thompson's L. I. (vol. i., p. 335). Ruttenber mistakenly sup- poses the place to be unlocated and the Sachem Wittaneymen to be Takapousha. The brethren 138 Indian Place-Names named show that they all belonged at the east end. They were given a certificate of protection the previous year (1644) by the English, wherein Wittanaymen is spelled Weenakamin, thus proving that he was the Sachem of Shinnecock, or Moch- gonnekonck of the Dutch. 206. MOEUNG: end of the beach at Gravesend, Queen's Co., N. Y. The Indian deed of July, 1684, given by Crackewasco, Arrenopeah, Mamekto and Annenges for a "parcel of land commonly called by the Indians Makeopaco beginning at the most eastward end of the beach called by the Indians Moeung bounded on the westmost side by the land heretofore purchased from Chip- paliig" (Munsell's Hist. King's Co.}. This name probably refers to the meadows at the end of the beach: Moe-ung, "black," or "miry place." A name with the same prefix occurs in Stonington, Conn., as Mooapaske, which Trumbull translates a "black, muddy, or miry land, M(&e-pesugke." The components of the word Moeung would thus be moe ( = Massachusetts mi.i, moyeu, "ordure," "filth," "black"), "filth," "mire"; -ung, locative, signifying "place. 207. MOGKOMPSKUT : a large boulder on the Hands Creek road. Three Mile Harbor, East Hampton town. This name was given to me by the late Stephen Pharaoh. It signifies "at the On Long Island 139 great rock." I do not know of a larger one on eastern Long Island. The component parts of the word are mogk-, "great"; -ompsk, "rock"; -ut, "at." 208. MOHANNIS: a Sagamore of Oyster Bay. See Sagamore. 209. MOMOWETA: a pond at Mattituck, now called Lake Momoweta, from the Sachem of Cor- chaug. His name occurs with those of his three brothers on the East Hampton Indian deed of 1648. He appeared before the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England in 1644, soliciting peace and protection, there his name is spelled Moughma/itow (Plymouth Col. Rec., vol. ix., p. 18); Mowmetow (Thompson's L. I., vol. i., p. 365). Also Mamawichtouw (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. i., p. 60). The word Momoweta = mohmo- wetuo, "he gathereth or brings together in his house." The components are momo ( = Massa- chusetts mohmo), "to gather or bring together"; -weta ( = Massachusetts wetii) , ' ' house. ' ' 210. MONABAUGS: a swamp, pond, and creek between Potunk and Ketchaponack Necks in west- ern Southampton town, at West Hampton. Re- corded in 1683, viz.: "Bounded east by the creek comonly called Monobaugs, ' ' 1 686 : "to another white oak tree standing by the west side of the 140 Indian. Place-Names swamp of Monabaugs, about twenty pole above yt. head of the pond called Monabaugs " (S. H. R., vol. ii., pp. 114, 276). From the possessive ter- mination, "the swamp of Monabaugs," this name appears like a personal one although, in this case, the Indian may have taken his name from the pond. The word is the equivalent of the Massa- chusetts (Eliot) monoi, "deep"; -baug, often occurring as a variation of -paug, "a water place, " "a pond," thus making the meaning "a deep pond." 211. MONCORUM: Coram, Brookhaven town. This early form of Coram is found in an order to Richard Woodhull, concerning a new way on Long Island (this is the present old Middle Country road) , dated August 1677, viz. : ' That a new way designed and ordered in Gov. Nicoll's time through the middle of the Island from Huntington Eastward to Southampton and South- hold bee nott only remarked, but sufficiently cleared of brush where occasion by employing Indyans or others: . . . and that hee settle a farme at or about Moncorum" (Col. Hist., N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 729). See Coram. 212. MONOCKNONG: a name of Staten Island, Richmond Co., N. Y. "Staten Island, we are informed by De Vries, was occupied by the Monatans who called it Monocknong with a verbal On Long Island 141 prefix. The termination is ong, denoting locality ; manon is the iron- wood tree, ack denotes a tree or trunk, and admits a prefix from manadun, 'bad/ By inquiry it does not appear that the iron- wood, although present, ever existed in sufficient abundance to render the name from that characteristic. The other is too late to investigate. It is believed the expression had an implied meaning, and denotes the Haunted Woods" (Schoolcraft). This theory cannot be correct. Mr. Schoolcraft has analyzed the word on a wrong basis, and finished by saying it denotes the "Haunted Woods." This is not descriptive, from an Indian's standpoint, as is proven by other names in this work being simply descriptive and not romantic. See Aquehonga Manacknong. 213. MONTAUK : point of land and peninsula on the eastern end of the island in East Hampton town, the locality from which the principal island tribe derived their name. In the Indian deed to Gov. Eaton of New Haven and his associates in behalf of the inhabitants of East Hampton town, we find it given: "All land lying from bounds of Southampton unto the east side of Napeak, next unto Meuntacut high land" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 3; S. H. R., vol. i., p. 51). In the published records of this town and sister towns on Long Island the variations in spelling are almost as numerous as the occurrence of the name; among 142 Indian Place-Names them are: Meantaucutt, 1656; Meantaquit, 1660; Meantauket, 1666; Meantucket, 1668; Menataukett, i6j2-,Meantaukut, 1674; Meuntaukut, 1676; Mean- tank, 1687; Mantack, 1692, etc. The signification has been variously given, all without a doubt being in error. Jones's Indian Bulletin for 1867 derives it from the Massachusetts (Eliot) muttaag, "a standard, pillar, or ensign." Dr. J. H. Trumbull, the eminent Algonkian student, suggests that the word is probably a form of manatuck, a name frequently bestowed on high or hilly land through- out New England, and denotes "a place of obser- vation, " " a place for seeing (or to be seen) far off," and not, as he once believed, from manati, "island. " Dr. Trumbull quotes the deed of 1648 from Thompson's L. /. where it is misspelled as Mountacutt. The late David Gardiner, in Chroni- cles of East Hampton, 1840, 1871 (also Ayres's Legends of Mon tank), gives it as "the hilly land or country ' from having been called in early records the "Meuntacut high land." The writer suggested (E. H. R., vol. iv., Introduction) another derivation, one that has both tradition and history to support it, beside the parallels from neighboring dialects that prove its correctness. On the Montauk high lands were located the palisadoed inclosures of the tribe their places of refuge in time of danger and peril. The first fort of which we have any knowledge is mentioned in the Montauk deed of 1662, the bounds of On Long Island 143 which went west to "where the old Indian fort stood," at Nominick Hills on the "east side of N apeak." The new fort, " still standing " in 1662, was located on what is still called : 'Fort Hill," at Fort Pond, overlooking the bay. The outlines of this fence inclosure (180 feet square) can still be traced after a lapse of over two cen- turies. Meantaukut or Meuntaukut is therefore the parallel of the Massachusetts (Cotton) Menelike- tduuiiat, "fortified"; Meneutausue (Eliot) = " forti- fied" (as in Isaiah xxvi., 10, pum-meneutausue keitotan="defenced city," literally, "the shut or closed fortified great town"); Delaware men- achk, a "fort"; menachkasu, "fortified." The Dutch form, Mirrachtauhacky = Delaware, Me'n- achk-hacky, "fort country." The English form, Meuntaukut = Massachusetts Meneutauqut, "at the fort," "fort country," etc. This makes the quotation from the deed of 1648 read: "Unto the fort-place high land." Wood's N. E. Prospect, 1634, p. 2, ch. 13, says: "Thefe Forts fome be fortie or fiftie foote fquare, erected of young timber trees, ten or twelve foote high, rammed into the ground, with un- dermining within, the earth being caft up for their fhelter againft the dischargements of their enemies: having loope holes," etc. See Brook- lyn Eagle Almanac, 1896, pp. 54-55. Also Algon- quian Series, vol. ii., 15-21, for further account of this name. 144 Indian Place-Names 214. MORICHES: a neck of land in the eastern part of Brookhaven town, from which the three villages, known as East, Centre, and Moriches proper take their name. The earliest record referring to this locality is the deed of April 4, 1683, from John May hew, so-called Indian pro- prietor of several necks of land "upon ye south- side of Long Island, to Doctor Henry Taylor and Thomas Willett of Flushing, viz. : a certain neck of land at Unquichoge commonly known by ye name of the Merquices lying and joining on the west side of the neck of land by me given to Thos. Townsend of Oyster Bay ... ye said neck of land called the Merquices." On Sept. 25, 1693, we find that Aug. Graham surveyed: "Two necks of land called by ye name of Marigies and Mamanock" (Law Papers, vol. ii., p. 217, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). A deed 1691 to Col. Smith has: "Except the bottom of two necks laid out by markt trees being Meritces and Mamanok Necks lying together, and not going further than the head of the creek which make said necks," and Fletcher's Patent to Smith, 1697: "excepting so much of the marshe and necks of land of Maritches, and Mamanuck" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 90). Some variations are: Merquices, 1683; Meritces, 1691; Marigies, 1693; Maritches, 1697; Moritches, 1714; Murichis, 1728; Meriches, 1740, etc. This neck of land was so- called because it was Meritches, one time its On Long; Island 145 Indian owner, or dweller upon it. This name appears among the grantors, in the Indian deed for beach in 1685 (B. H. R., vol. i., pp. 69, 70), as Wene-merit[c]hew, = "old woman Meritchew" or "Meritche's old woman"; Wene = weenai, or weany (Montauk) wenise (Narragansett), "an old w r o- man. " The meaning of Meritche has not been ascertained. Similar compounding of personal names is found in old records. Aquaback whome squa=Ucque-baug-homes-squaw, "the head of the bay old man's w T oman" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 60); Weany sunk squaw, "old woman queen" (S. H. R., vol. i.) 215. MOSQUETAH: Glen Cove, Oyster Bay town. This name appears modernly as "Mos- quito Cove," and has the appearance of being derived from that irrepressible insect, but it was not. It takes its name from the extensive mead- ows bordering the cove or creek. Variations are: Mosquetah, 1658; Musceata, 1667; Muskitoe, 1668; Muchito, 1675. Mosquetah corresponds to Narragansett muskkosqut, "meadow"; Mohegan muxquataug, "place of rushes." The same name appears in Westerly, R. I., as Mukquata, or Muxquataug (Trumbull's Indian Names in Con- necticut}. See Musky ttehool. 216. MUNCHOG, Munchoage: an island in the Great Pond, Montauk. It is mentioned in the IO 146 Indian Place-Names East Hampton accounts for the year 1690 when "Benj. Osborn, Nath. Talmage and John Miller, Jr. were paid five shillings each for going to Montauk to search Munchog or Munchoage. ' ' The locality is designated by an entry of Aug. 30, 1709: ''when the Trustees ordered that notice be given for the sale of liberty to mow what mowable grass may be found within the Indian field provided they the buyers cut no other than where the rushes grow and also what if any may be found mowable on the Island in the Great Pond called Munchoag." Same date: "Ichabod Leeke is debtor by liberty of mowing in the Indian field and on Manchoage as by bargain " ; (E. H. R., vol. ii., p. 248; vol. iii., pp. 216, 219). Munchog seems to designate "an island of meadow," "island of rushes" (from munni, "island"; Narragansett muskechoge, "rushes," "place of rushes"). This derivation seems to be proven by the above records, and in fact a large part of its area is covered by rushes and marsh. In Gardiner's Montauk Vocabulary, we find Cum cheesk, an error for Mun cheesk, "little is- land"; mun or mon, "an island"; chiank, "large." From this, Mun-chiank, "large island," being the larger of the two islands in the Great Pond. 217. MUNNAWTAWKIT: Fisher's Island. Al- though nearer Connecticut than to Long Island, it belongs to New York State and to Southold town. On Long; Island 147 'This Island is named by Roger Williams, 1637, as one to which the Pequots came to fish and to plant corn" (Fourth Series, Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxvii., pp. 189, 190). " Munnawtawkit seems to be the equivalent of Montaukit (Montauk) and of Mana- tuck, with the locative suffix; and the name may have been given to Fisher's Island from its high western bluff or its yet higher central hill " (Trum- bull's Indian Names in Connecticut}. I cannot accept this meaning given by Mr. Trumbull, and would suggest as more likely its derivation from another study of his, viz. : " Narragansett Munna- whatteaiig, 'white fish, bony fish" [fertilizers, monoquoteaug (Eliot), 'they manure or enrich the earth'], now corrupted to Menhaden (Alosa menhaden, Mitch.). The Indian name was also given to the herring (Clupea elongata) and to the alewife both of which species were used for manur- ing" (Trumbull's Notes on Roger Williams 's Key). Munnawtawkit would then be composed of mun- nawt, "menhaden" (to fertilize); -awkit, "land or country," "at the fertilized land," or "at the menhaden country." This especially, as Williams says: 'The Pequots went there to fish and to make new fields of corn. " See Manittuwond. 218. MUSKYTTEHOOL : a locality at Flatlands, King's Co. (Munsell's Hist. King's Co., p. 71). This is not " Musquito hole," as some suppose, but " Musquetaug hole," i. e., "a pool of water where 148 Indian Place-Names rushes grow," the first part of the name being Musquetaug, "place of rushes." See Mosquetah, Musquatax. 219. MUSQUATAX: a creek on Mastic Neck, town of Brookhaven, so named in the Indian deed from Macarak, alias Humphrey, of Unke- chogue, for \ of Mastic Neck, to Andrew Gibb, dated April I, 1690, viz. : "Bounded west by Mus- quatax Creek, and Minaussums (Winnacroscombs] Neck to the westward ; east by Sunkapogue Creek and to Waspeunk or Squorums Neck: north by a straight line drawn from ye head of the swamp of Sunkapogue Creek, to the head o^ swamp of Musquatax Creek; and south by the unplowable meadow and South Bay" (Red Book of Deeds, p. 341, Town Clerk's Office, Southampton, L. I. Copy by Wm. S. Pelletreau, Esq.). This is a common name and denotes "a place where rushes grow." (See other names in this deed.) See Mosquetah. 220. NABIACHAGE : mentioned in will of Thomas Mapes, August, 1680, land in " Nabiachage or Matituck" (Liber A, p. I, of Deeds in Office of County Clerk at Riverhead, L. I.). Nabiachage represents chabia-achu-auke, "place of the divided or separated hills." This is a very appropriate name for the locality, Mattituck Creek, passing as it does between high hills on either side (Craven's On Long Island 149 History of Mattituck, p. 20). This is the only reference to this name we have been able to dis- cover. The components of the word are chabia (Massachusetts chippi}, "separated," "divided"; adchu, "hill;" -auke, "place." 221. NACHAQUATUCK : a river or creek at Cold Spring, L. I. The western boundary of Hunting- ton as given in the Indian deed of 1663, viz. : "Raseokan Sagamore of Matinnicoke do sell to Richard Holbrook and others certain quantity of land bounded on the west side with a river commonly called by the Indians Nachaquetack" (H. R.,vol. i.,p. i). Variations are Naccaquetack, Nackaquatok, Nackaquatack, Nachquatuck, 1666. This name Nachaquatuck represents wa-nachaqua- tuck, wanachaquatuck, "the ending tidal stream," so-called because it was the western boundary of Huntington. The components of the word are: wanachqua, "at the end of" ; -tuck, "tidal stream." 222. NAGHTOGNK: Corlear's Hook, Manhattan Island. This form of the name as given by Schoolcraft. Nechtauk (or Nechtank] , Dutch nota- tion, in some respects seems to be the equivalent of Naugatuck in Connecticut, which derives its name from a remarkable single tree, that probably served as a land mark, Naukot-tungk (Massachu- setts nequttugk], "one tree" (Trumbull). See Rechtank. 150 Indian Place-Names 223. NAHICANS: tribe of Indians occupying what is now called Montauk Point ; and the eastern part of Long Island, as given on a Dutch map of 1616 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. i.). It signifies the "people of the point." It might have been ap- plied to Long Island by mistake for Narragansett, this being the anglicized name of the country of the Nahiganeuk (Nanhigganeuck], the "NaMcans" of the early Dutch explorers (Trumbull) . James Mooney (Handb. of Am. Inds. N. of Mex., vol. i., 1907, p. 28) says: " Narraganset 'people of the small point/ from naiagans, diminutive of naiag, 'small point of land,' with locative ending, -et." 224. NAMEOKE : a locality near Rockaway vil- lage, Hempstead town, said to be a corruption of a word meaning "to the water's edge" (Out on Long Island, p. 13, 1889). This is wrong; it means a "fishing place, " or "where fish are taken," being the same as the Indian name of New London, Conn. : Nameaug (Name-auke), from name, "fish";-a&j, "place." 225. NAMKEE: a brook or creek at the western bounds of Brookhaven town, near Blue Point, called also in the early records Manowtassquot. Found on record in the Indian deed of 1666, viz. : 'Tobaccus gives a tract of land upon the south side of Long Island, meadow and upland, bounded on the west by a river called Namke" (B. H. R., On Long Island 151 vol. i.). Variants are Nanmicuke, 1668 ; Namcuke, 1670; Namko, 1735. Maps of the Island give it as Namkee and Namkey. " Namcook or Wama- coke Neck in North and South Kingston, Rhode Island, said to signify a bank in Indian" (Par- sons). It is the same as Namkeag, the Indian name of Salem, Mass., and Nam'-e-auke or Nameock, New London, Conn., denoting a "fishing place," or "where fish are taken, or caught." The name probably belonged to the mouth of the creek and not to the whole creek, where the Indians had a "fishing- weir," or where they set their nets, as described by Roger Williams. See Nameoke. 226. NANEMOSET: the name of a brook or creek of uncertain location. De Kay places it in Southampton. "In 1663, the inhabitants of Setauket entered into an agreement with Capt. John Scott, to become copartners in a tract of land bounded easterly with Nanemoset Brook, westerly with the Nessaquague east line, runing south to the middle of the Island" (Thompson's L. I., vol. ii., p. 321). I once believed this to be a personal name similar to Samoset, but as Scott conveyed land bounded by "Quaconsit" River (Wading River) , this is probably another name for that stream or its tributaries, where the Indians fished, and is a variation of the same name men- tioned in the Indian deed of Brookhaven, 1655, 152 Indian Place-Names Namoss-es-et, "at or about the fish-place." Eliot has Mishe ketahhane namossit, "as the fish of the great sea" (Ezekiel xlvii., 10). The com- ponents of the word are: namos, "fish"; -es-et, "at or near. " 227. NAOSH: a name applied to Sandy Hook, N. Y. Harbor, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. It was taken from the Chippewa, signifying "a point surpassing others" (Gowans's Bibliotheca Ameri- cana}. Baraga gives the Chippewa neidshi, "a point of land, projecting in the lake." See Nayack, Noyack. 228. NAPOCK: a locality mentioned as one of the boundaries of Brookhaven, in the Indian deed of 1655, viz.: " Warawakmy Sachem of Setaucet sells a peice of land, etc., adjoining to the bounds of Nesaquagg and from thence, being bounded with a river or great napock, nerly nemaukak, eastward" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. i). I am inclined to think the locality is the long series of ponds that form the head waters of Peconic River on the bounds between Riverhead and Brookhaven towns. Its signification is "a water-place," fromneap, " water "; -auke, "land" or "place." Nipock, "pool place," is a corre- sponding Narragansett term. See Nippaug. 229. NAQUEETATOGUE : "In 1691, Wamcos On Long Island 153 Sagamore sells the upland of a neck of land lying on the southside of the Island called Naqueeta- togue" (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Babylon town). This word is an error for Nagunfatogue. 230. NARRASKETUCK. See Warrasketuck. 231. NARRIOCH: Gravesend Neck, King's Co. The neck terminates in a point. It is cited in the Indian release of 1654, viz.: "said land called Narrioch (the Island) and Mannahanning (the Neck)" (Thompson's L. I., vol. ii.). Under Mannahanning Thompson's error is discussed. The name means a "point of land"; Massachu- setts naiag, "point," "corner"; -auke, "land." See Nahicans, Nayack, and Noyack. 232. NASHAYONSUCK : one of the names of Hashamonuk, Southold town. It belonged really to a brook forming one of the boundaries of the neck. It is mentioned in the certificate of William Salmon, dated 1645, recorded in 1750, viz. : "A parcel of land comonly called Hashammomock and Nashayonsuck, and right over to the North- sea from Nassayonsuck to Monnepaught." Again in 1649: 'Wm. Salmon of Hashamamuck, alias Neshugguncer (S. R., vol. i., p. 176; vol. ii., p. 276). It corresponds to the Massachusetts Nashaue-suck, "the fork of the brook or outlet," or "place be- tween (the forks of the) brook." See Nachaqua- tuck. 154 Indian Place-Names 233. NASSAKEAG: on the south west border of Setauket, Brookhaven town, lies the locality called by the Indian name of Nassakeag or by the modern one of South Setauket. It was originally applied to a swamp at that locality, viz.: "lying near Nesakaks swamp running westerly to Nasakakes swamp," 1697; Nasakeges swamp, 1697; Naskea- gue, 1743 (B. H. R., vol. i., pp. 63, 66, 156). Nassakeag was Sachem of the Nisseguogues; his name is on the quit claim to Richard Smith in 1664. Another, or possibly the same, is on the Indian deed of Setauket or the "North purchase" of 1675 (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 45). The swamp derives its name from being his residence or he may have taken the name from the swamp. The word is possibly the parallel of the Chippewa (Baraga) nawashkig, "in the middle of a swamp"; (nawaii, "middle"; mashkig, "swamp "). 234. NASSECONSET: Sachem of the Nissequo- guesin 1650. Variations are: Nasseconsack, 1650; Nesconsake, 1663; Nassesconset, 1664; Nesatas- consett, 1665. Nesconset, Post Office in Smith- town, so adopted in 1908. It is located midway between Smithtown and Lake Ronkonkoma. The Sachem probably takes his name from his dwelling place, as it is a land name. " Nasses- consefs land, on the east side of Nessequag River" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 9). Nasseconset corresponds to the Massachusetts Nesse-keon-es-et, "at or On Long' Island 155 near the second going over ' ' (by wading or other- wise). The word contains neese, "two," and the locative -es-et, "at or near." 235. NAYACK: a point of land in the town of New Utrecht, King's Co. It appears in the early records of New Netherland, February 14, 1652, viz.: "Manhattans Indians of New Nether- land, living at Nayack, a place on Long Island directly opposite Staten Island." An Indian deed of Dec. I, 1652: "For land lying eastward of the North River at the heads the Indians shall receive six coats, six kettles, six axes, six hatchets, six small looking glasses, twelve knives and twelve cans on condition, that they the In- dians, and their descendants remove immediately from the land now occupied by them called Naieck and never return to live in the limits of the dis- trict again" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 160, 190). Variations are Nayack-Pomt, 1666; Najeck, 1656; Najack, 1662. This is the point on which Fort Hamilton is situated. The name denotes a "point or corner of land. " See Noyack. 236. NAYANTACAWNICK : an island, proposed by Roger Williams as a suitable place of residence for the captive Pequots in 1637 (Fourth Series Mass. H. C., vi., p. 201). This Narragansett word is for Nayanticacawmuck, "over against Niantic" or "over against the point of land on the tidal- 156 Indian Place-Names river" (Fisher's Island or Plum Island?), accord- ing to Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecticut. 237. NEAPEAGUE: the long sandy and marshy beach that connects the peninsula of Montauk with the main part of the Island, East Hampton town, a dreary waste of sand, water, and mosqui- toes. It is first entered on record in 1658, when: "Wyandanch gives to Rev. Thos. James half of all the whales or other great fish that shall be cast on the beach from Napeake eastward to the end of the Island" (E. H. R., vol. i., p 150). Variations are: Napeage, 1675; Napeag, 1700; Napeague, (U. S. Coast Survey); modernly Neapeague, Nap-pe'ag, etc. It signifies the "water land"; in the Montauk dialect Niepeage, from niep (Massachusetts nip or nippe] "water"; -eage (Massachusetts -auke) , "land." 238. NECKAPAUGE: creek in the town of Islip. This name appears on an old map of the Nicoll patent, where the creek west of Sayville (now Green's Creek), being the eastern bound of this patent, is called Neckapauge, because the begin- ning boundary of the Nicoll patent. Neckapauge corresponds to Massachusetts Nequt-pe-auke, "one (or the first) water-place," from nequt, "one (or at the beginning)"; -pe, "water"; -auke, "land, "or "place." On Long' Island 157 239. NECOCHAWODT: "Uncertain location in Hempstead, Queen's Co." (De Kay). This is a mistake, for it is not a place but a personal name, although it may have been applied to some local- ity at some period (this I have not been able to verify). Mecohgawodt was the Sachem of the Massapeags in 1639. He conveyed all his terri- tory from the Rockaways to the country of the Secatogues to the Dutch. The name occurs also as Mechowodt. See Marossepinck. 240. NECOMMACK: see Noccomack. 241. NEGUNTATOGUE : a neck of land south of the settlement of Breslau between "Little Neck" and " Santapogue, " Babylon town; one of the five necks of meadow land bought from the Indians in 1657. On March 2, 1663, John Sticklin, widower, of the town of Crafford, alias Jemeco, sells to Gabriel Finch "a lott of meddow upon the neck called Neguntetake." In 1666 Finch sells the same: "lying upon the neck called Nagunttatauge" (H. R., vol. i., pp. 55, 82). Variations are: Neguntataug, 1669; Nagunttatoug, 1669; Naguntatogue, 1684. This name signifies "abandoned," or, "forsaken land. " The first part naguntta is the parallel of the Delaware rfgattasu, "abandoned" (rf gattummen "to leave behind"); Abnaki, negati, "to abandon," "to quit"; Chip- pewa, nin nagadam, "I abandon it"; Cree, ni 158 Indian Place-Names natataw, "I abandon it." The same radical is found in the Narragansett aquegunnitteash, "fields worn out." No doubt upon this neck were lo- cated fields formerly planted by the Indians, which were abandoned for better land, perhaps for the neck lying to the eastward called Anuskkummikak, "land we hoe or break up." 242. NEMAUKAK: a locality mentioned in the Indian deed of Brookhaven dated 1655, viz.: "being bounded with a river or great Napock, nerly nemaukak eastward" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. i). The exact locality is now unknown. The name is probably namo-auk-ut, "at the fishing-place." Related is Nemasket, "fish place" in Boston Har- bor, Mass. See Nanemoset. 243. NESAQUAQUE ACCOMPSETT: a locality mentioned in an order issued by Gov. Nicolls, concerning the Smithtown boundary in 1670, viz.: "Declaring and offering to prove that ye Nesa- quake lands lay on both sydes of ye Ryver, and that parte lyeing on ye west syde comonly called Nesaquaque Accompsett did extend as farre as ye fresh pond westward" (H. R., vol. i., p. 170). This name can be resolved into Nesaqu- auke Accomp-es-et, "at the place over against the land on the forks of the river," "land on the other side of Nissequogue. ' The components are nesaqu, "fork" ( = Delaware lechauwaak) ; -auke, On Long Island 159 "land"; accomp- ( = Massachusetts ogkome; Chip- pewa agami), "on the other side," "over against as a whole"; -es-et, "at the place," "in the neigh- borhood of. ' ' 244. NESCONSET: a post-office in Smithtown. See Nasseconset. 245. NESHUGGUNCER: a corrupted form of Nashayonsuck (q. v.). Compare also Neshun- ganset Brook in Rhode Island, near the Connecti- cut line. 246. NIAMU:K: Canoe Place, Southampton town. Being the narrow isthmus that separates the two bays of Shinnecock and Peconic, now connected by Shinnecock canal. First found on record in 1662, viz.: "Part of the Shinnecock Indians have made over all their land from Nia- mack over to the old gutt westward unto Capt. Topping" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 27). Again, "lying from a place called Niamuck or ye Canoe Place" (Indian Deed, 1666). Variants are Nia- mug, 1667; Niamocke, 1667. The meaning of the name is "between the fishing-places," from ni, "between," "midway"; -amaug, " a fishing-place " (Trumbull) . Both bays to-day are favorite resorts of the fishermen. 247. NIPPAUG: name suggested by Mr. George R. Howell, in his History of Southampton 160 Indian Place-Names (2ded., 1888), for "Little Fresh Pond," between Southampton village and North Sea; said to signify a "small body of fresh water.' But, according to Trumbull and other authorities, this name signifies "water-land" (from nippe, "water"; -auke, "land," "place"). Nappeag is another form of the same word. See Napock. 248. NIPSCOP: a tract of land in the western part of Islip town, partly in Babylon, now the farm of Austin Corbin, Esq. "John Reeve, Sheriff of Suffolk Co., will sell at Public Auction, all the right and title of John Whitman, of and to, a certain farm situated in part of the town of Huntington known by the name of Conkling's Farm or Nipscop" (Suffolk Gazette, Sag Harbor, April 22, 1809). Inquiry fails to reveal anything in regard to this place, except that this has been the traditional name of the locality beyond the memory of any living person. 249. NISINCKQUEGHACKY : a locality mentioned in De Kay's Indian Names, as being a village of the Matinnecocks at Smithtown. We find it referred to in 1645 as " Nisinckqueghacky at which the Mattinekonck now reside." It is a Dutch notation for Nissequogue or Nashoqu-auke. See Mochgonnekonck, Nissequogue. 250. NISSEQUOGUE : a river and hamlet in the town of Smithtown. Formerly applied to a tribe On Long Island 161 of Indians and to the land on which they lived at the eastward of the river. Dutch Records of 1645: " Nisinckqueghacky being a place where the Matinnecocks now reside," showing that the Nesa- quogues were a branch of that tribe who had left their early home. The Indian deed of 1650: "Articles of Agreement between Nasseconseke, Sachem of Nesequake beginning at a River called and known by the name of Nesaquake River," etc. Again in 1664: "When Nassecon- set sould on the east side of the river unto Jonas Wood and others did resirve half the sayd neck called and known by the name of Nesequage Neck, to himself and Indians to live and to plant upon" (S. H. R., vol. i.). The late Hon. J. Law- rence Smith in his notes on Smithtown (Mun- sell's S. C.) has: "The tribe and river derived their name from Nesaquake, an Indian Sagamore, the father of Nasseconset." This derivation of the name is certainly wrong, for it is a place-name not a personal one, although if he was so-called, he may have taken it from the place where he lived, as was frequently the case. I have been unable to find any Indian of that name. The variations are: Nesequagg, 1655; Neesaquock, 1665; Nesaquake, 1666; Nasaquack, 1666; Neesoquauk, 1663; Nesquauk, 1665; Nesoquack, 1671; Nassa- quake, 1675; modernly Nissequogue. The main theme of the name seems to be a derivative corre- sponding to the Massachusetts pissaqua, "mire," 162 Indian Place-Names "clay," "mud," etc. ; Delaware, assisquo, "clay," "mud," etc. The terminal -hacky, -ack, -ake, de- notes "land" or "country." When the word was spoken by the Indians there was evidently a nasal sound preceding the vowel, or an exchange of p for n, hence we have the name N 1 issaqu-ack = nissa- quack, "the clay or mud country, " in the English notation, or ri isinckqueghacky in the Dutch nota- tion, which may have referred to its clay deposits, frequented by the Indians for obtaining a desirable quality of clay for making their pottery vessels, or to the meadows hereabouts. 251. NOBBS: the creek now known as "Goose Creek" near Flanders, Southampton town, flow- ing into the Great Peconic Bay. So-called in the testimony of Paucamp taken down in 1660, who mentioned five creeks: "the second Nobbs." Nobbs is possibly an abbreviation of a longer name; and perhaps the same as the Micmac p'nopsques, "white-fish," "bony-fish," also called by the Narragansetts munnawhatteadg, "fer- tilizers," because used by both the Indians and whites for manuring their land. They are still so used in this section when obtainable. See Messemennuck. 252. NOCCOMACK: meadows and land on the west side of Mastic Neck, Brookhaven town. The release by Wm. Smith, June I, 1734, has: On Long Island 163 "Confirmed to the inhabitants the meadows on the west side of Mastic called Nacomak " (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 133). Variations are : Nacommock, 1734; Necommack, 1753; Noccomack, 1880. In Wm. Smith's quit-claim, 1753, it is referred to as "meadow, marsh, or morish ground between the said river and upland" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 170). Noccomack = Na-komuk signifies "midway place" or "place between," i. e., the upland and bay as referred to in the above record. The components of the word are na ( = Massachusetts noe) "in the middle"; -komttk, "place." 2 53- NOMINICK : hills on Montauk, East Hamp- ton town. These hills rise out of the sandy waste of Neapeague, forming the bold, rugged outline of the western extremity of Montauk. Cheerless Neapeague! now bounds the heart to gain The hills that spring beyond thy weary plain. Legends of Montauk (1849). Variations are: Nummonok, Naumnnack, Nom- monock, Nominick, Nomnick. The name is tradi- tional and does not appear in the early records of the town. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888, 1 gave it as meaning "high dry land" and in the issue for 1889 as "land or place lifted high," deriving it from a word corresponding to the Delaware aspenumen, Massachusetts, uspunnu- mun, "elevated," "lifted high." I am now 164 Indian Place-Names satisfied as to the error of this, and that the name is the equivalent of the Massachusetts nunnum, "to see" (naumunat, "to be seen"), Delaware, nemeneep, ' ' I have seen. ' ' Thus we have naumun- auke, "land to be seen (afar off)." 254. NONOWANTUCK: said to be the Indian name of Mount Sinai, Brookhaven town. It be- longed originally to a creek and not to the land. I have been unable to find any early forms, the name as far as I can learn is traditional. The locality at a very early date was known as the "Old Man's" from an old Indian resident. An old decrepit Indian was designated as an "old Homes 1 ' (see Smithtown Certificate, 1663; Mun- sell's S. C.; Massetewse's Deed, 1664; B. H. R., vol. i., p. 12). The first part nonowan is the same as the Narragansett (R. Williams) nunnowa, "harvest time," literally "it is dry." With the affix -tuck, "a creek," we have nunnowa-tuck, "a creek that dries up," "a dry creek." Into the west side of the harbor a small stream once found its way from the plains of the interior. This was called the "Crystal Brook," and the valley left by it is still known by that name (Bayles's Notes on Mount Sinai; Munsell's Hist. S. C.). 255. NOSH: a lot of land at Southampton, L. I. Under a record of 1693, we find: "a lot On Long Island 165 in the ox pasture going under the name of a nosh lot by reason of the woody ness of it" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 129). The word may not be Indian, but is probably a variant of bosk, "a thicket" or "small forest (bosky, woody, or bushy) covered with boscage or thicket." The origin would thus be from the Dutch bosch, "a thicket," "bush." 256. NOWEDONAH: name of the Shinnecock Sachem in 1648. Now bestowed upon the "Mill Pond" at Water Mill, Southampton town. This will perpetuate the name of one who probably paddled in its waters and fished in the depths of Lake Nowedonah. He is said to have been the youngest of the four brothers who were the Sa- chems of the four eastern Long Island tribes ; and he was the same Sachem previously known as Wittaneymen. Some histories give the name as Nowedindh. The name Nowedonah corresponds to the Delaware natonawoh, "I seek him," (n'dona, "seek"; nemauwi n'donamen, "I '11 go and seek it"). In fact the word signifies "the seeker." He probably received this name in 1645, when he went "to find" or "to seek out" the enemies of the Dutch. See Mochgonne- konck. 257. NOYACK: a hamlet in the township of Southampton, on Noyack Bay about four miles i66 Indian Place-Names from Sag Harbor. In 1668: "At a meeting of the nebours of the North Sea have granted to Mr. John Jennings that he shall (have) liberty to fence in a peice of the North side of Noyack river," etc. (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 241). In 1686: "that Mr. Obadiah Rogers shall have the stream at Noyak to set a fulling mill upon" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 206). Variants are Noyack, 1686; Noiack, 1712. Modernly the word is spelt Noyac or Noyack. The name signifies "a point or corner of land." Noyack corresponds to the Massachusetts Naiag, "point" or "corner." Trumbull (Notes to the Narr. Club ed. of R. Williams's Key) remarks: "I may be permitted to suggest that nai, 'having cor- ners,' and naiag or naiyag (as Eliot writes the word), 'a corner' or 'angle,' gave the name to many points of land on the sea-coast and rivers of New England, e. g., Nayatt Point in Barrington, Mass., Nayack in Southampton, L. I.," etc. Noyack no doubt takes its name from the long point or neck of land now known as Jessup's Neck, at one time called " Farrington's Point." 258. OCCAPOGUE: "The name of a stream on Long Island, N. Y. " (Boyd's Indian Local Names). I cannot find any other authority for this name. It is possibly one of the many variations of Aque- bogue, Riverhead town. See Aqiiebogue. 259. OCCOMBAMACK: see Acombamack. On Long Island 167 260. OKENOK: see Oquenock. 261. OMKALOG: a locality in the town of Southampton. Mentioned in the "Case" of the Trustees of the Freeholders and Commonalty of the town of Southampton against the Mecox Bay Oyster Company, 1888, p. 431, viz.: "Sept. 2, 1 760, Ordered by said Trustees that Josiah Good- ale for 8 shillings which he promises to pay to the trustees of this town shall and may have liberty to use and improve the land which he has already cleared at Omkalog for the term of this year, but he, the said Goodale, is to clear no more" (Re- cords of the Proprietors, p. 119). W. J. Post, Esq., Town Clerk, informs me by letter that in the original record it is Aukabog, Omkalog being an error in transcribing. The land that Goodale cleared was at Flanders in the immediate vicinity of what is called "Goose Creek." See Aquebogue. 262. ONCHECHAUG: see Unkechaug. 263. ONUCK: see Wonunke. 264. OOSUNK: a locality on Yaphank Creek, south of the village of Yaphank, in the town of Brookhaven. In 1808 the name appears as Oosence. See Asawsunce. 265. OPCATKONTYCKE : a brook at Northport, Huntington town. Mentioned in the Indian 168 Indian Place-Names deed of the first purchase, 1653, viz.: "certain quantitie of land, lying and being upon Long Island, bounded upon the west side with a river commonly called by the Indians Nachaquetack, on the north side with the sea and going eastward to a river called Opcatkontycke" (H. R., vol. i., pp. i, 2). Another copy: "to a river called Oxeatcontyck" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 252, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). A note by Hon. C. R. Street says, "This is the stream at the head of Northport Harbor. ' ' The ter- minal affix of this name, -tycke is an error for the inseparable generic -tuk, or -tuck, denoting "water in motion," "a creek," or "tidal river"; the other component oxeatcon= Massachusetts tskeon (Eliot), "a ford"; Narragansett, toyuskat, "at the ford," or " wading-place " (tocekefuck, "let us wade"). Oxeatcontuck thus signifies "the wading-place creek." The Indian path or trail, no doubt, crossed the creek. 266. OPERHOWESECK : a brook in Huntington town. At a town meeting, June 6, 1687: "It was voted that Judge Pallmer shall be taken as a trustee in our patent, only in reference to ye soill right of that land betwixt Operhoweseck and fresh pond westward of ye bounds before men- tioned namely Opechowseck which is a small brook running into ye mill brooke" ( H. R., vol. i., p. 499). Probably this word is for Chop- On Long Island 169 pachau-suck, "the place of separation brook." See Choppauhshapaugausuck. 267. OPPEAX: creek on Rockaway Neck, Queen's Co. On March 20, 1684, "John Hansen petitions for a patent for a tract of land lying at a creek called Oppeax" (Cal. of Land Papers, p. 27, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). See Hapax. 268. OQUENOCK: a neck of land in the western part of Islip town. "Oquenock Neck corrupted to Oak Neck is said to have been the burial place of the Indians, and this is believed to be the mean- ing of the word. Oquenock Brook bounds it on the east and separates it from Saghtekoos or Apple- tree Neck" (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Islip). This tradition is certainly wrong, for it is not an Indian name, the early form being simply "Oak Neck," which, by some strange metamorphosis, has been corrupted into the seemingly aboriginal one of Oquenock or Okenok as it appears on some maps. This is proven by the following: Gov. Fletcher's license to Stephen Van Courtlandt to purchase land of the natives in 1692 says: "a neck of land called by the Indian name of Saghtekoos and by the Christians Appletree Neck, being bound on the west side by Oake Neck Brook to an Indian foot path" (Munsell's Hist. S. C.}. Fletcher's patent to Thos. and Richard Willets, Oct. 10 170 Indian Place-Names 1695, says: "two certain necks of land and meadow beginning at a certain pepperidge tree standing on the bank of Oak Neck creek" (Mun- t. S. C.). 269. ORAWAC, Orowoc: a brook at Islip, sometimes called the "Paper Mill Brook." First recorded in 1692, when Gov. Ingoldsby granted a patent to Andrew Gibb: "For a certain tract of vacant land on Long Island commonly called Wingatt happah Neck bounded on the west by Orawack River" (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Islip). Variations are: Orawacke, 1697; Oraivack, 1701; Osawack, 1708. Modernly Omwac, Orowoc, Ora- woc, and on some maps, Oriwic. This part of Islip town was the last settled. The land covered by timber intersected and dotted by numerous streams and swamps, it naturally remained un- occupied for a long period after the settlement of other towns on Long Island. From the great scarcity of aboriginal relics and evidences of village sites, it must have been also destitute of Indian habitations, for history informs us that the two principal villages of the Indians were located at Secatogue Neck on the west, and at Unkechaug Neck in Brookhaven town on the east, thus leaving the greater part of the present town of Islip a wilderness, and as such it remains to-day. The brook takes its name from the land in the vicinity, being as stated in Gibbs's patent, On Long Island 171 "vacant land." Orawack is the parallel of the Massachusetts (Eliot) touwa-auke, "old vacant, abandoned land," "wild land"; Delaware tau- watawik, "an uninhabited tract " (tauwatawique, "in the wilderness"); Micmac (Rand) taipkwaak, "wilderness." Eliot uses touohkomuk or touwa- komuk for a "wild-place," "a wilderness," "a desert," "a forsaken place," "wood country," "forest." Orapakes, Orapaks, or Orohpikes in Virginia is of the same derivation: Touoh-pe- auke, "a wild water-place," "wilderness water- place," probably a swamp. It is frequently mentioned by Capt. John Smith, who says: "About 25 miles lower on the North side of this river [Pamunkee] is Werawocomoco where their king [Powhatan] inhabited when Captain Smith was delivered him prisoner; . . . but now he hath abandoned that, and liveth at Orapakes by Yonghtanund in the wilderness." Again: ; 'But he took so little pleasure in our neare neighbor- hood, that were able to visit him against his will in 6 or 7 hours, that he retired himself to a place in the deserts at the top of the river Chickahamania betweene Youghtanund and Powhatan. His habi- tation there is called Orapakes where he ordinarily now resideth. " And again: "he retired him- selfe to Orapakes in the desert betwixt Chicka- hamania and Youghtanund" (Smith's Works, Arber's ed., pp. 51, 80, 375). This locality is an interesting one from the fact of its being the 172 Indian Place-Names scene of the battles of the Wilderness during the late rebellion. Grant, in his Memoirs (vol. ii., p. 258) says: "The country we were now in was a difficult one to move troops over. The streams were numerous, deep, and sluggish, sometimes spreading out into swamps, grown up with impenetrable growths of trees and underbrush, the banks were generally low and marshy making the streams difficult to approach except where there were roads and bridges." 270. ORIOCK: on Jan. 22, 1703, Lancaster Symes, et al., petition for a license to purchase a tract of land in the county of Suffolk, at the mouth of a river called Oriock (Cal. of Land Papers in Office of Sec'y of State, p. 64). See Orawac. 271 . OSHAMAMUCKS : Fresh Pond on the bound- ary between Huntington and Smithtown. Re- corded in 1694: "land on ye west side of ye fresh pond, commonly known by ye name of Oshama- mucks" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 160). See Unshema- muck. 272. OUHEYWICHKINGH : an Indian village on Long Island, taken under the protection of four principal tribes as stated in a treaty of 1645. "Ouweehacky, locality unknown on L. I. Sound," according to De Kay. Allowing for the variations On Long; Island 173 which the other Indian names in this treaty pre- sent, and the sound of the word in being spoken, this village must have been the one located on Mastic Neck, Brookhaven, and known to the English as Unkechaug. The termination in Dutch notation, -wichkingh corresponds to the Delaware wick-ink, "place of the houses," "a village." We thus have Unke-wik-ink, "village on the other side (of a hill)," and Ouwee-hacky, "country beyond," both forms being variations of the idea in Unkechaug, "land beyond the hill." See Mochgonnekonck, Unkechaug. 273. OWENAMCHOCK: "The eastward bounds of Tobacus' land sold to Setauk" (Memorandum on file, B. H. R., vol. i., p. 33, 1668-9). Possibly a variation of Occombamack or Accombamack, as this was the eastward bounds of the land sold by Tobacus to Gov. Winthrop in 1666 (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 23). The name Owenamchock = 0ngk- nameech-auke, "beyond the fishing place." The components of the word would be ongk-, "be- yond"; nameech, " fish " ; = aw&e, "place." 274. PAGGANCK: Governor's Island, N. Y. Harbor. The Indian deed of June 16, 1637, says: " Cacapeteyno and Pewihas as owners acknowledge, that they have transferred, cede and convey to and for the behoof of Wouter Van Twiller, Director General of New Netherland, 174 Indian Place-Names the nut Island, in the Indian tongue called Pag- ganck, situate opposite the Island of the Mana- hates (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 14). Also "Nutten Island," and by the Indians " Pag- ganch" (French's Gazetteer of N. Y., 1860). Governor's Island bore the name of "Nut Island" during the Holland supremacy (nut is in Dutch nutten) but whether, as it is suspected, this was a translation of the Indian Pecanuc, or "nut trees," is not certain. My search seems to make it so, for Pagganck is no doubt the parallel of the Delaware pachgammak, "black walnut" (pachganunschi, "white walnut trees"); Chippewa (Baraga) paganak, "nut," "walnut," "hazel nut. ' ' The common hickory -nut was called paean, a general name for all hard-shell nuts, meaning "that which is cracked with an instrument" by a stone, or hammer. Strachey's Virginian vocabulary has paukauns for "walnuts." At the west and north this name (as, e. g., pacanes and modern pekan and pekan-rmi) has been ap- propriated to a single species, the fruit of the Carya oliv&formis (Trumbull's Words derived from N. A. Indian Languages). 275. PAHEHETOCK: a locality on the eastern end of Long Island. Probably the Dutch nota- tion for Peconic or Pehikkomuk, the small pali- sadoed village of the Indians at Ucquebauge. Mentioned in a declaration concerning trade with On Long Island 175 the Indians on Long Island, when two Dutchmen testify before the Secretary of New Netherland: "That it is true and truthful that they have been in the months of October, November, etc. A- 1647, with Govert Loockmans and his bark along the north coast from New Netherland to Pahehe- tock, Crommegou and New Haven, during which voyage they neither saw, nor heard, nor ever knew that Govert Loockmans himself, or any of his crew had directly or indirectly traded or bartered with or to the Indians, there or elsewhere any powder, lead or guns, except that he, Loock- mans made a present of about a pound of powder to the Chief Rochbon in the Crommegou and pur- chased two geese in the Crommegou and half a deer at Pahetoc with powder; without having given to, or exchanged with the Indians anything else to our knowledge (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 94). Crommegouw was the name given to Gardiner's Bay by the Dutch and signifies "crooked coast or district." See Peconic. 276. PAHQUAHKOSSIT : Wading River, River- head town. So recorded in 1687 (S. R., vol. i., p. 344). See Pauquacumsuck. 277. PAMUNKE: see Paumanack. 277 a. PANOTHTICUTT : see Penataguit. 176 Indian Place-Names 278. PANTIGO: a locality between East Hamp- ton village and Amagansett. Recorded as early as 1669, when William Edwards gives his daughter Sarah: "that Lott that Lyeth at pantego." Again in 1680: "upland lying at the place com- monly called pantigo" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 320; vol. ii., p. 89). The early settlers frequently gave names to localities from some local happen- ing. Among such names we find ' ' Hard Scrabble, ' ' "Toilsome," "Scuttle Hole," " Whippoorwill," etc. Pantigo, supposed to be aboriginal, evidently belongs to the same class, and is probably the English "pant-I-go." In this derivation Hon. Henry P. Hedges, the East Hampton historian, concurs. 279. PAPEQUATUNCK : "locality on the south- east bounds of Oyster Bay town (De Kay). But according to the following it is on the west side. Found in the first Indian deed of 1653, viz. : "All the land lying and situate upon Oyster Bay, and bounded by Oyster Bay River to the east side, and Papequtunck on the west side" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 485). This was a tract of land cleared by the Indians for their planting ground. Papequatun, or papequtun corresponds to the Massachusetts pohquetaham (Eliot), "bro- ken"; the terminal is -auke, "land. " Trumbull writes the word Pauquettahim-auke, "land opened," or "broken up," i. e., after it had been On Long Island 177 once planted or dug over. Cuttyhunk in Massa- chusetts is a corruption from the same and we find also the Pequot Paucaturinuc (Stiles), 1761. 280. PAQUATUCK: creek on the line between East and Centre Moriches, Brookhaven town, now known as Terrell's River. Fletcher's Pa- tent, 1697, gives: "On the west by a river on the west side of Mariches Neck, called Paquatuck." Variations are Pacotuck, 1697; Poquatuck, 1703. Modernly Pautuck. The name Paquatuck=pau- qua-tuck, "a clear (or open) creek," from paqua, "open," "clear"; -tuck, "tidal river," "creek." 281. PAQUINAPAGOGUE : mentioned in De Kay's Indian Names of L. /., as being a tract of land in Smithtown with the query "where?" De Kay probably obtained it from Thompson (vol. i., p. 456), who, supposing the Richard Smith of Rhode Island to be the same Richard Smith of Smithtown, erroneously quotes a Rhode Island Indian deed. Parsons (Indian Names of R. /.) quotes it as Poppaquinnapaug, now Fen- ner's Pond, near Pawtuxet. The name is probably Paqwa-quinna-paug, "the shallow long pond"; from pagwa ( = Massachusetts pongqui], ' ' shallow ' ' ; quinna ( = Massachusetts qunni) , "long"; -paug, "pond." 282. PASCU-UCKS: a creek in the town of Babylon. Indian deed of 1689 from island in the 12 178 Indian Place-Names Great South Bay: "bounded on the east by a certaine creek which is called by us Pascu-ucks, all the meadow lying westward of Pascu-ucks of the said Island Screcunkas" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 48). This name probably pachau-auke, " turning place," or "where they divide" (the "dividing-place" of the said Island), from pachau ( = Massachusetts poksheau), "it divides itself"; -auke, "land," "place." See Patchogue. 283. PASSASQUEUNG : a creek in South Oyster Bay, Queen's Co. It is probably the same river or creek called Arrasquaug, and mentioned as being the western boundary of the town in Andros Patent of 1677, and now called "Minell's Creek." In a remonstrance by the inhabitants of Oyster Bay to the people of Huntington in 1663, we find: ' Then we do by this request you to forbear mow- ing our meadow which being at the river Passas- queung" (Munsell's Hist. Queen's Co.}. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1890, I gave the signification as "land that rises or stands up," the chief component corresponding to the Dela- ware paclisucquin; Narragansett pasuckquish, "to rise." On inquiry, I find that the land in this section is mostly level and that this could not be a descriptive term for that locality, the same being mostly meadow land. It is no doubt the equivalent of the Massachusetts (Eliot) pis- seaquane, "mire"; pissaquanit, "in the mire" On Long Island 179 (Job viii., ii ; Ps. xl., 2), with the suffix -ung or -aug, "land." We have, therefore, Passasquauke, "miry land." See Arrasquaug and Assasqiiage. 284. PASSQUESSIT: "the east end of Fisher's Island, Southold town" (President Stiles's Itiner- ary, 1761; Trumbull's Indian Names in Conn.}. Trumbull gives no signification. The east end of the Island is quite high with hills and bluffs, so I would suggest that it is the equivalent of the Narragansett pasuckquish (R. Williams) , Delaware pachsucquin, "to rise," "to stand up," with the diminutive locative suffix, es-et; Passuqu-es-et, "at the place where it rises or stands up." 285. PATCHOGUE: a village in the western part of Brookhaven town. Pochoug Neck containing some three hundred acres was number three, in the seven necks of land disposed of in Avery's lottery in 1758. The name by some of the Long Island historians is said to have been derived from a so-called Pochaug tribe of Indians. That an individual Indian has a similar cognomen and lived in Brookhaven town is proven by a deed of 1703, where Paushag signs as one of the grantors. The popular meaning, among the residents of the village is, "a place of many streams," but the etymology of the word will not allow this inter- pretation. Variations are Pochoug, 1758; Pochog, J 7595 Patchague, 1825. Similar names of places i8o Indian Place-Names occur in New England viz.: Pachaug River in Voluntown and Griswold, Conn. ; Pachaug Neck on Taunton River, Mass. Westbrook, Conn., was called Pochaug (on some maps Patchogue). Trumbull gives: Pachaug pdchau-auke, denoting a "turning-place", whence perhaps the river's name; and says: "Patchogue in Brookhaven, L. I., is probably the same name." But Pochaug in Westbrook, he derives from pohshdog (Eliot), "where they divide in two," from the fact that two rivers came together there and were regarded by the Indians as one divided river (Indian Names in Connecticut}. 286. PATCHUMMUCK: a locality mentioned as one of the bounds of Hashamomuk Neck, at the head of Tom's Creek, Southold, 1660, viz.: "and so to the North sea at the head of the said creeke called in Indian Patchummuck, so along to the North east to a place called Minnapaugs" (S. R., vol. i., p. 208). The name appears as Pashimamsk in Salmon's Certificate of 1645, recorded in 1750 (S. R., vol. ii., p. 276). The word Patchummuck = Pdchau-omuk, "turning aside place," "place where it turns aside," because at this point (the head of Tom's Creek) the bounds "turn aside" to the northeast. See Patchogue. 287. PATTERSQUASH : a small island opposite a creek of the same name at Mastic Neck, Brook- On Long Island 181 haven town. It appears first in 1670, viz.: "a tract of land running from the head- of Pater- squas which is to be understood, all the land and meadows comonly called pattersquas" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 27). Variants are Patterquash, 1790; Patterquos, Paterquas, Pattersquash (various maps) . This is another instance where the early form seems more like a personal name ("comonly called Patter squa's land and meadow"). An Indian lived on Mastic at this period called Pater quam. His name is on Smith's deed to Indians in 1700. Trumbull says, of a similar name in Connecticut: "It might be from petuquis, 'round'; -as or -es, diminutive; petuqu-as 'a small round place,' 'hill,' 'wigwam,' or 'sweat house.' See Poosepatuck. 288. PAUCACKATUN : This form is found on a contemporaneous copy of the original Indian deed of 1648, made by Richard Terry, formerly in the library of the late John Carson Brevoort. See Paucuckatux. 289. PAUCHOGUE: a creek in the town of Islip. See Patchogue. 290. PAUCUCKATUX: a creek on the bounds of Hashamomuk Neck, Southold town, probably the one known as Tom's Creek. First mentioned in the Indian deed of May 6, 1648, viz.: " Mama- wetough Sachem of Curchage, conveys to Gov. 182 Indian Place-Names Eaton, Stephen Goodyear and another of New Haven, for six coates, a tract of land beginning at a creeke called and knowne by the name of Paucuckatux, bounded on the west by the land in the occupacon of William Solmon, extending itself eastward towards Plum Isle, the breadth thereof also, to the North and South sea, and also Plum Isle aforesaid" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., Office Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). An Indian deed of 1660 has: "and from thence southward to a creek called Paucuckatux." Again in 1661: "to a certain creek the Indians call Paugetuck on the southside" (S. R., vol. i., pp. 208, 210). The name Paucuckatux is derived from paucucka ( = Massachusetts pohqueta), "divided"; -tuck, "a creek," "tidal river," "cove," "estuary." See Payaquotusk. 291. PAUGETUCK: see, Paucuckatux. 292. PAUMANACK, Pommanock: a name of Eastern Long Island, governed by the Sachems of Shelter Island and Montauk. The first mention of the name that I have been able to find is in the Indian deed for Gardiner's Island, May 3, 1639: ' Yovawan, Sachem of Pommanocc and Aswaw Sachem his wife," etc. (Lechford's Note Book, pp. 129, June 27, 1638 to July 29, 1641). The title "Sachem of Pommanock or Paumanack" was used only by the Sachem of Montauk. The four On Long Island 183 Sachems of the district covered by this title were brothers, consequently were united into one band for mutual protection and interest. In the various deeds given by the two Sachems the following variations occur: Pommanocc, 1639; Pamunke, 1648; Pammanach, 1656; Pawmanuck, 1658 ; Pam- manake, 1658; Paumanuck, 1659; Paumanacke, 1659; Pamanack, 1659; Pommanock, 1665. Some authorities have also Paumanacke and Pauman- hacky. The meaning suggested in the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1889: "land where there is travelling by water (cf. the Delaware pomma'- hum, "to travel by water," etc.) seemed to be right as applied to the cove-indented shores of this part of Long Island, but later investigation compelled me to reject it for the one given in the same Almanac for 1890, viz.: "land of tribute." Here pauman or pomman = Narragansett, pum- munun, "he offers" or "devotes"; pummen'um, "contributes" (from this comes pumpom, "a tribute of bear's skin"). Eliot has up-paupau- men-uk (Numbers, viii., 21), "he habitually or by custom offers it." Thus we have Pauman-auke, "land of tribute. " That this part of Long Island was under tribute at this period and previous both to the Pequots and to the whites, is abun- dantly proven by all the older writers, such as Gookin, Winthrop, and others. "At a meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies of N. E. at Hartford, Sept. 6, 1644, Youghcoe, the 184 Indian Place-Names Sachem of Manhansett on Long Island, presented himself to the court, desiring that, in regard he was tributary to the English and had hitherto observed the articles of agreement heretofore made (1637), he might receive from them a cer- tificate, etc., whereby his relation to the English should appear and he be preserved as much as might be from unjust grievances and vexations." Therefore they gave the following certificate: "and whereas the Indians in the eastern part of Long Island are become tributaries to the English and have engaged their lands to them ; and whereas Youghco, Wiantance, Moughmaitow, and Weenaka- min do profess themselves friends to the English and Dutch It is our desire that the said Saga- more and their companions may enjoy full peace" (Plymouth Col. Records, vol. ix., p. 18; Thompson, vol. i., p. 365). See the discussion of Paumanack in the Algonquian Series, vol. iv., pp. 21-38. 293. PAUQUACUMSUCK: a creek now called the 'Wading River" at the post office of the same name, Riverhead town. It is mentioned in all the early deeds relating to the tract of land called "Occabuck, " being its western boundary. The deed of 1648 being an exception. Variations areiPequaockeon, i66o;Quaconsuck, i66o;Pauqua- consut, 1665; Pauquaconsuck, 1666; Paquaconsit, i679;Pauquacumsok, 1686; Pauquacumsuck, 1685; Paquahkossit, 1687 (S. H., vol. i., 2). In the On Long Island 185 testimony of Paucamp, an old Indian, aged 80, taken down by Wm. Wells in 1660, with the aid of an interpreter, in the presence of many English and Indians, we find: " and further says that the bounds of Occabauk aforesaid go on a straight line from the head of ye River (Peconic) to the wading creek on ye North Beach (at the sound) which is called Pequaockeon because Pequaocks are found there" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 213, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). The components of Pauquacumsuck are: Pequaock = poquahoc (Unkechaug), poquauhock (Narragan- sett), p'quaughhaug (Pequot), pekatahat (Ab- naki), quohaug (Montauk), signifying either "thick shell" or "tightly closed shell" (Trumbull) ; the name of the round clam or quohaug (Venus mercenaria L.) found in great abundance on Long Island; keon represents the Massachusetts ts- keon (Eliot), "to wade"; -suck, "outlet." Po- quahoc-keon-suck thus signifies "the brook or outlet where we wade for clams," "a clam wading brook." The late Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan sug- gests that the English name is derived from wading after the clam, whilst the aboriginal means the locality of the fish; in short, clam river (Amer. Hist. Mag., 1858, vol. ii., No. 5, p. 149). 294 PAUTUCK: creek at Moriches, L. I. See Poquatuck. 186 Indian Place-Names 295. PAWCUCK: a neck of land in Westhamp- ton, L. I. See Apocuck. 296. PAYAQUOTUSK: a neck mentioned in the certificate to Wm. Salmon, as being northeast of his house on Hashamomuk Neck, Southold town, 1645, viz.: "to the neck north east of my house which neck is called Payaquotusk " (S. R., vol. ii., p. 276). The neck is now called "Pipe's Neck." It takes its name from the estuary on its southern extremity which divides into two branches. See Paucuckatux. 297. PEACEPUNCK: west branch of the Nise- quogue River, Smithtown. It is so named in a partition division among the heirs of Richard Smith, May 14, 1736, "then layd out a Certain tract of Land on the right of Deborah Lawrence Containing five hundred acres lying on the west side of Smithtown river att a place where the Mills now stands bounded as foloweth begining att the said river att a certain branch of the said river lying southward of the said Mills called the peace- punck branch, etc." (Copy from O. B. Ackerly, Esq.) See Pesapunck. 298. PECONIC: the river that separates the towns of Southampton and Riverhead, the Peconic Bay, and a village in Southold town now perpetu- ate the name. By a deed, dated June 12, 1639, On Long Island 187 (really June 12, 1649) James Farrett conveyed to Edward Ho well and associates, the first settlers at Southampton: "All those lands lying and being bounded between Peaconeck and the easter- most Point of Long Island, with the whole breadth from sea to sea" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. iii., pp. 21, 22). In the Indian deed to John Ogden, May 12, 1659, the bounds are given: "Northward to the waters of the bay and to the creek of Acco- baucke, westward to the place called Pehecon- nacke" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 156). Variations are: Pehaconnuck, 1667; Pehik-konuk, i66^;Pehic- koneck, 1667; Peaconnock, 1679; Peheconnuck, 1688; Pehoconneck, 1689; Peaconnet, 1690; mod- ernly, Peconic. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888, If gave the meaning as "water at point of land. " This was furnished me by Prof. E. NJHors- f ord of Cambridge, who derived it from^e-, ' 'water' ' ; -igan, "a point"; -ak, "land." I am satisfied that this is an error, ignoring the long and more ancient form of the name. Besides pe= "water, " is an inseparable generic used only at the end of compound words and inadmissible as a prefix, being equivalent as such to nippe or neape, as in Neapeage, Napock. It has been suggested that the name might be derived from pecanuc, "nut trees," or was one of the forms of poqiiannock, "cleared land." Pelletreau's paper on Long Island Indian Names derives it from the Nar- ragansett paqiianau auke, "a battle field," "a i88 Indian Place-Names slaughter-place." This, no doubt, is also incor- rect. Peconic or pehik-konuk was a locality limited in extent, a village of the Indians (Col. Hist., N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 600). Paucamp, an old Indian, said in 1667: "that the place had been an ancient seat of sachemship time out of mind" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 2). Another testified: "that there had been a small plantation of Indi- ans there, but they being few were driven off" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 260). The exact spot to which the name belonged is certainly difficult to locate. I have suggested it may have been "Indian Island" or the village site discovered at Aquebouge in 1879, but Ogden's bounds went westward of that place to Peheconnacke. How- ever, the Indian name is the parallel of the Massa- chusetts (Cotton) peuk-komuk, or peakomuk, "little house," from pedsik, "small," "little," and komuk or komik, "a place inclosed," "a field," "a house," etc. Cotton uses both forms peuk komuk and peakomuk, as does Ogden in his release to Southampton, 1667 (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 163). Eliot uses komuk for "field," "place," "house," "temple," etc. (also plural for "fields"). Therefore Peconic might be translated as a "small plantation" as stated in James's testimony in 1657. 299. PEHIK-KONUK: see Peconic. 300. PENATAQUIT: a former name of Bay On Long Island 189 Shore, Islip town, taken from the creek at that place. In the Indian deed for Aweeksa Neck to John Mowbray, May 30, 1701, the bounds were: "Northward from the heads of Cagaqunk and Penataquitt Rivers to the bounds between the North and South Indians." Thompson gives the name to the neck. The name appears also as Penettiquott, 1720; later Panothticutt. Our Penatuckgut is susceptible of two significations. It may be derived from pena (Narragansett penayi] , "crooked"; -tukq, "a tidal river," "a creek"; -ut, " at " ; = Pena-tiikq-ut, " at the crooked creek " ; or Pena-tugk-gut, "at the crooked tree." The early forms favor the latter and the "crooked tree" may have served as a bound-mark, as did the maple tree at the head of the other river. See Cagoqunk. 301. PEQUANET: A neck of land at Orient, L. I. Mentioned in a letter of John Tuthill dated 1.8. 1660 as the "Pequanet further neck." Probably a variant of Poquatuck (q. v.). 302. PEQUASH: a neck of land at Cutchogue, Southold town, now known as Goldsmith's Neck. One of the "first necks in Corchaug bounds." The name is found on record as early as 1658, viz.: "old bounds of Southold that is to saye, from Tom's creek east to Puckquashinecke west" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. no). Variations are 19 Indian Place-Names Puckguash, 1661; Pequash, 1662; Poquash, 1669. The word is sometimes abbreviated to "Quasha. " It signifies "open land," from a word correspond- ing to the Massachusetts pohguashinne (Eliot), which, as descriptive of a tract of land or field, means ' ' open level ground. ' ' According to Trum- bull, "the Indian planting lands were either paugue-auke, land naturally 'clear,' 'open,' or paiiq'uun-auke, 'land made clear,' 'a clearing'; after it had been once planted or dug over, it was called pauguettdhun-auke, 'land opened,' or 'broken up'. " 303. PESAPUNCK: a neck of landatCutchogue, Southold town. "This large neck of land, always considered one of the choice farms of the town, lies midway between Corchaug and Mattituck, having for its western boundary from the 'Manor Hill' for a distance of half a mile or more the main road; and the waters of Peconic Bay, and the creek between Fort Neck and Reeves' Neck forming its other boundaries. The neck is owned by John Wells, the yth in line of descent from Wm. Wells, the first settler at Southold" (J. W. C., Note, S. R., vol. i., p. 272). First recorded in 1654, viz.: "The meadow of Master John Booth commonly called the Pissapunke meadow"; again, 1658: "a peice of meadow at the Pissapunckhalf. of which is Mastr boothes" (S. R.). Variations are: Pessepunk, 1676; Pesa- On Long Island 19! punch, 1677; Pisapunke, 1679; Pieceapunck, 1686. It is the same as the Narragansett Pesuponck, "hot house," one probably being located in the neck opposite the palisadoed village of the Indians at "Fort Neck" mentioned above. The "hot house" is thus described by Roger Williams: ' This Hot-house is a kind of a little cell or cave six or eight foot over, round, made on the side of a hill (commonly by some Rivulet or Brooke); into this frequently the men enter after they have exceedingly heated it with store of wood, laid upon an heape of stones in the middle ; when they have taken out the fire, the stones still keepe a great heate; Ten, twelve, twenty more or less enter at once starke naked, leaving their Coats, small breeches (or aprons), at the doore, with one to keep all; here they sit round these hot stones an houre or more, taking tobaco, discoursing and sweating together, which sweating they use for two ends : First to dense their skin, secondly to purge their bodies, which doubtlesse is a great means of preserving them and recovering them from diseases when they come forth (which is a matter of admiration) I have seen them runne (summer and winter) into Brookes to coole them without the least hurt" (Key to the Language in America, 1643). 304. POCHOUG: neck in Brookhaven town. This name corresponds to the Massachusetts 192 Indian Place-Names Pohshdog (Eliot), "where they divide in two," "turn aside," "turning place," etc. See Pa- tchogue. 305. POMICHES: a creek at East Moriches, Brookhaven town. "In 1677, the Indian John Mahew sold a neck called Watchauge, bounded on the east by a small brook called Mattuck, and on the west by a creek called Pomiches, the head of which, once a marsh is now a valley which crosses the main village street, Munsell's Hist. S. C. (Brookhaven, p. 28). Some early deeds give Pameeches, or Pamachees Pond; Permichees Swamp, 1773. This word seems to denote "a crossing," or something that comes from "aside," "athwart a path" (cf. Massachusetts pum- meche, "crossing"; Delaware pemitschi, "from the side, " or "athwart"; pemitschecheu, "a cross- way"). The creek probably crossed the Indian path, or else it may be named from the fact that the path crossed the creek. The swamp was located at the head of the creek. 306. POMMANOCC : see Paumanack. 307. PONQUOGUE: a neck of land on Shinne- cock Bay, Southampton town. Ponquogue light- house is located on this neck. The locality is not referred to in the records of the town until 1738, when it appears as follows: "And then On Long Island 193 we proceeded to Rampasture in Poganquogue and laid out an highway from the head of the long cove, Running directly across Poganquogue Neck" (S. H. R., vol. iii., p. 100). Variants are: Pauganquogue, 1742; Pogenquake, 1743; Paugan- quog, 1750; Paugunquag, 1775; Pagonquag, 1825; modernly Ponquogue. De Kay has also Bondy- quogue. Dr. John G. Shea gave W. S. Pelletreau as its meaning "the pond at the place where the bay bends," holding that it was derived from an original Pauganquaquanantuck. There is noth- ing in the etymology of the word to warrant this meaning, nor does it appear to have been derived from quaquanantuck, a meadow some miles to the west. Paug = pe-auke, "water-place," "pond," is an inseparable generic and used only at the end of a compound word; consequently the prefix paug cannot here mean a "pond." I have suggested its derivation from pauqu'un-auke, "cleared land, " "land made clear" (Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1888, 1889, 1890). This I now believe to be the true derivation, the name being one of the many forms applied by the Indians to "land either clear or made clear." 308. POOSEPATUCK: a locality on the north- east part of Mastic Neck, where a small creek empties into Forge River. The neck is now the home of a small remnant of the tribe known as the Unkechaugs. On July 2, 1700, Wm. Smith 13 194 Indian Place-Names gave the following deed: "Bee it knowe to all men that the intent sayd Indien, there children and posterryte may not want suffisient land to plant on, forever, that I do hereby grant for mee, my heires and assigns forever that Wisquosuck Jose, Wionconow, Pataquam, Stephen Weramps, Penaws, Tapshana, Wepsha, Tucome and Jacob, Indian natives of Unquachock, etc. one hundred akers in Mastic Neck fifty acres at pospatou. ffifty acres at Constbles Neck, and ten acres at qualican" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 91). Variants are: Pusspa'tuck, 1794; Pusspa'tok, 1 794 ; Poospa- tuc, 1845; Poospatuck, 1888. In the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888, 1889, I gave the meaning as "little river falls," or where "a little river falls nto tide water." A better etymology would be "union of two rivers and a fall into tide water," or where "a cove or creek bursts forth, flows out." The prefix poosepa- or pus spa'- is the equivalent of the Narragansett paspisha, "he rises"; Massa- chusetts pashpishau (Eliot), "he arises," "bursts forth," "blooms (as a flower)," etc.; -tuk, "tidal river or creek. " Compare Paspahegh in Virgin- ia: "the mouth of this river [Chickahominy] falleth into the great river [the James] at Pas- pahegh, 8 miles above our fort" (John Smith's True Relation, 1608, p. n). Also Paspeshauks in Connecticut: "forte called Say brook als Pash- peshauks at the mouth of the River Kennecticut" (Gardiner's Island Deed, 1639); Pashpesh-auk, On Long Island 195 "land at the bursting forth," "uniting of the river with the sound." Similar names occur also in Rhode Island. 309. POQUATUCK: mentioned by the various histories of Long Island as being the Indian name of Orient Point, Southold town. It does not appear on the town records. It may have be- longed to the cove, now called Long Beach Bay, being an open, wide, body of water. The name is derived from poqua-, "clear," "open"; -tuck, " tidal river, " "cove," or "creek." See P aqua- tuck. 310. POQUOTT: Dyer's Neck, between Setauket and Port Jefferson, Brookhaven town. It is tra- ditional and is not found in the records, but is mentioned by Thompson and others. The name denotes "clear land," "open country"; pauqu'- auk-ut, "at the land naturally clear or open." Pequawket and Pigwacket, Fryeburg, Me., are forms of the same name. See Pequash. 311. PORIGIES: a small neck of land at Mastic, Brookhaven town, situated on the west side of Snake Neck at the Woodhull farm. So-called from the Indian who two hundred years ago made his home there, Porridge s Neck. We find in the Indian deed for Yamphank Neck, 1688, 196 Indian Place-Names "Wopehege allis porridg. "In the Indian deed of 1690 for roads that crossed this neck, to Richard Woodhull, it appears as "Waphege" only (H. B. R., vol. i., pp. 70-75). Probably the Indian was so- called on account of his fondness for that old dish, samp- porridge. The word would thus be not of Indian origin linguistically. 312. POTINACK: a hole or deep depression on Montauk about a mile west of the "Hither Plain" U. S. Life-Saving Station, in close proximity to the cliffs, sometimes rilled with water. Bearing the same name are two other holes : (a) Potinack hole, short distance north of the above in the woods, a flaggy hole, (b) Potinack hole, a watering place at the junction of four farms at Amagansett. In the East Hampton Records (vol. iv., 1889) I translated this name as "where the land sinks," that is "gutting in," making it correspond to the Massachusetts ptoae, with the locative -ack, "land," and related to Potunk. I may be in error as regards this derivation, and it may simply be one of the many forms of Appuhqui- auke. See Appaqiwgue and Potunk 313. POTUNK: a neck of land and meadows at West Hampton. In the Indian deed to John Ogden, May 12, 1659, the bounds were: "North- ward to water of the bay and to the creek of Accaboucke, westward to the place called Pehecan- On Long Island 197 nache, and southerly to Potuncke's" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 162; E. H. R., vol. i., p. 156). Variations are: Potunck; meadow at Potunk, 1683; meadow at Potonke, 1686; Potunk, 1696. The name is related to the Chippewa petobeg, "a bog"; Abnaki poteba", "to sink in the mire." Trumbull gives Potonke, "a place where the foot sinks," "a boggy place." Podunk, the Indian name of a tract of meadow adjoining Quabaug Pond in Brookfield (Worcester Co.), Mass., seems to be the same word. The components are: pot-, "to sink," -unk, locative. 314. POXABOG: a farming district, and a pond at Bridgehampton. It is first found on record in the laying out of the South Division of South- ampton in 1712, viz.: "Runs into a litel slade for water ner paugasaboug Then we went east- ward of paugaseboug by East Hampton path" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 162). Variants are: Pougoso- boug, 1726; Pogaseboge, 1724; Poxabogue, 1763; modernly Poxabog. W. S. Pelletreau, Esq., in the Town Records, gives the meaning as a "bathing place." This is incorrect, as it does not describe the pond ; beside the suffix -bang is a frequenta- tive for the inseparable generic pe-auke, "water- place," "a pond." The first part is paugasa (Trumbull), "to open out," or "to widen," "spread out." Paugasa-baug, thus means "a pond that opens out," or "widens," which this 198 Indian Place-Names pond frequently does. In dry seasons, it contains a very little water, but in wet seasons I have seen it very full, flowing out through its outlet into Sagg Swamp and Pond, across the Easthampton road. 315. POYHAS: a swamp within Hashamomuk bounds, Southold town. Mentioned in the deed of 1660, as having been reserved at a previous sale, viz.: "they the said Indians reserving out of the said neck to themselves two swamps, one called Poyhas, the other Weakewanopp" (S. R., vol. i., p. 209). It was reserved for the use of Poyhas, an Indian who lived and planted there, and was one of the "five wigwams" referred to in the Jackson deed of 1640. 316. PUMCATAWE: a tract of land in Brook- haven town. Recorded in the Fletcher patent for the Manor of St. George, 1693, viz. : "also two small tracts of land and meadow, lying east of Mastic River called Pumcatawe and Hoggs Necke" (Thompson, vol. ii.). In the Graham survey, Sept. 19, 1693: Puncatane or Puncataue, Puenca- tame, Punecatone. The name is that of an Indian who formerly lived on the land. A Montauk Indian had a name very similar, viz.: Pokkatone, varied as Poquatone. 317. PUNG-PLUES : a small creek in Brookhaven town, at Moriches. Mentioned in the Indian On Long Island 199 deed of 1681, for a neck of land and meadow, with a little island at the south end, viz.: "being the second smal neck from Setuck, bounded on the est by Watchauge, on the south by the bay, on the west by a small creek, pung-plues; on the north a miele up in the woods" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 51). It was probably called Pung-plue's neck, from the Indian who lived there. 318. PUNK'S HOLE: a name formerly applied to the village now known as Manor, Riverhead town, or to a locality near that hamlet. Punk was a name given by the Indians to a fungous growth found on old oak trees and stumps, and used by them for fuel (cf. Delaware punk, "ashes," "dust," "tinder," "gunpowder," etc.). The traditional origin of Punk's Hole is that an early settler became lost in the woods, and was able to locate himself only by these growths on some old trees in a hollow. On being asked where he had been, he replied, "At Punks Hole." See the account of punk in the "Handbook of Ameri- can Indians North of Mexico (vol. ii., 1910, p. 238). 319. QUACONSUCK: an abbreviated form of Pauquacumsuck (q. v.). "In 1660, Capt. John Scott conveyed to Thomas Hutchinson (late of Lynn, Mass.), a tract of land, lying from South- ampton westward 30 miles, at a wading river 2OO Indian Place-Names called by the Indians Quaconsuck" (Thompson, vol. ii., p. 320). 320. QUADAMS: hill in the Indian field, near the Oyster Pond, Montauk. From the mark of the possessive case, it was probably so-called from some Indian who resided in the "Field. " 321. QUAGGA: Indian trail or path in the western part of Southampton town at Atlantic- ville. Mentioned in 1656: "4th neck begins at a marked tree a little below quogo path," and in 1738: "which fence is within a few pole of Quagga path" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 114; vol. iii.,p. 119). This trail or path crossed all the necks in this section. The whites called it quagga or quago path because it led to Quaqiianantuck Neck at the meadows. See Quaqiianantuck. 322. QUAGO : a ditch in the western part of Southampton town. Mentioned in a survey of meadow land, 1712, viz.: "and ye Island of sedg in the west end of Quago Ditch and ye medow upon ye beach from ye west end of Quago ditch" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 159). It is the ditch that connects Shinnecock Bay with the Great South Bay, through the Quaqiianantuck meadows, men- tioned previously in 1675, viz.: "so running thence round by the bay to the ditch ye towne digged" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 253). This is On Long Island 201 another abbreviation of Quaquanantuck. See Quagga, Quaquanantuck. 323. QUALICAN: a locality on Mastic Neck, Brookhaven town. Mentioned in Wm. Smith's deed to Indians at Pusspatok in 1700, viz.: "and ten akers at Qualican" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 91). This name is perhaps the equivalent of the Delaware q'sakican, "to measure" (q'sahi ' ' measure it ") ; Chippewa dibaigan, ' ' measure. ' ' So-called because it was land "measured" or "laid out" for the Indians' use. 324. QUAMUCK: a place on the Great South beach opposite Atlanticville, Southampton town. It was at one time an inlet from the ocean some- times known as the "old inlet," but now closed for many years. An old resident of Moriches, Alexander Ryder, aged 85 in 1889, gives the information, that "a large and extensive flat formed where the water rushed in and out; on this flat they formerly drew their nets for the small fish locally known as 'mummies,' used as bait for eel-pots, etc." This word is apparently an abbreviation of some such term as Enatigh- quamuck (q. v.). 325. QUANCH: an island in the Great South Bay opposite Bellport, Brookhaven town. The earliest record is in 1773, viz.: "Place ye west 2O2 Indian Place-Names end of a slip of meadow between Quanch and whale house poynt" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 192). 326. QUANDOEQUAREOUS : west branch of New- town Creek, Queen's Co. So-named in the deed of July 13, 1666: "from thence running upon the line westward by the south side of the hills, till it meet with the south line which is extended from the west branch of Mespat kills called Quandoe- qtiareous" (Riker's Annals of Newtown, p. 72). Variants are: Quandus Quaricus (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 135, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.), Quandus Quaricus (Furman's Antiq. of L. I., p. 181). 327. QUANTUCK: bay and creek at Quogue in western Southampton town. It is first re- ferred to in the laying of Quaqitantuck Neck in 1673, viz.: "Assops Neck from Quantuck bay on the west side to the little rivulet commonly called Cuttings creek" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 253). Gov. Andros, in 1676, gave John Cooper permis- sion to make fishing-weirs in two creeks or rivers ; "one being called Meacocks (the bay) and the other Quaquantuck" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 727). Variants are: Quantuck Creek, 1687; Quantuck, 1682, etc. Quantuck is probably an abbreviation of Quaquanantuck. If not, it might be translated "long tidal stream," from guan- On Long Island 203 (Massachusetts qunni), "long"; -tuck, "tidal stream," "creek." See Quaqiianantuck. 328. QUANUNTOWUNK: northern part of Fort Pond, Montauk, East Hampton town. The Montauk Indian deed of 1661 to the inhabitants of East Hampton gives the following: "All the peice or neck of land, belonging to Muntaukut land westward to a fresh pond in a beach, on this side westward to the place where the old Indian fort stood, on the other side eastward to the new fort that is yet standing, the name of the pond being Quanuntowunk on the north and Konhun- ganik on the south" (Hedges's Address, 1849, Appendix, p. 83). It appears also as Quaunonto- wounk (Ranger's Deeds of Montauk, 1850) and is varied as Quannontowock, Quannotowounk, Quanotawonk. Owing to a mistake made by the late David Gardiner in his Chronicles of East Hampton and quoted by nearly every historian since, this name has been applied to the "Fresh Pond" in the "Hither Woods," when it really belonged to "Fort Pond" ("Muntaukut land westward to a fresh pond in a beach"). This quotation means all the land on the western end of Montauk to a fresh pond as its eastern bound- ary. The deed was written and executed at West Hampton, the Indians being there under protec- tion of the English, in order to escape the Narra- gansetts, as set forth in the deed: "On this side 2O4 Indian Place-Names westward (East Hampton side) to where the old Indian fort stood" (on the west side of Nominick Hills at Neapeague). This takes in the whole of "Fresh Pond" and goes nearly a mile further west (see Sale of Montauk and Map, 1879): "On the other side eastward to where the new fort is yet standing" (on Fort Hill overlooking Fresh Pond). The "fresh pond in a beach" describes "Fort Pond," the other being in the woods and surrounded by hills. The name of the pond (only one being mentioned) is Quanun- towunk on the north and Konhunganick on the south. This proves that both names belong to Fort Pond. In the East Hampton Records (1889, vol. iv.) I suggested a meaning that seemed to be correct by etymology and with reference to the location to which it was applied, viz.: quanon, "long"; "towunk," a ford, " wading-place, " refer- ring to the outlet of the pond through which the Indians dragged their canoes. I had previously given an interpretatio i in the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1889, as "where there was a fence." This I now consider more correct than the other, for close study of the deed and of Eliot's Indian Bible has convinced me that it is the parallel of the Massachusetts (Eliot) quaneuntunk, " a division, " "turning-place," "a fence." This is used by Eliot sometimes with a prefix as in qussuk-quaneuntun- kanit (Jer. xxxix., 4, " a wall " ; literally "at the place of the stone division"). Quanuntowunk was the On Long; Island 205 "fence " that divided or separated the beach on the northern part of the pond, and is referred to in the deed, viz.: "know ye allso yt for ye securing of ye Easterne parte of Montaukut Land, which ye Indians are to live upon, yt the Inhabitants of ye aforesaid East Hampton shall from time to time, keep up a sufficient fence upon ye North side of ye foresaid pond, and the Indians are to secure ye South side of ye foresaid pond, from all cattle, During ye time their corn is upon the ground." Thus Quanuntowunk was the "fence" on the north; Konkhonganik the "fence" on the south. The original deed has the name Quaun- nontowounk. 329. QUAQUA. See QUOGUE. 33- QUAQUANANTUCK : a locality in the west- ern part of Southampton town. First found on record at a town meeting of 1651, when: "the inhabitants agree to give Richard Odell tenn pounds in good merchantable wampum for gratu- ity of resigning up his title of land at Quagan- antuck" ; again in 1652: "the said attempt to regain Shinnecock meddow shall bee by cutting a trench between Shinnecock water [the bay] and Quaguanantuck water" (S. H. R.,vol. i.,pp. 79, 88). Variations are on record : Quaquanantuck meddow, 1652; 'Thos. Halsey shall have the priviledge of the medow called Quaquantuck," 1659; Quaquanan- 2O6 Indian Place-Names tick, 1662; Quaquanant^lck, 1663; Quaqquanantuck, 1665; Quagquantick, 1665; Quagwanantuck, 1666; Quaquenantack, 1667; Quaquantuck, 1676. It was called in the early days of the town the "Qua- quanantuck purchase," and for short, at varied periods, was known as the Quaqua, Qua go, Quo go, Quagga, Quag, and lastly as the Quogue purchase (S. H. R., vol. i., ii., iii). Dr. John G. Shea, in a communication to Wm. S. Pelletreau, Esq., gave the meaning as the "place where the bay bends." This cannot be the meaning in the sense as given, although it might bend under fool . The name is derived from the Massachusetts (Eliot) equivalent of quequan, "to quake," "to tremble"; quequanne (Trumbull), "a shaking marsh"; -tuk or -tuck, the inseparable generic name for "river" or "stream," denoting water in motion (the verb tukk was nearly equivalent to the Latin fluctuatur, Trumbull). Thus Qua- quanne-tuck signifies "a cove or estuary where it quakes or trembles," being descriptive of the extensive meadows that border the waters now known as Quantuck Bay (Quequaneht-auke, "where the land shakes or trembles"). See Quantuck. 33 * QUARAPIN: a round swamp in Hunting- ton. The name refers to "where Quarapin, an Indian, formerly planted" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 37). 33 2 QUASHA. See Pequash. On Long Island 207 333- QUGGALUNE: a locality in the western part of Southampton town, mentioned in the laying out of the north division of the Quoquanan- tuck purchase in 1738, viz.: "and then a highway of four pole wide the east side of Assoops Neck then a high way of eight pole wide from thence to Quggalune, and then a highway gust at the going over of the creek or head of the Swamp" (S. H. R., vol. iii., p. 117). Derivation uncertain. 334- QUINTE : a creek in the town of Islip. 335- QUIOGUE: a neck of land between Aspa- tuck and Quantuck creeks in the western part of Southampton town, formerly known as :< Little Assop's Neck." This is another derivation from Quaquanantuck. Land and meadows at Quiogue are mentioned in 1753 (S. H. R., vol. iii., p. 162). See Quaquanantuck. 336. QUOCHAGUE: "June 19, 1787, Henry Wells deposeth and saith that the fence at a place called the Little Neck in Quochague stands where it did forty years ago" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 514). See Cutchogue. 337- QUOGUE: a village in the western part of Southampton town on Quantuck Bay. The tract of salt meadows and land in this section was known as the Quaquanantuck purchase, and for short, 208 Indian Place-Names was called by abbreviated forms of the longer name: Quago, 1738; Quoag, 1742; Quagga, 1742; Quag, 1742; Quogue, 1742, and afterwards. Both Geo. R. Howell, A.M., and Wm. Pelletreau, the two Southampton historians, derive in the same way. Furman (Antiq. of L. I.} and E. B. O'Callaghan (Hist. Mag. of Amer., vol. ii., p. 149) derive it from quohaug (Narragansett poquohaiig), "the round clam." Neither had access to the records of the town to show its early origin, which accounts for their error. See Quaquanantuck. 338. QUONETTQUOTT : a locality mentioned in the records of East Hampton town, May 19, 1690, viz.: "John and Margaret Robinson of Cornbury in the bounds of Flushing, Queen's Co., do appoint our friend Andrew Gibb of Quonett- quott in ye County of Suffolk, our atturney to col- lect sums of money due for rent of a dwelling house in the town of East Hampton" (vol. ii., p. 253). Andrew Gibb was a prominent man at that period and Quonettquott was probably the West Connecticut River known as Connetquot brook in Islip, although he owned land near both streams. Quonne-tukq-ut signifies "at the long river," from quonne, "long"; -tukq, "tidal river"; -ut, "at." See Connecticut. 339- QUORIAC: a locality in the town of Baby- lon. Mentioned in the will of Jonas Wood, 1688, On Long Island 209 who leaves his son Jonas "four acres of Meadow either at Quoriack or at Tantamuntatauket." Jonas Wood, Sr., having been one of the original purchasers of the meadow and afterwards of the upland on Guscomqiiorom. Of the latter I am inclined to regard Quoriac as an abbreviation. See Guscomquorom. 340. RAPAHAMUCK: a neck of land in the western part of Southampton town, near Flanders. Mentioned in the allotment of the Aquebaug meadows in 1686, as follows: "And goes on both sides the Birch Creek to a marked tree in Rapaha- muck neck, soe the lots increase downe the neck to Rapahamuck point, the Island by Rapaha- muck is number 33" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 117). Nath. Halsey's will, March 7, 1745 (Pelletreau's Abstracts) mentions "one lot of meadow at the bottom of Jumping neck called Rapahannock." Birch Creek mentioned above was called at an earlier date Suggamuck, "the bass fishing-place." Rapahamuck neck is at the mouth of this creek. The R, as given in the English notations was not sounded by the Indians according to Eliot, Hecke- welder, and others, and it does not appear in any of their works. Therefore I consider rapah to correspond to the Massachusetts and Narragan- sett appeh, "a snare, " "a trap. " The other com- ponent is the locative -amuck, "a fishing-place." Rapahamuck signifies, therefore, "a trap fishing- 14 210 Indian Place-Names place"; and this may have been a weir erected by the Indians, or a net placed across the mouth of Suggamuck in the manner mentioned by Wood, viz.: "when they use to tide it in and out to the Rivers and Creeks, the English at the top of an high water do croffe the creeks with long seanes or Baffe Nette, which stop in the fifh; and the water ebbing from them they are left on the dry ground, sometimes two or three thousand at a set" (N. E. Prospect, 1634, P- 3 8 )- 341. RASSAPEAGUE: "a peninsula, containing two or three fine farms, and terminating on the east, near the entrance to Stony Brook Harbor" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 459). On Nov. 10, 1658: "The Indians sell land lying betweene Seatalk Bounds and Nesaquak River and a swampe called Rasapeague on the west side" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 90, Office of the Sec'y of State Albany, N. Y.). In probably January, 1687, Andrew Gibb petitions for "a patent for two small islands of creeke thatch meadow in the Rassa- peague Bay, the first being the second island from the harbor mouth to the northwestward of Stony Brook, and the other next adjacent" (Cal. of Land Papers in the Office of the Sec'y of State, p. 44). Rassapeague, the swamp or meadow, signifies: "a muddy or miry water place or cove." The components of the word are rassa-, the equivalent of the Delaware assiska, "muddy" or On Long' Island 211 "miry"; -pe-auke, "a water-place," "a cove." Compare Rassaweak, mentioned by Capt. John Smith (Gen. Hist, of Virginia, 1624, Book iii., p. 86) ; "I am not now at Rassaweak half drowned with myre, where you took me prisoner." 342. RECHOUWHACKY: see Rockaway. 343. RECHTANK: Corlear's Hook, Manhattan Island, New York (De Kay); also Nechtank (De Kay). Schoolcraft says: "Corlear's Hook was called Naghtognk. The particle -tonk here denotes sand." The Dutch notation is Nechtauk, or Nechtank. See Naghtognk. 344. RECHTGA WANES : "A point on East River near Hell Gate" (De Kay). 345. RECKKEWICK. See Marechkawick. 346. RINNEGACKONCK : a tract of land at the Wallabout, City of Brooklyn, King's Co. It is first noted in the Indian deed dated June 16, 1637, "when Kakapetteyno, Pewichaas, owners of the district transferred to George Rapaljie a cer- tain peice of land, called Rinnegackonck, situate on Long Island reaching from a kil to the woods south and east to a certain copse where the water runs over the stones." Variations are: Rinnegachonk, 1638; Rinnegaconck, 1638; Renneg- 212 Indian Place-Names konc, 1641; Rinngackonck, 1651 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 3, et seq.). Rinnegackonck ( Winneg- ack-onck) signifies "on the pleasant land" (Massa- chusetts Wunnegenayeunk, Cotton, "a delightful place)." The components of the word are rinneg ( = winneg, corresponding to Massachusetts winne or wunne), "pleasant"; -ack (-auke], "land"; -onck, locative, "at." See Algonqidan Series, vol. ii., pp. 21-29 f r a further discussion of the word Rinnegackonck. 347. ROANOKE: a point of land on the north shore of the Island in Riverhead town. This is probably not a Long Island Indian name, but one adopted from the island and river Roanoke in North Carolina, of which Trumbull says: "The name of the island and the river Roanoke appears to have been taken from 'Roenoke' or 'Rawrenock' (as Captain John Smith wrote it), the common shell-money of the Indians corresponding to the white ('womponi 1 } 'peag' of the northern tribes. Beverly describes this sort of 'peag as 'made of the cockle-shells, broken into small bits, with rough edges drilled through in the same manner as beads. ' Its name was given to the island for the same reason, probably, that the Indians of New Netherland and part of New England called Long Island 'Sewan-hacky,' because it supplied the material for the manufacture of 'sewan' or 'bead- money' " (Hist. Mag., vol. i., 1870, p. 47). See On Long Island 213 discussion of Roanoke in the Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico (vol. ii., 1910, pp. 392, 393)- 348. ROCKAWAY: name now applied to several localities in the southern part of Hempstead town. It originally designated either the long neck of land now known as Rockaway Beach, or the principal place of residence of the Rockaway tribe on this neck. This name appears first on record in the Indian deed of 1639: ' ' Mechowodt the chief Sachem of Massapeague and its depend- ances, who conveys all his patrimonial lands on the southside of Long Island from Rechouw- hacky to Sicketauwhacky " (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xvi., p. 15). The first conveyance to the Eng- lish in 1643 mentions it thus: "Wee of Masepege, Merriack or Rockaway" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 530). De Vries, in 1643, writes: "At evening we arrived at Rechqua Akie, where we found the chief, who had one eye, with two or three hundred Indians and about thirty houses. They led us into his house and treated us as to what they had as oysters and fish which they catch there" (Col. N. Y. Hist. Soc., 2d series, vol. ii., pp. i, 117). Variations are : Reckonhacky, 1645 ; Rockeway, 1655 ; Rackeaway, 1662. "In 1685, Pamas, the Sagamore and others, sell Rockaway Neck extending from west bounds of Hempstead to Rockaway Inlet" (Thompson, vol. ii.,*p. 17). The 214 Indian Place-Names name Rockaway has been variously interpreted, among the significations suggested being such a romantic one as "our place of laughing waters. " The form of the word cited by De Vries, Rechqua Akie, may very well signify "sandy land or country," from rechqua ( = Delaware lekau; Chip- pewa nequa), "sand"; -akie, "place." Another etymology worth considering makes the name the equivalent of the Delaware Nechoha-hacky, "the lonely place" (nechoha, "alone"; -hacky, "place"). The name "sandy place" would fully describe the neck of land to which it belongs. 349. RONKONKOMA: a large lake in the central part of Long Island, on the bounds between the towns of Brookhaven, Islip, and Smithtown. Also applied to a post-office village in Islip town. The first record now to be found of this name is in the Indian deed of Smithtown, 1664, viz.: "Bounds which they had formerly made into Raconkumake a fresh pond aboute the midl of Long Island" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 9). Nicoll's Patent, 1665, has: "Bearing southward to a certaine ffresh Pond called Raconkamuck. " Varia- tions beside the above are: Raconckamich, 1675; Raconchony, 1697; Rockconcomuck, 1725; Roncon- camuck, 1735; Ronconhama, 1817; modernly Ron- konkoma and Ronkonkama. The meaning given by various histories of Long Island, viz.: "white sand pond" is incorrect. A very poetical signi- On Long Island 215 fication has been given by Prof. E. W. Horsford, of Cambridge, Mass., viz.: "ron 'noise of flight (as of a bird)'; konk 'wild goose'; -omack 'inclosed place,' or as a whole, 'the wild goose resting place' (in its migrations)." I accepted this at one time, and gave it in the Brooklyn Eagle Almanac for 1888. In the same Almanac for 1889, I interpreted it as "the weir fishing-place," con- sidering the name the same as that of a pond in Connecticut at the north west corner of Suffield (partly in Massachusetts) called Wonococomaug, now Congamuck. This, Dr. Trumbull suggests, is from Wonkunk-amaug, "a fishing place where there is a weir or fence" (cf. Massachusetts wonkonous, "fence," "fort," "stronghold"; Chippewa wakakina, "a fence"). The same radical appears in those terms designating a boundary place. Taking this as our guide, and considering the mention in the early records of "the bounds which we formerly made" together with the fact that the pond is always referred to as a boundary place in the years above given, we must look that way for its meaning. Therefore, Raconkum, Raconkam, or Ronkonkam may be a dialectic variation corresponding to the Massa- chusetts (Eliot) Kuhkonkan, "a bound." This with the locative -amuck, "a fishing-place" give us "the boundary fishing-place." If the first component is wonkonous, "a fence," it would still be "a boundary-place." See Algonquian 2i6 Indian Place-Names Series, vol. vii., pp. 44-48, where the etymology, "the fence or boundary fishing-place" is preferred. 350. RUGS : a neck of land and creek in South- ampton town at Noyack. Recorded in laying out a highway in 1738: "Highway to hog neck spring, another to Jonah Rogers farm, another to Rugs stream and we the said layers out did lay out Ruggs neck in four squadrons" (S. H. R., vol. iii., p. 94). Rugs stream is the brook now known as "Thompson's Trout Ponds" at Noyack. This was the name of an Indian residing there. Rugg has been perpetuated as an Indian personal name down to the present time. One known as "Old Rugg" lived on the west side of Fort Pond Bay, Montauk, in a little shanty, until his death a few years ago. 351. RUGUA: a swamp in the town of Babylon, near Copiag Neck. It is found in the Indian deed of the "Baiting Place" purchase, 1698, viz.: "So running eastward to ye head of Rugua Swamp" (H. R.). This is another instance where a swamp takes its name from the aboriginal dweller on its banks. That swamps were fre- quently chosen by the Indians for their dwelling places is proven frequently in the early records of the town; for instance, a deed of 1698 says: "a parcel of land within the bounds of Huntington by a swampe comonly called ye round swamp On Long Island 217 where Quarapin formerly planted" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 37). Nearly every swamp in the vicinity of Sag Harbor examined by the writer has a shell-heap on its northern slopes showing Indian sojourners in time past. 352. RUNGCATAMY: a tract of land in the town of Huntington. It is found on record in the Indian deed to Wm. Massey, April 28, 1692: "Certain Land on Long Island called by the Indians Rungcatamy a certain tract or parcell of land at Runscatamy aforsd at Round swamp so called and bounded on the north by the country road" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 107). This is probably the name of the Indian who erected his wigwam there, and possibly the same one whose name appears on the deed of 1 702 corrupted to Cungemy (H. R., vol. ii., p. 28). Quarapin another Indian planted at another part of the same swamp. See Rugua. 353. RUSCOCUNKS: a creek east of Mastic Neck, town of Brookhaven: so-named in a deed from William Smith to John Wood, dated Dec. 20, 1693. (Copy by O. B. Ackerly, Esq.) This name is of the same derivation as Areshunk of which it is a variation. See Areshunk. 354. RUSKATUX: neck of land at Seaford, Queen's Co., sometimes known as Seaman's 2i8 Indian Place-Names Neck. "More than 1500 acres lying east of the Indian purchase and the Gov. Kieft patent, in- cluded all the meadows and uplands of Ruskatux Neck" (MunselTs Hist. Queen's Co.}. Ruskatux corresponds to the Mohegan Muxguataug; Narra- gansett, Muskechoge, "rushes," "place of rushes"; or Mukkosqut, "meadow," from the same root. In Massachusetts a parallel would be Moskeht-auk, "grass land," from moskehtu (Eliot), "grass," "hay"; -auke, "land." 355. SABONACK: see Seponack and Seabamuck. 356. SACHAPONOCK: "large pond in town of Brookhaven" (De Kay's Indian Names). Prob- ably a mistake for "Sagg pond," at Sagaponack, Southampton town, no pond of that name being located in Brookhaven. See Sagaponack. 357. SACHEM'S HOLE: a locality formerly ex- isting near the fourth mile stone from Sag Harbor, now obliterated by the turnpike to East Hampton, where the bearers of the body of the Sachem of Shelter Island rested in 1651. See various histo- ries of Long Island. 358. SACHEM'S HOUSE: so designated in 1650, as the residence of the Sachem of Shinnecock. 359. SACHEM'S NECK: the estate of the late Dr. S. B. Nicoll, on Shelter Island, has been On Long Island 219 known from an early period as Sachem s Neck. It did not take its name from the local Sachem, as supposed by some, but from another of whom we have the following record: "Oct. 16, 1675, Am- busco late Sachem of South-hold hath liberty to remove w th his family to Shelter Island to abide there with Mr. Sylvester's permission but no others to be admitted to come on, or to follow him, w th out particular leave" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xii., p. 703). The word Sachem corresponds to Narragansett Sachimau; Delaware Sagkimau; Abnaki Sa"gma"; Chippewa Sakima, "he is chief." It is from the same root as the Massa- chusetts Sonkqhuau, "he prevails over, has the mastery of. " See Sagamore. 360. SACKHICKNEYAH : creek in the northern part of Newtown, Queen's Co., near Fish's Point. It rises in "Trains meadow" and empties into Flushing Bay. Is named in the deed of 1666: "certain creek called Sackhickneyah, where Wes- sel's mill stood" (Riker's Annals of Newtown, p. 17^2). This name seems to have an Iroquoian appearance, but for all that it is probably Algon- kian, corresponding to the Delaware, schajahik- aney, "the shore path," from schajahikan, "sea shore"; aney, "road," "path." 361. SACUT: a pond at Lakeville in North Hempstead, Queen's Co. Formerly known as 22O Indian Place-Names Success Pond. It was called by the Indians Sacut which by a simple deflection in sound might have been changed to Success (Thompson, vol. ii., p. 60). "The pond is about 500 rods in circum- ference surrounded on all sides by sloping banks which are covered by verdure to the water's edge and undulate with the adjacent country. It had formerly a natural outlet to the northwest through which its surplus waters were discharged, it now rarely overflows" (Prime's L. I., p. 28). The name Sacut signifies, "at the outlet," the components being sac ( = sank] "an outlet of a pond, " "a stream flowing out of a pond or lake"; and the locative affix -ut, "at," "near," "by," etc. Saco in Maine is another form of the word. The Long Island Sacut is the equivalent of the Delaware (Brinton and Anthony) sakuwit, "moutfc of a creek, mouth of a river" (A. F. c.). 362. SAGAMORE HILL: residence of ex-Presi- dent Roosevelt at Oyster Bay. Colonel Roosevelt writes me: "Sagamore Hill is, in a sense, my own bestowal, or, more properly, revival. There was an old Indian named, as tradition asserts, Mohannis, who lived in the cove here, and who was sometimes spoken of as 'Chief or 'Sagamore,' and among the traditions is that both the cove and this high promontory were called sometimes 'Mohannis Cove 1 and 'Mohannis Hill,' and some- times 'Sagamore Cove 1 and 'Sagamore Hill. 1 When On Long Island 221 I was young this was told me by an old Bay-man, Jake Valentine." The term Sagamore is seldom used by the Long Island Indians ; when it is used it generally proceeds from the mouth of a Montauk as follows: "Assawkin the Sagamore of Oyster Bay" (Smithtown Rec., p. 16, 1866). Saga- more has been corrupted from Abnaki sa"gma", "chief," or from the corresponding term seen in Passamaquoddy sogmo. See Sachem. 363. SAGAPONACK, Sagabonock: a tract of land in the eastern part of Southampton town. The locality was known for many years as " Sagg. " In 1889 the name of the post-office "Sagg" was changed to Sagaponack. The name was also bestowed upon the pond at the south adjoining the ocean. A place called "Sag Swamp" was known in 1712, and w T as the large one into which Poxaboug pond opens. Sag Harbor directly north derives its name from the same, having been known in its early days as the "Harbor of Sagg, " or "Sagg Harbor. " The locality is first referred to in an order and reward for killing wolves in 1651, viz.: " Hee the said Robert Merwin have notice thereof that he repaire unto the place where the sd beaste is slaine, whether at Meacocks or Sagaponack or elsewhere" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 82). Variations are: Sagaponack, 1652; "Division of land called Sagaponach," 1653; Sackaponock, 1661; Saggaponack, 1696; Sagabunnuck, 1713; 222 Indian Place-Names Sagabonock, 1735; Sagabonnac, 1750, etc. The name was interpreted as " Saggapenack, 'a place where big ground nuts grow,' by W. S. Pelle- treau in 1883. This derivation he obtained from Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, who says:- " Saga- bonock, in Bridgehampton parish, Southampton, has left only the remnant of its name to Sagg Pond and Sag Harbor." "The great pond, com- monly called Sackaponock' is mentioned, 1661, in Conn. Col. Records, I, p. 368. "The sagabon (Micmac segubun} is a ground nut or Indian potato" (Rand). That is, I suppose, the Apios tuber osa. "At a general court (in Southamp- ton) held Mch. 6, 1654: It is ordered that noe Indians shall digg for ground nuts in the plain, or digg in any ground, uppon penalty of sitting in the stocks," etc. (Records in Thompson's L. /.; Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1878, vol. i., pp. 386-7). The prefix which denotes the species cannot in all cases be identified, but the generic name with its localizing affix is easily recognizable. Not long since, while in conversation with an in- telligent Chippewa Indian in regard to this parti- cular prefix, he informed me that it denoted a species which was "hard or difficult to get out of the ground. " While the Massachusetts siogkke "hard or difficult" may resemble the Long Island sagga (or sacka) in sound, I am inclined to believe he was mistaken, and that the Long Island sagga On Long Island 23 is the parallel of the Cree suggee, "thick, close to- gether," a derivation that fully describes the tubers of the Apios tuber osa, which grow close together, strung in clusters on a fibrous root. It was probably the same plant discovered by Cap- tain Gosnold on one of the Elizabeth isles, on his visit to the New England coast in 1602, which John Brierton, one of the voyagers, describes as "ground nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40 on a string, not two ynches vnder ground. " See Acabonack, Seponack, and Ketchaponack. 364. SAGG : see Sagaponack. 365. SAG HARBOR: see Sagaponack. 366. SAGHTEKOOS: a neck of land in the town of Islip, now known as "Appletree Neck." "Sept. 26, 1692, Gov. Fletcher granted to Stephen Van Cortland a license to purchase Saghtekoos of the native Indians." On June 2, 1697, Gov. Fletcher granted a patent to the same for a neck of land called and known by the Indian name of Saghtekoos and by the Christians called Apple- tree neck, being bounded on the west by Oake Neck Brook to an Indian foot path, and on the north by the foot path to Saghtekoos Creek, and easterly by the said Saghtekoos creek" (Munsell's Hist. S. C., Islip). Variations are: Sagtakos, Sat- tock's, Saghtecoos. Saghtekoos was probably the 224 Indian Place-Names name of the Indian owner or dweller on the neck. This is proven by the mark of the possessive Saghtekoo's. The name is probably the equivalent of the Massachusetts (Eliot) sese'koo, "he peeped (as a bird)," used by Eliot for the viper, "an adder," etc.; or any snake that "hisses"; Mic- mac (Rand) 'mtdkoo-on, " a snake " ; Narragansett sesek, " a rattlesnake. " 367. SAMPAWAMS: see Sumpawams. 368. SANTAPOGUE: a neck of land in the town of Babylon, south of the settlement of Breslau. One of the five necks of meadow bought in 1659. It is first mentioned by name in a deed of 1 669 ; viz. : "My alottment of meadow Lying and Being on the south side of the Island on a neck called Santtapauge ' (H. R., vol. i., p. 134). Variants are: Santapauge, 1669; Santepaug, 1672; Santa- pauge, 1683; Santepogue, 1716, etc. This name is probably the equivalent of the Massachusetts (Eliot) sonkipog, "cool spring," "cool water," "a cup of cool water" (Matt, x., 42; Mark, ix., 41) ; Narragansett (Williams) saun-kopaugot, "cool water," literally, water when it is cold. Thus we have santape-auke, "a place of cool water," so-called from some fine spring of cold water on the neck to which the Indians resorted. The com- ponents of the word would then be santa ( = Massa- On Long Island 225 chusetts sonkqui), "cool"; -pz, "water"; -alike, "place." 369. SAPHORACKAM : a locality in the southern part of Brooklyn. So-named in a patent for land granted by Gov. Kieft, Nov. 28, 1639, viz.: "We have granted to Thomas Bescher, tobaco planter a certainn peice of land, situate upon the Long Island strand of the North river bay near Saphorakam. " Also Saphorackan (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 27). On Manhattan the name occurs as Sappokanican and Sapokanikan, 1648. This name probably denotes a "Tobacco plantation," one planted either by the Dutch or Indians; from sappo = uppo (Powhatan) , ulipoo (Massachu- setts), "tobacco"; hakihakan, "a plantation," "land broken up for cultivation." Josselyn says, "the Indians use a small round-leaved tobacco called by them or the Fishermen Poke. " This was probably Nicotiana rustica, well-known to have been long in cultivation among the American savages. See also Algonguian Series, vol. ii., pp. 43-46. 370. SASSIANS: a locality in Brooklyn, King's Co. Mentioned in 1642, when "Wm. Kieft granted to Jan Maye a peice of land one hundred and twenty rods towards the woods, towards Sassians maize land" (Furman's Antiq. of L.I. , p. 281). Sassian was probably the Indian who IS 226 Indian Place-Names planted the "maize" and here was located his corn field and home. Sassian signifies "the sower," "the planter, " corresponding to the Massachusetts seseahham, Delaware sasehemen " to scatter," "to sow"; Chippewa saswenan, "scatter"; Micmac sasodoo, "to scatter," etc. 371. SAUGUST: a neck of land lying at the east end of the village of Southold fronting the harbor on the south, with a creek on its east side and another on the west. The greater part of the neck is now in the possession of Stuart T. Terry, Esq., who resides upon it. This name is first recorded in an entry of 1656, viz. : "Tenn acres of earable and wood land, more or lesse lying and being in Saugust neck the land of James Haynes lately deceased being on the west side thereof and John Conckelyne Senr. on the east." John Conklyne, 1662, "sells to Thomas Hutchinson sometime of Lynn in the Massachusetts Bay all that p'cell of land adjoining to the west side of the field fence, containing about thirty acres in Saugust neck" (S. R., vol. i., pp. 31, 221). Mr. Stuart R. Terry writes: "Traditionally, Saugust was the name of its Indian owner." Often tradition is at fault and cannot be depended upon ; it seems to be so in this case. Many of the settlers of both Southold and Southampton were from Lynn, Mass., even the above entry of 1662, names the buyer as ' ' sometime of Lynn. ' ' Saugus On Long Island 227 was the name of a river at Lynn; Montowampate was the Sachem of Saugus near Lynn in 1633. Lynn was called Saugust (at Saugus} up to 1637, when it was changed by vote to "Lin" (Mass. Col. Rec., pp. 628, 641). That locality was probably familiar to Hutchinson and others so they transfer- red the name to their Long Island home. The name seems to be one of the many dialectic forms de- rived from sank, "an outlet" (of river or brook), the variations being almost innumerable. Sau- gust =saugus-ut, "at the mouth of a tidal river." With this may be compared Saugatuck in Con- necticut (Trumbull). 372. SAWGOGE: mentioned as a locality in Smithtown by a mistake of De Kay in his Indian Names. He derives his authority probably from Thompson (vol. i., p. 436) who quotes a Rhode Island Indian deed on the supposition that the Richard Smith of Rhode Island was the same one who settled Smithtown. Sawgogue and Paquina- paquogue meadows, near Wickford, R. I., men- tioned in Coquinoquand' s lease to Richard Smith are referred to in Parsons's Indian Names in Rhode Island. 373. SCOQUAMS: a neck of land and a small creek in Islip town, east of Babylon village. The neck is now termed Schookwames . In a deed of 1740 from Nath. Weeks to John Rogers the 228 Indian Place-Names neck is called Scoquams: "The western bounds of the town is Sampowams River. Next to the east there is a small creek called Scoquams" (Munsell's S. C., Islip). Variations are: Sequams, Sco- quaumes, Schookwames . It has been traditionally known as the "Snake place," but I regard it as the personal name of an Indian who formerly lived there, and that his name denotes "the spring," or "early summer" corresponding to Massachusetts (Eliot) sequan; Narragansett sequan; Abnaki sigoon; Cree, sekwun; Micmac segnook; Delaware siguon, "the spring," "summer." A Shinnecock Indian called Sequanah, "the spring," made an agreement to try out whale blubber in 1680 (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 80). A Secatogue Indian Sachem had the same name, viz. : Sewamas, in 1698, afterwards corrupted to "Wameas. " 374. SCRECUNKAS: an Island in the Great South Bay, now known as Cedar Island, Babylon town. The Indian deed of 1689 says: "A certaine Island of meadowe lying between ye south medows and ye beach called by us Screcunkas all the meddowe lying westward of Pascu-ucks (the creek) of the sd Island Screcunkas" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 48). Variations are: Sucrunkas, Su- crumkas, Sesecunhas, 1816. Possibly the name is the equivalent of the Delaware sikunikan, "scourgrass," "rushes." On Long Island 229 374 a. SCURRAWAY : the Indian name of Josiah's Neck, Babylon town east of the village of Amity- ville. One of the three necks of land purchased in 1658, but not named in the records. It is first noted by this name in 1697, thirty-nine years after the first purchase of the meadows, viz.: "a certain neck of land lying on ye south side this Island within bounds of Huntington, called by ye Indians Scumway and by ye English Josiah's neck" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 205). Variations are: Seascawany , 1698 ; Scurrawaugh, 1885. This name signifies probably "snake place," and is the same as Scucurra or "snake hill" in Connecticut, of which Trumbull says: " scuc is probably Mohe- gan skooks; Narragansett, askug; Delaware ach- gook, "snake." Or it may have been the name of an Indian living there, called "the snake." 375. SEABAMUCK: one of the lesser necks of land into which the Manor of St. George, Mastic, Brookhaven town, is divided. The first neck east of the Connecticut or Carman's river, at its mouth. The most common and modern form of the name, Sebonack, appears also as a variation of Seponack Neck, Southampton town. J. Hammond Trum- bull considers them alike in derivation; this may be so, but the earliest form Seabamuck or Seba- muck shows that they are not identical. A record of 1675, says: "Francis Muncy before he died exchanged his medow in the ould purchase with 230 Indian Place-Names Samuel Daiton, for his lott of medow at Seaba- muck in the nue purchase" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 35). August Graham's Draught of land, surveyed for Wm. Smith in 1693, nas ^ Sebamuck (Land Papers, vol. ii., p. 207, Office Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). Later variations are: Seboinack, 1767; Sebonnack, 1767; Sabonack, 1888. The name is to be interpreted as Seab-amuck, "the river fishing-place ' ' (at the mouth of the East Connecti- cut River). The components are: seab- (Massa- chusetts seip, Unkechaug sebus), "a river"; -amuck, "a fishing-place." 376. SEAPOOSE: the inlets that are opened in the beaches on the southside in the towns of East Hampton and Southampton, in order that the ocean may flow into the various ponds and bays, or vice versa, are still at this day known as the " Seapoose" As found in the Southampton records it always refers to the inlet connecting Meacox Bay with the ocean. It is opened by digging, but it soon closes again. In a record of 1650 we find: ' Ten men [named] are to have for their paines 35. per day at the seapoose." Town Meeting, 1652: ' Isaack Willman in a passionate manner said that some of them that voated for raising of the mill knew noe more what belonged to the sepoose than a dogg, he hath given satisfaction" (S. H. R., vol. i., pp. 69, 85). Variations are: Sepose, 1654; Sea-poose, 1684. The name Seapoose signifies On Long Island 231 a " little river, " being the parallel of the Narra- gansett (Williams) sepoese, "little river." The name is also applied in recent times to the "under- tow" of the ocean both on Long Island and in New Jersey, where it takes the form of ''Sea-puss. " 377. SEATQUAA: a neck of land, Hempstead town, Queen's Co. " Jany. 27, 1704, Thos. Cardale & Co. petition for two necks of land lying east- ward of the town of Hempstead called by the Indians Rockaway and Seatquaa, with the out- lands thereunto belonging" (Cal. of Land Papers in Office of Sec'y of State, pp. 69, 70). The name Seatquaa is to be interpreted as Sea-tukq-auke, "land at mouth of a creek." The components would be sea- representing an Algonkian sak or saki, "mouth of a river"; -ttikq, "tidal stream"; -auke, "land." See Seatuck. 378. SEATUCK: creek or river on the boundary between the towns of Southampton and Brook- haven at Eastport. Mentioned frequently as the western bound of Southampton. First in the Topping Indian deed of 1662, viz.: "That is to say to begin at the Canoe Place otherwise Nia- muck and so to run westerly to a place called and known by the name of Seatuck" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 1 68). Variations are: Seatuck, 1666; Setuckett, 1693; Setuk, 1748; Setuck, 1790, etc. The name Seatuck denotes "the mouth of a river 232 Indian Place-Names or tidal creek." Setuck would be derived from sea-, representing an Algonkian sak or saki, "mouth of a river"; -hick, "tidal stream." Setuckett is the same word with the locative -et,"at." See Seatquaa. 379. SEAWANHACKY, Sewanhaka: a name of Long Island found recorded in the documents relating to the purchases by the Dutch from the Indians at the period of settlement. It is not found in the early records relating to the eastern part of the Island as far as careful search reveals. It is found first recorded in three Indian deeds, two dated June 16, 1636, the other July i6th, same year, for meadows at what is now Flatlands, King's Co., viz.: "Situate on the island called by them Sewanhacky, also Sewanhacking" Varia- tions are: Suanhacky, 1639; various histories of Long Island, Seawanhacky, and Sewanhaka. The prefix sewan or seawan was one of the names for "wampum" the "shell-money" of the Indians. It was known in New England as Wampumpeag, Wampompege, Wompam and Wampum; the Dutch knew it as seawan, sewant; while on the Virginia coast it was called peak, a roughly made discoidal variety being known as ronoak or roenoke, and heavy flattish beads pierced edgeways were called runtees. The Dutch Governor Kieft fixed by placard the price of the "good splendid sewant of Manhattan," at "four for a stuyver. " It is On Long Island 233 mentioned as early as 1622 when a "Dutchman imprisoned one of the chiefs on his vessel and obliged him to pay a ransom of one hundred and forty fathoms of Zeewan, which consists of small beads they manufacture themselves and prize as jewels" (Doc. Hist. N. Y., vol. in., p. 45). Trumbull, in the Narragansett Club Reprint of Roger Williams's Key, gives the following as the real meaning of sewan: "Seahwhoog, 'they are scattered' (Eliot). From this word the Dutch traders gave the name of sewand or zeewand (the participle seahwhoun, 'scattered,' 'loose'), to all shell money just as the English called all peage, or 'string beads' by the name of white or wampum." The seawan was manufactured most abundantly and in considerable variety on Long Island, the shore of which abounded in shells and was called for this reason Sewan-hacky, or the "Island of Shells." The immense quantity that was manu- factured accounts for the fact that in the most extensive shell-banks left by the Indians it is rare to find a whole shell (Thompson, vol. i., p. 8/).- This signification, which is the traditional, is not quite right. The terminal affix corresponds to the Delaware -hacky or -hacking, "land" or "country" and not the Narragansett hoghk, "a shell, " literally a "covering. ' ' Sewan-hacky therefore signifies ' ' the sewan country." Eliot would have written it Seah- who j un-auke. See the discussion of the name Sea- wanhacky in Algonquian Series, vol. iv., pp. 19-26. 234 Indian. Place-Names 380. SECATOGUE: neck of land in the town of Islip and the locality from which one of the Island tribes derives its name. It is mentioned in the Dutch archives as early as 1639 (see Sicketen- whacky}. In 1657, a Dutch vessel was wrecked on the "South Beach" at a place called " Secou- tagh." The same year "Keeosschok, the Sachem of Secontok, has Resigned up all that Right or Interest hee might anyways lay unto the necks of meadow" (H. R., vol. i., p. n). Variations are: Seguctaug, 1657; Seaquetauke, 1659; Secatake, 1670; Secutaug, 1696; Seaqutogue, 1697; Sequatak, 1698; Sicketauge, 1807; modernly, Secatogue and Sequatogue. From the uniformity this name presents on being compared with twent}^ or thirty variations in spelling, as they occur in the early records, it is evidently the parallel of the Narra- gansett (Williams) sequt or sucki, "black," "dark colored," with the locative suffix -auke, "land." Secatogue represents thus Sequt-auke, "black or dark colored land," and the name be- longed originally to the extensive meadows that border the upland. The meadows are now known as the 'Black Grass Meadows." Compare the name of Suckiauke or Sicaiog meadows at Hartford, Conn. 381. SELASACOTT: "township of Brookhaven" (De Kay's Indian Names, 1851). See Setauket. 382. SENEX: creek at Centre Moriches, Brook- On Long Island 235 haven town. u Senekes or Senex River or Creek is that water which comes nearly to the business part of Centre Moriches, on the west side of the main avenue leading to the bay" (Munsell's S. C. y Brookhaven). The survey and map drawn by Aug. Graham, Sept. 10, 1693, give Sinnekes point and creek nearly at the mouth of Mastic River on the east. Fletcher's Patent, Manor of St. George, 1693, has, "Bounded easterward from ye maine sea to a river or creek called Senekes River" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 79). Seretches, 1714; Senekees, 1/90; Senex, 1882. Sinnekes was prob- ably an Indian who lived at one time on the point or at the creek. The name may be related to the Massachusetts (Eliot) assinnekousse, " a thorn," "a bush." With Senex in Long Island may be compared Senexet, Senexsett, valley and meadow in Windham Co., Conn. 383. SEPONACK, Sabonac: a neck of land at Southampton, on Peconic Bay. A farming local- ity in close proximity is also called by the same name, and is probably w r hat was called the " Sea- ponack old ground." An order dated 1652 says: ' Thomas Halsey Sr. and his partner shall lay out Sagaponack and Seponack mowing ground for a present supply of the Inhabitants of this towne for this year" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 87). Varia- tions are: Seponack 1651 ; Seaponack, 1654; Sebon- ack, 1659; Sabonac, 1873, etc. The etymology of 236 Indian Place-Names Seponack was given as "ground nut place" by Wm. S. Pelletreau in 1883. Dr. J. H. Trumbull says: " Sebonack, Seaponack, a neck, on Peconic Bay, Southampton was a 'large ground-nut place.' Sebon or sepen (Abnaki sipen; modern Penobscot, she-pen; Micmac, shubun) is the root of the Yellow Lily (L. canadensis). Thoreau's Indian guide told him that these roots were good for soup, that is, to cook with meat to thicken it, and showed him how to prepare them (Maine Woods, pp. 194, 284, 326). Sabonac point, near Mastic, Brookhaven, has the same name differ- ently spelled. . . . The tuberous rhizoma of the Yellow Nelumbo or Water Chinquapin (Nelum- bium luteum) was highly prized by the western Algonkins. It resembles the sweet potato, and Dr. Torrey says (Botany of New York, vol. i., p. 38) that 'when fully ripe, it becomes, after considerable boiling, as farinaceous, agreeable, and wholesome as the potato.' The Chippewas call it mako-pin (for makwa-pin) , i. e., 'bear's potato'; from which comes the name of Macoupin County, Illinois" (Mag. Amer. Hist., vol. i., pp. 386-7, 1877). In the lease of Shinnecock Hills, which included the above tract, 1703, we find: "We the trustees -do hereby grant liberty to them and theirs, to cut flags, Bull-rushes and such grass as they usually make their mats and houses of, and to dig ground-nuts, mowing land excepted anywhere in bounds of Southampton" (S. H. R., vol. iii., p. On Long Island 237 373). Seponack is therefore derived from sepon (Abnaki sipen), "ground-nut"; -ack, "place." See Ketchaponack, Sagaponack. 384. SETAUKET: a village in the northwestern corner of Brookhaven and the locality where the first settlement of the town was begun. The Indian deed April 14, 1665 gives: "Articles of agreement, and a firme bargaine agreed and confirmed between the Sachem of Setaucet, Wara- wakmy by name" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. i). Varia- tions are: Seatauke, 1657; Setokett, 1660; Setawke, 1664; Setauk, 1669; Setaket, 1675; Seataukett, 1670; Setalcott, 1 68 1. In the various town patents it also appears as Setaulcott, Selasacott, and in 1643 we find the Dutch notation Sichteyhacky . Wm. S. Pelletreau in his paper on Long Island Names, says: "Setauket, in its original form seems to mean 'land between the streams,' the same name being found in New England." But the New England form Shetucket is entirely different, and our Setauket requires a different translation. It designated the "land at the mouth of the creek," at this place where Warawakmy had his village at the era of settlement. The stream was the site of a mill in 1690. Thompson (L. I., 1843) says: "Where was then a mill-pond is now a tract of salt meadows." Setauk-et thus signifies "land at the river, " or "land at the mouth of a river or creek," from an original Setukqitt. Compare the 238 Indian Place-Names various forms of the Delaware Sacuwit, Sacunk, Sacona, and Saquik, denoting "the mouth of a river"; Chippewa (Baraga) Saging, "mouth of a river"; Cree (Lacombe) Sakittawaw, "mouth of a river." See Seatuck. 385. SHAGWONG: a hill, point of land, and a reef of rocks on the northeastern part of Montauk, in the "Indian Fields." Variations are: Shag- wagonock, Shagwannock, Shaugwong, Shagawom, Shagwommonock, Shagwanack (various maps and histories of Long Island). The name is not found in the town records nor in any of the Indian deeds. Not having any early forms of the above to guide us it is difficult to tell its derivation. It seems to be the equivalent of the Delaware (Zeisberger) schajawonge, "on the side of a hill," with the locative, "place on the side of a hill." The Indian huts until a few years ago were located on the side of this hill. 386. SHAHCHIPPITCHAGE : a bound-mark in the "North Neck," Montauk, East Hampton town. Mentioned in the Montauk Indian deed of 1670, viz.: " Shahchippitchage being on the North side of ye sd Land, midway between great pond and Fort Pond" (Hedges's Address, 1847). A variant is Shahchippetchuge (Ranger's Deeds, 1851). The names mentioned in this deed were evidently bestowed at the time the land was laid out, as they On Long Island 239 are all bound-marks, this one being a pile of stones. The name is composed of shah, a form correspond- ing to the Massachusetts nashaue (Eliot), "in the middle," "midway' (frequently abbreviated to ashwa-, shaw-, shew-, she-, etc.). Chippitchage = Massachusetts chip' 'pachaug (Eliot), "a separated place," "place of separation.' This makes the name Shah-chip' pachaug, "the midway place of separation," as stated in the above. 387. SHANCSOMACOCKE : a locality at Flat- lands, King's County. Mentioned in the Indian deed of May 13, 1664, viz.: "both of upland and marshes, any way belonging thereto, as the Straun Beach or Beaches, as namely that running out more westerly, with the Island adjoining, and is at the same time by the ocean sea wholly in- closed, called hoopaninak and Shanscomacocke, etc. " (Stiles's Hist. King's Co., p. 78). The name Shanscomacocke represents Mashans-comac-ocke, "much inclosed place," or "wholly inclosed place." 388. SHATEMUC: the Mohegan name of Hud- son River. Variations are Shattemuc, Chatemuc. Schoolcraft says: " Shaita, in the cognate dialect of the Odjibwa means a pelican." It cannot be affirmed to denote the same thing in this dialect, nor is it known that the pelican has ever been seen on this river. I am inclined to regard the 240 Indian Place-Names name as the equivalent of Nashaue-tuk-ut, "place where two streams meet," literally, "a place between." (Compare Shawtucket, also called Showattucket, in Connecticut.) The Showtucket Indians occupied the crotch of the Quinebaug and Shetucket rivers (pronounced by the Indians Shoo- tucket, which, lam informed, signifies "confluence") (Rev. Dr. Nott's MS. Account of Franklin, 1800, according to Trumbull). The same name occurs in Rhode Island as Shewatuck and Showa- tucquese (Parsons). Shatemuc perhaps described the "union" of the East River with the Hudson. 389. SHAWANGO: "neck between Great Pond and Fort Pond, Ocean side, Montauk" (De Kay's Indian Names}. I have been unable to find any other authority for the above. De Kay may have got it from a map of 1845, where Shewango Neck includes the whole of Montauk east of the Great Pond, but this is an error for Shagwong (q.v.). 390. SHAWCOPSHEE: a locality on Staten Island, Richmond Co. In 1664, " Shawestcout and Erramorhas Indians residing at Shawcopshee upon Staten Island, sell a tract of land at Hallets point" (Munsell's Hist. Queen's Co.}. It ap- pears also as Shawkopoke (Thompson, vol. ii., p. 150). I have been unable to learn the exact local- ity to which this name was given; but it was On Long Island 241 probably one of the harbors on the north shore of the island. The word is composed of shaw corresponding to Delaware lechauwaak, "fork" (of a stream); Massachusetts nashaue, "place between," "fork," "midway," etc.; copshee or kopoke, corresponding to kuppi, "closed" (kob-pog, "a haven," "harbor"; copsie, a term denoting " a safe place of landing, formed by eddy waters, " according to Schoolcraf t) . We get thus N'shauw- kopoke, "the midway haven or harbor." 391. SHEPMOES: a plantation upon the Island Manhattan, probably at or near the present East I4th Street (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. no). It was probably so called from an Indian who planted there. 392. SHERAWOUG: a locality on the east side of Stony Brook Harbor, near St. James, Smith- town. The late Hon. J. Lawrence Smith, in his Notes on Smithtown, in Munsell's Hist. S. C., says: "The whole east side of the Harbor was called Sherrawog." A variant is Sherawoug (Thompson, vol. i., p. 458). I have been unable to obtain early forms to verify it, but the name seems to be the same as Ashawog, Assawaug, Nashaway, etc., occurring in various forms throughout New England, and on Long Island, designating "a place between" (Massachusetts nashaue, "in the middle"). Probably so called because it was 16 242 Indian Place-Names land between Wopawog and Nissequoque or some other limited tract. 393. SHINNECOCK: a neck of land, a bay, and a range of hills in Southampton town. It be- longed originally to the plain of which the neck forms a part. It is first mentioned in the Indian deed of Southampton, Dec. 13, 1640, viz.: "It is agreed that the Indians above named shall have liberty to break up ground for their use to the westward of the creek on the west side of Shine- cock plaine" (S. H. R., vol. i., p. 13). In town meeting, 1641 : " It is agreed that any person that hath lotts up on Shinecocke playne in which there are any Indian Barnes or wells lying shall fill them up" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 32). Variations axe: SMnnekuke, 1657; Shinnocut, 1657; SMnnikut, 1667; Shinnecock, etc. The terminal syllable of this name, -cock, is a corrupted form of -aitk-ut, "at a place," "at the land." With its prefix, Shinne-auk-ut, "at the level land or country," is the parallel of the Massachusetts shinne-auke-ut (Eliot), "level land"; Delaware shing-hacki, "flat or level ground"; Chippewa jing- akamiga, "there is level country." The first component of the word, shinne, corresponds to Delaware schingeu, "level." 394. SHOCKHEYOUNE : On January 24, 1676, Richard Smith, Sr., of Nissequauge gives to Obadiah On Long Island 243 Smith (his son) the tract of land at the mouth of Nissequage River on the west side from the swamp of the creek called Shockheyoune to the North Sea, being about 100 acres with all the meadow (information furnished by O. B. Ackerly, Esq., and Wm. S. Pelletreau, Esq.)- The derivation of the name is uncertain. 395. SICHETANYHACKY: a locality given in De Kay's Indian Names, as being a place men- tioned in Kieft's purchase, south of Cow Bay, Queen's Co. We find it in the Indian deed of January 15, 1639: "The grantor's (Sachem of Massapeag) patrimonial lands and the jurisdiction thereof situate upon Long Island reaching in length along the southside from Rcckouwhacky (Rockaway) to Siketenwhacky." Variants are: Siketenhacky , 1644; Sickentanhacky, 1645 (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., pp. 15, 56, 60). The Secatogues 1 land bounded the jurisdiction of the Massapeags on the east, consequently this locality was the property of the Secatogues. SicketenwJiacky which is in Dutch notation "the country of the Secato- gues," the terminal being -hacky, "land." See Secatogue. 396. SICHTEYHACKY : Dutch notation for Setau- ket. Mentioned in treaty of 1645. See Mochgon- nekonck, Setauket. 397. SINTSINCK: (a) a name given to Man- 244 Indian Place-Names hasset Bay or to a locality on the Bay, North Hempstead, Queen's Co. "Cow Neck now called Manhasset Neck was called by the Indians Sint- sinck" (French's Gazetteer of N. Y., 1860). An Indian deed of January 15, 1639, f r land in Queen's Co., states: 'We Director and Council of New Netherland testify and declare that to-day, personally, appeared before us Mechowodt, chief Sachem of Mamssepinck, Sint sinck (also called Schout's bay), and its dependances" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 28). (b) Sint sinck: tract of land at Astoria, Queen's Co. "A tract of land near Hallets Point was sold in 1664 by Shawestcout and Erramorhas Indians beginning at first creek called Sunwick. This tract was called by the Indians 'Sint sinck,' and it embraced nearly the whole of Hell-gate neck" (MunselTs Hist. Queen's Co.}. This name is probably the same as Sing-Sing in Westchester Co., N. Y. Originally this was Ossining, said to signify "stone upon stone," that is, "a stony place." In 1901 the old name Ossining was re- adopted. For this name another etymology assinesink, "at the little stone," has been offered (Handb . of Amer . Indians N. ofMex., vol. ii., 1910, pp. 161, 577). 398. SKOOKWAMS, Schookwaumes: a neck of land east of Babylon in Islip town. "Schook- waumes is the neck of land upon which is located On Long Island 245 the residence of E. B. Button, Esq. The Indian name signifies 'snake neck,' or 'snake place' (J. W. Cooper in Babylon Signal, June 13, 1885). This is probably a corrupted form of Sequam or Scoquam as it was called earlier. See Scoquams. 399. SKUPASH: a creek in the meadows at Jamaica, Queen's Co. Named in the Division of meadows, July I, 1657: "Ye fourth are to lie eastward from ye sayd crik in ye hasoky mea- dows to ye River called Skupash" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 505). This name is possibly a contraction of Maskituash and signifies "grass," "grassy," "a meadow." 400. SLONGO : Sunk Meadow, Smithtown. Hon. J. Lawrence Smith, in his "Notes on Smithtown" (Munsell's Hist. S. C.), says: "We are unable to find the derivation or meaning of the name Slongo. The inhabitants of that locality do not remember any tradition of the name. De Kay in his printed but not published list of Indian names, inquires if Slongo is not Dutch." 401. SONNQUOQUAS: a name of Tom's Creek, or the land adjoining at Southold. Mentioned in the confirmatory deed of Hashamomuk Neck, February 20, 1660, viz. : "All that land lying and being neere or adjoining Tom's Creek, in Indian Sonnquoquas" (S. R., vol. i., p. 208). This shows 246 Indian Place-Names that Sonquoqua was an Indian who lived at this place, and from his English name of Tom, the creek perhaps derived its name, although the common supposition is that it was derived from Thomas Benedict, one of the early inhabitants of Hashamomuk. Sonquoqua was one of the chief men of the Manhansett tribe ; his name appears on the deed to Sylvester and Company for Shelter Island in 1652, as " Sonquoequahesick. " The affix -esick, "of the brook," probably refers to his residence at Tom's Creek (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 97). 402. SOUWASSETT: "Port Jefferson [Brook- haven town] formerly Drown Meadow, called by the Indians Sowassett" (Thompson's, L. /., vol. i., p. 432). The name is traditional and does not appear in the town records, but in the histories of Long Island it is found as Sowassett, Souwassett, and Sonassett, the last, no doubt, a typographical error. The name denotes "at the place of small pines. " The components of the word are kouwa, corresponding to Massachusetts kwa, pine, in the diminutive, kwwa-wese, or kaiwaese, "a small (or young) pine"; the locative affix -es-et; making Koowas-es-et (Narra- gansett Cowawesuck), "at the young pine place," or "small pine place." Several localities in New England have retained, in forms more or less corrup- ted, this appellation. The Indian name of the tree, On Long; Island 247 was taken from its pointed leaves ; kous, " a thorn," "brier," or "having a sharp point" (Trumbull). In the Delaware we find cuwe, "pine-tree," cuweuchac, "pine wood" (also varied as kuwe, and kuweuchac] . Rev. A. S. Anthony, Assistant Missionary to the Delawares in Canada, and a full blooded Delaware himself, differs from Dr. Trumbull as to its primary signification, and says it is properly p'koweu, "it is sticky," alluding to the resin (Lendpe-English Dictionary, 1888). August 6, IQIO. The foregoing was w T ritten six- teen or more years ago, and it may or may not be correct, so I leave it. Thompson further remarks (Proc. N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1845, p. 131): "The Indian name of Port Jefferson was Sowassett, and the cove between it and Setaukett was Poquott." After considerable inquiry as well as personal search, Thompson is the earliest authority for these two names whom we have been able to discover. They may have survived in tradition up to his day, or he may have found them in some early deed unknown to us. Which- soever this may be, they have every appearance of some mistake according to our present view, and the two are more likely to have been an original Poquossett, "where (water) it opens out or widens, i. e., drowns the land." This sugges- tion is apparently confirmed by the fact that Port Jefferson was earlier called "Drowned Meadow." See the discussion of the adopted 248 Indian Place-Names Indian term poquosin in the American Anthro- pologist (n. s.), vol. i. (1899), pp. 162-170. 403. SPEONK: a village in the western part of Southampton town, about a mile from the bound- ary. The name was originally given to the neck of land on which the village is located. The creek on the east is also known as Speonk River. The locality is not mentioned in the records of the town until 1712, seventy-two years after the settle- ment in 1640, and forty-six years after the Topping purchase of 1666, of which the neck forms a part. Then we find it as follows: "a descrip- tion of ye meadow and upland att Speeunk, Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed being chosen by the town to lay ye upland and meadow in quantity and quality as may appear by a voat of said Town" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 155). The word is spelled in the above record in four in- stances as Speeunk; Speonk, 1748; Speunk, 1782. In regard to its meaning we must remain in doubt, for the word may be a corrupted form. Wm. S. Pelletreau writes: "It is 'high ground,' ' and gives Dr. J. H. Trumbull as his authority. This interpretation he probably derives from compari- son with the Mohegan spummunk, "on high"; Passamaquoddy, spemuk, "above." But, as these terms are used in the sense of being "in the heavens," we cannot think it so derived, for the land is perfectly level in this section. I have On Long Island. 249 suggested its derivation from asp-yeuonk, "place lifted up," which is similar to Trumbull's, but from different elements. This might refer to the bluffs on the east side of the neck, although they are hardly high enough to merit the name of bluffs. There is a name a few miles to the west, which may have been duplicated on this neck, and affords a good derivation for Speonk, viz.: (wa)speunk, "to the edge, margin or border (of a stream)." This will apply very well to the topography of Speonk Neck. See Waspeunk. 404. SPHETONGA: "Brooklyn Heights, L. I." (De Kay's Indian Names.} See Ihpetonga. 405 . SQUASSUCKS : a point of land in B rookhaven town on the East Connecticut River. Munsell records that a dock had been constructed at a point called Squassucks (Hist. S. C., Brook- haven). On May 10, 1728, there was "laydoute a Highway from Squasuck's pointe below ye 15 aker lots, soe running across the necke to ye Little fly" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 118). It appears also as Squasucx, 1737. This point of land derives its name from Wesquassuck, an Indian, who lived at one time on the point. His name appears on the Indian deed for roads in 1690 as Wesquase- sac, and on Wm. Smith's deed to the Indians at Pusspa'tok in 1700, as Wisquosuck (B. H. R., vol. i., pp. 76, 91). The word is composed of wisq, "a 250 Indian Place-Names pot," "dish," etc.; -ussu-uk, "he finishes," com- pletes," "makes." Hence Wisq-uss-uk, "pot maker, " as a personal name. 406. SQUAW: an Island in the town of South Oyster Bay, Queen's Co. It is said to have been derived from the fact that it was the refuge of the squaws and children during troublous times. On some maps it is spelled Skow. The word squaw represents Massachusetts squa (Eliot uses the compound squaas, i. e., "female animal,") or eshqua; Delaware ochqueu, etc. 407. SQUAW-HILL: one of the range of Shin- necock Hills, near the Tuckahoe gate, Southamp- ton. 408. SQUAW-PIT or Squam-pit: the tract of land in Huntington near "Deer Park," now Wiandance, was known as the Squaw-pit purchase, sometimes called "Squam." 409. SQUORUMS: a neck of land on the east bounds of Mastic Neck. From the name of an Indian resident thereon, alternate with Waspeunk. See Musquatax. 410. Sucos: "the site of the village of Brook- ville in the town of Oyster Bay, Queen's Co., was called Snco's wigwam" (Munsell's Hist. Queen's On Long Island 251 Co.}. So called from Suco, the Indian who oc- cupied the wigwam. His name is an abbreviation of Suconamon, from whom the land was purchased in the early days of the township. 411. SUGGAMUCK: a creek near Flanders, Southampton town, now called Birch Creek. It is designated by its Indian name in the testimony of the old Sachem Paucamp, taken down by Wm. Wells in 1660: "being in the west end of the Bay, five creeks . . . the third Suggamuck" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 213, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). The name M'sugg-amuck sig- nifies "a place where they went to catch bass," " a bass fishing-place. " The components of the word are sugg, suggig, for 'm'suggig, "bass"; Narragansett (R. Williams) missuckeke, "bass"; Massachusetts (Wood) -amuck, "fishing-place." A creek on Shelter Island retains its name of "Bass Creek" from similar happenings. Wood writes thus concerning this fish : "TheBaffe is one of the best fifties in the country, and though men are some wearied with other fifh, yet are they never with Baffe; it is a delicate, fine fat faft fish, having a bone in his head, which contains a fawcerfull of marrow fweet and good, pleafant to the pallat, and wholfome to the ftomach, when there be great ftore of them we onely eate the heads, and fait up the bodies for winter, of thefe fishes fome be three and fome foure foot long, fome bigger, fome leffer; 252 Indian Place-Names at fome tides a man may catch a dozen or twenty of thefe in three houres, the way to catch them is with hooke and line. The fifherman taking a great Cod-line, to which he fafteneth a peece of Lobfter and throwing into the fea, the fifh biting it he pulls her to him, and knockes her on the head with a sticke. Thefe are at one time (when Alwives paffe up the River) to be catched in the Rivers, in Lobfter time at the Rockes, in macrill time in the Bayes, at Michelmas in the feas, when they use to tide it in and out to the Rivers and Creeks, the Englifh at the top of an high water do croffe the Creekes with long seanes or Baffe Netts, which stop in the fifh ; and the water ebbing from them they are left on the dry ground sometimes two or three thousand at a set" (N. E. Prospect, 1634, pp. 37-38). Roger Williams's (Key] says: "The Indians (and the English too) make a daintie dif h of the Uppaqiwntup, or head of this fifh ; and well they may, the braines and fat of it being very much, and fweet as marrow." See Aspatuck, Messemennuck, and Rapahamuck. 412. SUMPAWAMS, Sampawams: a name now applied to the creek that separates the towns of Babylon and I slip. It belonged originally to the neck, on which the principal part of the village of Babylon is built. This name appears about twenty-one times in the printed records of the town of Huntington, with the following variations On Long' Island 253 in orthography, viz. : Sampawame, Sumpwams, Sowampams, 1689; Sumpawams, i6()O;Sampatimes, 1697; Sumpwams, 1740; and, although "commonly so-called" in 1689, it does not appear earlier in the records. It is evident from the insistence of the English possessive, that the neck of land on which the name was originally bestowed, derives its appellation from an Indian named Sampawam or Sumpwam, who formerly lived and planted there. There are other necks of land extending into Great South Bay and contingent waters, which take their Indian names from like circumstances. I am aware that no Indian, designated by this name in its entirety can be found mentioned in the records; but there is one, however, whose popular cognomen among the settlers may be a curtailed reminder of Sumpwams. In the Indian deed for Sumpwams Hook (H. R., vol. i., p. 171) his name is written "pwamas," which is seemingly near enough to justify the con- clusion that this name in its various forms, seldom twice alike, is a colloquial contraction. Similar change is noticed in the English contraction "Siases" for Josiah's Neck in the same township. The meaning of Sumpawam is the "straight walker" or "he goes straight," hence, an "upright or just man." The first component sump- or saump- is the equivalent of the Narragansett saumpi and Massachusetts sampwi, signifying primarily "straight," "direct," and, by metonymy, "just," 254 Indian Place-Names "upright," "right in action or conduct," being used more often in this sense than in the other by Eliot in his Indian Bible. The terminal is the verb of motion, in the third person singular (-aum 8m,} or as Eliot sometimes wrote it (w8m), "he goes." Hence we have, in Eliot's notation, Samp-w'mS's Neck. 413. SUNGIC: a point of land, and a creek on the east side of Shelter Island, Gardiner's Bay. The name is traditional, and found only on the maps of the Island, and in local parlance. It denotes ' ' a stony place, ' ' being the equivalent of the Unkechaug sun "a stone"; Massachusetts (Eliot) hassun, "stone"; Delaware achsin, "stone" (cf. achsinnigeu, "stony"), with locative suffix. The shores of the Island at this locality are quite rocky. A point a short distance south is known as the "Rocky Point." See Sunwicks. 414. SUNKAPOGUE: a creek in the town of Brookhaven, Mastic Neck, so-named in an Indian deed from Macarac, alias Humphrey, native of Unkechogue, to Andrew Gibb, dated April I, 1690, for half a neck of land of which this creek was a part of the east bounds. (Book of Deeds, Southampton Clerk's Office. Copy by Wm. S. Pelletreau, Esq.) Appears in 1692 as Sunkapauk. The name Sunkapogue corresponds to the Massa- chusetts sonkipog, "cool water-place," "a spring On Long Island 255 or brook of running water" (from sonqui, " cool " ; -paug, "water-place"). See Musquatax. 415. SUNWICKS: a creek at Astoria, Queen's Co. It is noted in the Indian deed of Aug. 1 , 1664, to Wm. Hallet, viz. : " Beginning at the first crick, called Sunwick, westward below Hellgate upon Long Island, and from the mouth of sd crick south to a markt tree fast by a great rock" (Thompson, vol. ii., p. 150). Also Sunwicks, and, on some maps, Sunswicks. This name probably signifies a "stone-house" (sun-wick], which the Dutch or English had erected near the creek. But see Sungic. 416. SWEGO: a locality in Huntington town. Mentioned in 1771, viz. : "And we do direct Doctor Wiggins to have Jonah Woods house at Swego or some other remote place" (Order relating to Smallpox, H. R., vol. ii., p. 508). It is just possible that this name may be a corruption of Oswego, imported from the well-known name in New York State, which is of Iroquoian origin, the word from which it is derived corresponding in meaning to the Algonkian sagi-, sack-, sank-, etc., "flowing out," "outlet." 417. SYOSSET: a village in the town of Oyster Bay. _This name is of Indian derivation; it has been evolved from the Dutch Sellouts, "a sheriff. " 256 Indian Place-Names Sellout, Siocits, Syocits, are some of the various stages of degradation, down to its present form. 418. TACKAN: a tract of land in Smithtown on the Nissequogue River. "February 24, 1704, Benj. Aske petitions for a warrant to survey land on the Nissequogue River." On the same date is filed a survey of 24,283 acres of land on the river, purchased by Benj. Aske & Co. from the Indians. On March 20, 1704, a license is issued to Benj. Aske to purchase "a tract of land in the county of Suffolk called Tackan" (Cal. of Land Papers in Office of Sec'y of State, p. 70). The tract was evidently woodland, and the name describes the locality; being the equivalent of the Delaware tachan "woods," "forest," "wild- lands," etc. See Wissiquack. 419. TATAMUCKATAKIS : a neck and creek in Babylon town, west of Copiag Neck, now known as Great Neck, and Great Neck Creek. One of the three necks of meadow bought in 1658 from the Massapeague Indians, but not named. It is first recorded in 1659, viz.: "And that half neck which was massapage Indian land called by them tatamunehese" (H. R., vol. i., p. 19). Also as Yatamontitaheg (vol. ii., p. 52). This is a duplicate of the entry of 1659, with change in spelling. Again, in 1666, viz.: "a neck comonly called by the Indians Copiage bounded on the west with a On Long' Island 257 river called Yatamuntitahege" (H. R., vol. i., p. 84). An Indian deed for the upland of Copiag Neck, 1693, has "westward upon Tatamuckatakis Creek" (H. R., vol. ii.). The will of Jonas Wood (Febru- ary, 1688) has Tantamuntatauket ; Munsell gives Tacamackacackee; and J. W. Cooper, Esq., in the Babylon Signal for June 13, 1883, Tac-a-mac-a- cak-ee. The name belonged originally to the meadows bordering the creek and upland and Tatamuckatakis signifies "meadow that trembles. " The components of the word are tata, "to shake, to tremble"; muckatakis, corresponding to Massa- chusetts moskehtuash, "grass," "pasturage." 420. TAUKOMS: neck of land in the town of Babylon. Mentioned in the Indian deed of 1697, y i z - : "And a neck called by ye English Lacten's Neck, called by ye Indians taukoms" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 208). From the possessive termination, this may be the name of its Indian owner. Lacten does not appear in the early records among the names of the English settlers, consequently it may be a name applied by the English to the Indian Taukom. His name seems to be the equivalent of the Massachusetts (Eliot) Tohkekom, "a spring," "a fountain"; Narra- gansett Takekum, "a spring of water." 421. TENKENAS: Ward's Island, in the East River, formerly called "Great Barcut," or 17 258 Indian Place-Names "Great Barn Island," by the Indians was named Tenkenas (French's Gazetteer of N. Y., 1860). The Indian deed of July 16, 1637 has "when two chiefs Seyseys and Numess convey to Wouter Van Twiller, Director General of New Netherland, the two islands, situate in the Hellegat, of which the larger is called Tenkenas" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 5). The name Tenkenas corresponds to the Delaware tekene, "forest," "woods," ' ' bushy, " " wild lands, " etc. See Minnahanonck, Tachan. 422. TERSARGE: a locality on the north side of Long Island, probably in Smithtown. On (prob- ably) April 4, 1685, one Cornelissin petitions the Governor for a warrant "to survey a tract of land allotted to him by- the Indians, at a place called by them Tersarge, being to the eastward of the town of Huntington on the north side of the Island" (Cal. of Land Papers in Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, p. 30). The name, etymology, etc., are very uncertain. 423. TIANNA: bay and creek in western Southampton at Good Ground. It is recorded in the laying out of the lower division in the Quogue purchase, 1738, viz.: "No. 12 above the lower highway on the west side of said neck, butt- ing to the middle highway running westward to Tiannah water" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 101). Va- On Long' Island 259 riations are: Tianna, 1754; Tyana, 1757; Tianah, 1763; Tiana, 1782. The tradition (probably correct) is, that Tianah was the name of a squaw who lived at the head of the bay near the creek. Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in a communication to Wm. S. Pelletreau, regards it as an abbreviation of a longer name. 424. TINNIE'S: a hole of water on Neapeague Beach, near the Amagansett Hills. So-called from a squaw who was drowned therein. 425. TOWAPIONKE: a tract of land east of Mastic Neck, town of Brookhaven, so-named in a deed from William Smith to John Wood, dated Dec. 20, 1693 (Suffolk County Clerk's Office, Deeds, Liber A, p. 14. Copy by O. B. Ackerly, Esq.). The name represents Tow-api-onke, "wad- ing place where there is sitting down, before cross- ing. " The components of the word are tow, corresponding to Delaware towin, "to wade," "to walk in the water," "to ford"; api, the equivalent of the Massachusetts appeu, "he sits"; -onke (-auke), "place." See Towd. 426. TOWD: a locality near "North Sea," Southampton town. It is frequently mentioned in the early records, and is still so-called. "Town meeting, January 22, 1660, It is concluded that the North sea neighbors shall have all that tract 260 Indian Place-Names of land lying within their line, which line beginneth at the old foot path goeing over the stony brook, neer where the millstone was gotten and endeth at the head of Towd, which Towd [which part of Towd} is a little cove above the wading-place [at Towd\." Again, Nov. 26, 1738: "And ye road leading from ye wading-place at Towd to Sag Harbor" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 209; vol. iii., p. 94). Variations are: Towde, 1728; Toude, 174.7. Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in a letter to Wm. S. Pelletreau, suggests that Towd is an abbrevia- tion of Towadena, "a low place between hills." This he gets from comparison with the Chippewa (Baraga) towadena, "a valley," etc. I must reject this derivation, for the early records, as will be seen above, refer to a "wading place." Towd was the general name given to the locality (as it is to-day) near the "going over." I there- fore consider Towd to be related to the Delaware towin, "to ford," "to wade over." See Towa- pionke, Toyonge. 427. TOYONGE: Red Creek, at the head of Peconic Bay, Southampton town. The same creek in the Indian deed of 1648 is called Mash- manock. Paucamp, the old Sachem, said in May, 1660 (he was then aged about 80), "that Occabauke was an antient seate of sachemship, and of long standing, that is to say time out of mind, but the first in his time did possesse the On Long; Island 261 Upland and Meadow on the swamp side of the head of the River being in the west end of the bay, five creekes, the fifth Toyoungs, being the out Bounds thereof" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 210, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). Variations are: Toyonge, 1665; Toyoung, 1667; Toyongs, 1676; Toyong, 1682, etc. This name signifies "a ford," or "wading-place," and is called "the wading-river " in some of the early records. It corresponds to the Massachusetts (Eliot) twskeong, "a ford" (Delaware towin, "to ford"; tschosin, "to wade"); Narragansett toyusk, "a bridge" (also Narragansett toceketuck, "let us wade"). Heckewelder lias in Delaware, tohickon, "stream over which we pass by means of a bridge of driftwood. " See Towd. 428. TUCKAHOE: a level tract of land, and a school district, three miles north of the village of Southampton. The locality derives its name from a plant formerly gathered in the vicinity by the Indians, the tubers of which were used for food by the Indians. The plant is known to botanists as Arum tryphyllum (Willd.) commonly called "Jack -in -the -Pulpit," "Wake-Robin," " Indian Turnip, " etc. It is found in all parts of the U. S. growing in damp woods, in swamps, along ditches, and in other moist shady places. Capt. John Smith says: "The chiefe root they have for food is called Tockawhough. It groweth 262 Indian Place-Names like a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These roots are much of the great nesse and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with oke leaves and Ferns, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a Cole-pit ; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 hours before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better than poyson and being rested, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced or dryed in the Sunne mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamly and yet in sommer they use this ordinarily for bread" (Gen. Hist, of Virginia, 1624, Book ii, pp. 26, 27). Trumbull says: "Tuckahoe takes its name from one or another of the larger 'round' (Massachu- setts p'tuckwe} roots. The common tuckaho of Virginia (tockwhogh as Capt. John Smith wrote the name, toccaho and tockowhough of Strachey) was the root of the Golden Club or Floating Arum (Orontium aquaticum). 'It groweth like a flag in low, muddy freshes' (Strachey). In New Jersey and Pennsylvania the name seems to have been specially appropriated to a sort of truffle or subterranean fungus (Pachyma cocos Fries.), popularly called 'Indian loaf.' Several localities, creeks, etc., in various parts of the country retain the name of Tuckahoef e. g., Tuckahoe Creek and village, Cape May Co., N. J.; Tuckahoe Hill, Yonkers, N. Y., another Tuckahoe Creek, Jones Co., On Long Island 263 N. Y. ; another in Maryland, etc. One of the most amusing of Mr. Heckewelder's etymologies is that by which the name of Tuckahoe Creek, Ind., "is derived from 'Tuchahowe, deer are shy, difficult to come at; also Tuchauchsoak, the place where deer are very shy' !" (Mag. Amer. Hist., June 1877, p. 386). 429. TURKOM: a small point or neck of land between two small creeks near Menantic Neck, Shelter Island. The name is traditional and known only locally. I have been told by a for- mer owner that it is not Indian but a corrup- tion of "Turkey-man," the English name of an Indian residing there. 430. UNCAWAMUCK : a creek in Riverhead town. Mentioned in the Indian deed of March 14, 1648, viz.: "The whole tract of Land commonly called Ocquebauck, Bounded on the East with the Creeke Uncawamuck which is the neck creek to the place where ye Canoes are drawn over to Mattituck" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 210. Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). The name Uncawamuck signifies "the further fishing-place." The components of the word are uncawa, cor- responding to Massachusetts (Eliot), ongkoue, "beyond," "further"; -amuck, "fishing-place." See Unkawa, Unkechaug. 264 Indian Place-Names 431. UNCHENCHIE: given as one of the names of Shelter Island as follows: Where is the chief of Unchenchie the while? I saw the watch light on the Sheltering Isle; Look over Neapeague's far desert of sand, Cometh he not with his warrior band? Ay res 's Legends of Montauk, 1849. (Note : "Unchenchie = one of the names of Shelter Island.") This is a mistake of Mr. Ayres. It was the Sachem of Shelter Island that was formerly called Unchenchie, as proven by the following: ' Witnesseth that whereas James ffaret Esq. Deputie was by purchas from Unchenchie, Sachem of Pammanuck possest of Manhansuck being a member of Long Island called Pam- manack and whereas Yoko Sachem of the said Menhansack, formerly called Unchenchie Acton- cocween" (Deed of 1656, E.H.R., vol. i.,pp. 96, 97). 432. UNCKACHOHOK: a form of Unkechaug. This form of the name is found in the Indian release of 1703, viz.: "Wee namely Ginagonhut Sachem of Unckachohok and Sumono his sister, wife of Pomgomo Sachem of Shinnecock, etc." (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 179). See Unkechaug. 433. UNCOHONG, Uncohoug: a variation of Unkechaug found in certain histories of Long Island. See Unkechaug. On Long Island 265 434. UNKAWA, Unkaway: neck of land partly in towns of Babylon and Oyster Bay. Mentioned in the record of the boundary between Huntington and South Oyster Bay, Sept. 5, 1795, viz. : "Then running to the west part of one of the Branches of Masapague swamp ... so down about the middle of Unkawa to or near a tree the southside of the Highway that leads across the neck" (H. R., vol. in., p. 128). Again in a deed of 1823: ' Toward the middle of a large grove or clump of walnut trees on Unkaway neck" (vol. iii., p. 311). The same name is met with in Uncowa, or Uncoa, Fairfield, Conn. Unqua is another form of the word and it appears as an adjectival prefix to many Indian local names. The neck was so- called because it was unkawa, corresponding to Massachusetts ongkoue (Eliot) "the furthermost," neck, either of the two towns. See Uncawamuck, Unkechaug. 435. UNKECHAUG: a neck of land in the Manor of St. George, Mastic Neck, Brookhaven town. On this neck was located the village of the Sachem Tobacus and of the Sachems that followed him, although the name became tribal afterward. In the first Indian deed for land on the southside, 1664, we find: "This indentor wetnesseth a bargin or agreement, between the Sachem of Unchachage Tobacus, and the inhabetance of Brookhaven else Setak" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 10). Variants are: 266 Indian Place-Names Unquachack, 1664; Unkachauk, 1667; Unkechage, 1670; Unkechake, 1674; Graham's Survey, 1693, Unquachock, etc. The village site is what gave rise to the name, being located beyond a hill as one approaches it from the east. The word is compounded from ongk ( = ongkoue, in Eliot), "beyond," "utmost," "further," etc.; wadchu = in composition -adchu, "a hill"; -auke, "land," "place." Thus we get Ongk-adch-auke, "land or place beyond the hill." See Uncawamuck, Uncohong, Unckacliohok, Unkawa. 436. UNQUA: a trout stream between Amity - ville and South Oyster Bay, belonging to the Floyd-Jones estate. This form of the word, Unqua-, Unkawa-, etc., occurs occasionally as a prefix to some Indian place-name. The creek probably takes its name from the neck Unkawa through which it flows. See Uncawamuck, Unkawa, Unkechaug. 437. UNSHEMAMUCK : fresh pond, on the bound- ary between Smithtown and Huntington. The late L. Lawrence Smith in his "Notes on Smithtown," in Munsell's Hist. S. C. , remarks : "It is no longer a pond, it has all grown up to meadow." The final decree settling the boundary between the two towns in 1675, gives the following: "From the west most part of Joseph Whitman's hollow and the west side of the Leading hollow to the On Long Island 267 fresh pond UntHemamuck" (H. R., vol. i., p. 214). Variations are: Unsheamuk, 1665; Unshemamuck, 1677; Unchemau, 1677; Unshemamnke, 1688; Osha-mamucks, 1694, e ^ c - This name denotes "an eel fishing-place" and is probably the same as Onshaukamaug, a locality in Windsor, Conn., which Dr. Trumbull translates as "a fishing-place for eels, or lampreys (Delaware schachamek, 'an eel,' from oiishacheu] , 'smooth, slippery'; schachameki, 'the place for eels,' (Heckewelder's Indian Names)"; Chippewa (Baraga) ojdsha, "it is slippery." This primary meaning of the name seems to have been overlooked by the Rev. S. A. Anthony in the Lendpe Dictionary edited by Dr. D. G. Brinton, who derives it from "a straight fish." I am inclined to think Trumbull correct in this instance. Roger Williams men- tions three names for eels in the Narragansett and of two of them Dr. Trumbull writes: "Nquitte'connau (neqiittika, Cotton), plur. nqiiitte- connauog, 'they go one by one or singly,' Neeshau (Pequot neesh, Stiles), plur. neeshau'og 'they couple or go in pairs.' Comp. Abnaki nis- s@ak, Us sont maries (Rale). In the former name we have a trace of the belief once universal, as old at least as the days of Aristotle, and which not even Sir Thomas Browne ventured to reject as a vulgar error that the eel was without distinction of sex. The name 'neeshau, eel,' is still retained for a species or variety which is 268 Indian Place-Names occasionally taken in the salt ponds of Martha's Vineyard, and which Dr. Storer supposed to be the Silver Eel (Murcena argentea, Le Sueur; Rep. on Fishes of Mass., p. 158). I cannot say whether or not any peculiarity in the habits of this species distinguishes it from the common 'single going' eel, but the lampreys (Petromyzon Americanus, Le Sueur) might with striking appropriateness be named 'neeshau'og,' for they usually go in pairs, and aid each other in constructing their breeding places, and give frequent evidences of mutual attachment" (Notes to R. Williams's Key, Narr. Club Reprint). At certain seasons of the year eels enter these ponds for breeding and are de- tained in the ponds by the closing of the inlets, and as soon as the opening is made they leave the pond and are caught by the thousands. 438. WAGASPOR: a creek in the Flatland meadows, King's County. The derivation of the word is uncertain. 439. WAINSCOTT: a post-office and R. R. station in East Hampton town. The name was first applied to a sheet of water still known as Wainscot t pond. The earliest record found is dated 1652, when it w r as ordered "that a cart-way shall be laid out to Wainscott where it may be most convenient" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 22). This name is not aboriginal although commonly On Long Island 269 supposed to be such. The pond took its name from an ancient method of preparing "Wainscot (oaken timber or boarding) " of which Josselyn gives an account in his second Voyage to New England, 1673, P- 61, "the ordering of red-oake for Wainscot, when they have cut it down and clear'd it from the branches, they pitch the body of the tree in a muddy place in a river, with the head downward for some time; afterwards they draw it out; and when it is seasoned sufficiently they saw it into boards for wainscot, and it will branch out into curious works." Wainscot was an article of export from a very early period as mentioned by many early writers. For a fuller history of this name, see my essay on "Some Supposed Indian Names of Places on Long Island" (Long Island Mag., 1883, pp. 51-54). 440. WAINSKCUMUNCAKE : see Anuskkum- mikak. 441. WALLACE: "Indian Name of Woodbury, Queen's Co." (De Kay). "The settlement in North Hempstead, called Westbury, was pre- viously denominated Wattage, by the natives" (Paper on the "Indian Names of Long Island" by B. F. Thompson, Proc. N. Y. Historical Society, 1845). Perhaps from a word related to the Dela- ware waloh, "a ditch," "hole," "cave" (walheu, " he digs a hole " ) . B r inton and Anthony (Lenape 270 Indian Place-Names Diet., 1889) give walak or waleck, "a hollow or excavation." 442. WAMPMISSIC: a tract of land and a large swamp in Brookhaven town, between Yaphank and Manor stations on the Long Island R. R. This tract of land was part of the Col. Wm. Smith's patent for the Manor of St. George, dated Oct. 5, 1693, consequently the name is not found in the early records, and is therefore to a great extent traditional. The earliest mention that can be found is in a deed of April 2, 1828, from the Smith heirs, to J. H. Weeks, for: "all that tract [giving the entire boundaries] called and known by the name of Wampmissic." The name Wampmiss-ick signifies "place of chestnut- trees." The components are wamp'miss=wom- pimish [Narragansett], "a chestnut- tree "; wom- piminineash, "chestnuts," literally "white nuts"; Delaware woapimininschi, "chestnut-tree"; -ick, locative suffix. Trumbull says: "In the Massa- chusetts or Natick dialect the locative affix was -it, -at, or -ut; in the Narragansett it appears to have been -ick, or -uck. This distinction was not, however, uniformly observed; we have for example keesaq-ut, 'to heaven'; sowwannak-it, (not -ick) 'to the southwest.' " The late W. J. Weeks, Esq., the then (Feb. 25, 1891) owner of the tract and swamp, by letter gives the informa- tion that: "The chestnut trees were chiefly On Long' Island 271 in the swamp in the central portion of the tract; they were killed by a great fire in the woods of Brookhaven in 1862 ; and he does not know whether the sprouts came up to much extent from the stumps, or not. " 443. WAMPONAMON: the extreme eastern end of Long Island at Montauk Point where the light- house stands. This name is first found recorded in the Indian deed of 1661, for the "Hither woods tract," viz. : "Whereby we did fully and firmly sell unto the said parties our neck of land . . . from . . . Wompenanit, to our uttmost bounds west- ward called Napeake" (Hedges's Address, 1848). It appears also as Wompenoonot (Ranger's Deeds of Montauk, 1850). In 1695, we find: "One fourth part of one whol share of that tract of land at the east end of the Island of Nassau stretching from Womponoman Point Eastward . unto Napeag Beach Westward, commonly known as Meun- taucut" (E. H. R., vol. ii., p. 331). Later the name occurs as Wamponamon. This name, in its early form, Wompenanit, signifies "at the east" or "eastward." Cognate are Massachusetts Wom- panniyeu, "the east (when daylight is) "; Abnaki, Wampanoag, "the east land"; Delaware Wapan- neunk, "east" or "on the east." Wompenanit would appear, therefore, to be composed of the word for "east" with the locative -it; while Wamponamon would be the same or a similar 272 Indian Place-Names word, with the suffix -onk, "place." Both names would thus signify "at the east, " or " to the east. " Wamponamon is also the name of Lodge No. 437, F. and A. M., at Sag Harbor, a very suitable name for those that hail from "the east. " 444. WANASQUATTAN : a locality in the western part of Babylon town, near Amity ville. Men- tioned in a grant by the town of Huntington, May 5, 1696, viz.: "Whereas Thomas Powell did obtaine from Governor Dongan a Lissence to Purchas of ye native proprietors of Masepague on Long Island, two hundred acars of Land about Wanasquattan on ye poynts against Massapeag swampes heads" (H. R., vol. ii., p. 188). This is one of the few instances where the aboriginal name of a place appears with its signification given. The name Wanasquatta, "point (or top) of the hills" is composed of wannasq' correspond- ing to the Delaware (Zeisberger) wanachquiwi, "point"; Massachusetts (Eliot) wannasque, "point," or "top" (Job xxiv., 24; Ezekiel xxi., 15): -attan (adene, attiny), inseparable generic for "hill" or "hills." In Eliot we have Wanasquodin- nunk, "in the top of the mountains" (Micah iv., i) ; Wanashquodinnuook, "tops of the mountains." 445. WANDOWENOCK: a locality at Newtown, Queen's Co. 'The eastern portion of the town was known to the natives as Wandowenock" On Long Island 273 (Thompson's L. I., vol. ii., p. 137). De Kay gives also Wandowenach. A similar name occurs in Connecticut as Wad'-awari-nuc, of which Trumbull writes: "The true meaning of the name has not been ascertained." I cannot do any better. 446. WANTAGH: village of Ridgewood, Hemp- stead; was changed at the request of the inhabi- tants to Wantagh in 1891. Wantagh is a variation of Wiandance. This form of his name appears on the Hempstead confirmation of July 4, 1647, and on the release of May n, 1658, as Waantauch, (Thompson's L. /., vol. ii., pp. 9, 10; Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 416; Book of Deeds, vol. ii., Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). See Wyandance. 447. WARACTO: see Warmtta. 448. WARRASKETUCK : a creek on the bounds between South Oyster Bay and Babylon towns, at Amityville. Andres's patent for Oyster Bay town, Sept. 29, 1677, says: "Beginning on the east, at the head of Cold Spring Harbor, and running a southward course across the Island to a certain river called by the Indians, Warmsketuck, etc.," (Thompson, vol. i., p. 488). Variations: Wanasketuc, 1797; Waunskittuc, 1860; Narraske- tuck, on some local maps. Allowing for the 18 274 Indian Place-Names permutation of r and n, Warrasketuck represents Wannasguetuck, "the ending or point creek," because the creek formed the southern end of the boundary. The components of the word would thus be wannasque, corresponding to Massa- chusetts wanashgue, "at the end of," "on the top of"; -tuck, "tidal stream," "creek." 449. WARRATTA: a neck of land at Centre Moriches, lying between Barnes's mill-pond (Ter- rell's River) and the creek Senex, Brookhaven town. On April 10, 1688, John Mahue, an Indian, sells to Elias Doughty of Flushing, half the neck Waraeta (Liber A, p. 25, of Deeds, Office of County Clerk of Suffolk). "Warratta" occurs in a deed from Col. Wm. Smith to Richard Smith, dated March 15, 1702-3. Samuel Terrell (who was the first white man to live upon it), in 1714, names it "Waracto Neck" (S. R., vol. ii., p. 336). As will be noticed, most of the Indian names of necks of land on the southern border of Brook- haven derive their appellations from the Indians who formerly lived and planted thereon. So with this name. Waraeta (Massachusetts wu- nehteau; Cree wunnetou) signifies "he loses, or forgets," "the loser" or "the forgetter." 450. WASPEUNK: a neck of upland on the east side of Mastic Neck, in town of Brookhaven, thus named on the Indian deed of April I, 1690, On Long' Island 275 to Andrew Gibb, viz.: "east by Sunkapogue Creek and to Waspeunk or Squorums Neck. " Waspeunk (Massachusetts wusapinuk) signifies "to the edge, bank, or margin of a stream. " See Musquatax. 451. WATCHOGUE: (a) a neck of land at East Moriches, Brookhaven town. This neck con- tains the east section of the village of East Moriches, and is locally known as the "neck," bounded on the east by " Mattuck" brook and west by a creek called "Pomiches." February 12, 1679: 'Dr. Henry Taylor having received liberty from the Governor Andros, October I, 1677, to purchase land on the southside of Long Island associating with himself Major Thomas Willets of Flushing, and Capt. Thomas Townsend of Oyster Bay, purchased of the Indian Mayhew the neck called Watchogue" i Munsell's Hist. S. C.}. Variants are: Watchauge, 1681; Watshage, 1697; Watchogue, 1882, etc. (b) Watchogue: a neck of land in the town of Islip, west of Bay Shore; Sept. I, 1701: "The Indians sell to Thomas Willets two necks of land called Manetuc and Watchogue, bounded west by the river called Compowams, east by the river called Watchogue, south by the salt bay and to extend northward keeping the full breadth of the said necks, as far as the north side of the pines" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 447). 276 Indian Place-Names (c) Watchogue: "a locality on Staten Island, between Old Place and Chelsea, a level sandy territory, sparsely populated, and where not cul- tivated covered with a slender growth of pines and cedars" (Clute's Annals of Staten Island, p. 228). Watchogue is Watch-auke, "land on a hill," or "hill land," corresponding to Delaware Wacht- schunk, "on a hill." The necks probably being more hilly than other tracts in the same neighbor- hood, perhaps a bluff or abrupt rising from the creek or river. The name on Staten Island has been transferred from some neighboring hill. The name occurs in other parts of the country. 452. WATTUQUASSET : a small neck of land lying on the southwest side of Great Pond, Montauk, mentioned in the Indian deed of May 31, 1683, to John Osborne (recorded in Sessions No. i, p. 134). The name Wattuquasset is re- solvable into Wattuqua-es-et, "at or near the poles"; probably the "poles" of a haystack. Where the "haystack stood" is referred to in another record for land in close proximity. The components of the word are: Wattuqua, corre- sponding to Massachusetts wuttuhq, "bough," "branch"; -es-et, locative, "at or near." 453- WAUBHEAG: a river or creek on Rock- away Neck, Queen's Co. Mentioned in 1655, viz.: "a certain tract of land, on ye west side of On Long Island 277 Rockeway Neck, so running westward to a river- which river is called by the Indeans waubheag" (Munsell's Hist. Queen's Co.}. This name is probably derived from an Indian who lived on the banks of a river. One of a similar name lived on a neck in Brookhaven town called "Wopehege allis porridg Indien" (Brookhaven Rec., vol. i., p. 70). 454. WAUWEPEX: "The original settlement on the west side of Cold Spring Harbor, Oyster Bay, Queen's Co., was denominated by them Wawepex" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 50). Also occurs as Wauwepex. The name Wauwepex repre- sents Waure-paug-es-it, "at the good little water- place or pond. " The locality took its name from some "good spring of water" as did probably the English name of "Cold Spring." The components of the word are wauwe ( = Massachusetts wunni, or ivirri), "good"; -paug, "pond" or "water- place"; -es-it, "at or near." Pex (compare e.g. Connecticut names in -poxet, etc.) often appears as a corrupted form of the diminutive of -paug. 455. WECKATUCK: a neck of land, and a running spring of water, at the foot of "Long Beach," Southampton town, about three miles from Sag Harbor, on the Noyack road. It is frequently mentioned in the early records, first in 1657, as follows: "Deposition of Mr. Richard 278 Indian Place-Names Odell . . . the Sachems did not sett the bounds of East Hampton in the covenant of the purchase by reason of Job Sayer and my Standinge for the bounds of Southampton but was left untill Southampton men should make out their Lawfull bounds, the Manhansett Sachem pointed to my best rememberance about Wecutake spring for the line to runne nere upon the South or upon the South line" (E. H. R., vol. L, p. 136). Again in 1680: "the meadow on the west side of Wecatuck neck." Again in 1706: "By the ap- pointment of ye proprietors of North sea pur- chase was appointed John Lupton and George Harris and Thomas Cooper to lay out nine lots betweene ffaranteans point and Weckatuck spring so-called upon Hog neck beach" (S. H. R., vol. ii., pp. 91, 145). Variations are: Weeckatuck, 1706; Weckatuck, 1797. The site of an Indian village is located within a short distance of this spring, and it must have been a favorite resort of the red-man, as it is to-day for the thirsty pedestrian. This name is susceptible of two interpretations: either, weque-tugk, "end of the woods or trees"; or weque-tuk, "end of the cove or creek." Both significations will apply to the locality, Wecka- tuck spring being at the "end of the woods," from any direction of approach, from Noyack, Sag Harbor, or Bridgehampton. It is also at the "head of the cove" from the same directions. The first component in either case will be weque On Long Island 279 ( = Massachusetts uhqude), "end"; the -tugk of Wequetugk will correspond to Massachusetts m'h'tug (root, h'tug), "tree"; the -tuk of Wequetuk is -tuck, "tidal stream," "creek." 456. WEEKEWACKMAMISH : a creek at the hamlet, known as Southport, Southampton town. It is now called "Mill Creek" and empties into the Peconic Bay. It is designated by its Indian name in the testimony of Paucamp taken down in 1660, who gave the names of five creeks: 'The fourth Weekewackmamish" (Book of Deeds, vol. ii., p. 213, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). In the deposition of Rev. Thos. James, Oct. 1 8, 1667, acting as interpreter, we find the following reference to this locality, viz.: "And that in those tymes the bounds of thefe Akkobauk Indians came Eastward of the river Pehik konuk to a creek which she named, And they gathered flags for Matts within that tract of land" (E. H. R., vol. i., p. 261). The name denotes "a place where the Indians gathered or cut reeds, rushes, or flags, " of which they made their mats, baskets, etc. The components of the word are weekewack = Massachusetts weekinaqite (Eliot), "reeds"; Narra- gansett we'kinash (Williams), "reed"; -mamish = Narragansett manisimmin, "to cut," or "to mow"; Virginian (Strachey) manisc, "to cut." Altogether, "where we cut reeds." 28o Indian Place-Names 457- WEEPOOSE: name of a little brook in Islip town, also known as Keemiscomock (Bayles's Hist. Suffolk Co.}. I have been unable to learn anything further in regard to it. It may be the same as Seapoose, "little river." See Seapoose. 458. WEGONTHOTAK : a river or creek on Mastic Neck, Brookhaven town. This name appears in the early records once only, then in the Indian deed for meadows at Mastic Neck, 1657, viz.: "This writing testifyeth that Wiandance the Men- take Sachem have sold to Mr. Richard Woodhull of Seatauke, two great necks of meadow, lying from a River called Connecticut and so to a River called Wegonthotak, eastward" (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 92). It appears also as Wegonthotuck (Munsell's Hist. S. C.}. The word is probably a variation of the name appearing as Wanun- gatuck, Waunungtatuck, Wenunguetuck, or Wongat- tack in Connecticut, which Dr. J. H. Trumbull translates as "at the bend, or winding of the river." The components of the word are we-' gontho, corresponding to Delaware woakeu, Massa- chusetts woonki, "crooked"; -tak (-tuck], "tidal river, ""creek." 459. WEHAHAMIS : a small creek in the town of Islip, mentioned in a deed of 1714, discovered by O. B. Ackerly, Esq., as follows: "East of Great River, and south east of Brickkiln Point, On Long' Island 281 two small creeks or runnes of water, called Wehahamis eastward and Essachias westward." This name represents probably Wehguah-amis, "the end tree or post," a boundary designation. 460. WERPOS: a locality in the present tenth ward of Brooklyn. Mentioned in Kieft's patent, dated May 27, 1640: "for a certain peice of land upon the Long Island near Merechkawikingh about Werpos" (Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xiv., p. 31). Ac- cording to Schoolcraft, "Warpoes was a term be- stowed upon a piece of elevated ground, situated above and beyond the small lake or pond called the Kolck (in New York City). This term is ap- parently a derivation from Wawbose, a hare, a rabbit," (N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll.). Schoolcraft is, no doubt, in error in deriving this name from the Chippewa wdbos, "a rabbit. " This name does not occur in the eastern Algonkian languages, as the name of that animal. Besides it would not appear as the name of a place unless as the name of an Indian residing there. I would suggest its derivation as from a word corresponding to the Delaware (Zeisberger) wipochk, "a bushy place, " "a thicket." See Weepoose. 461. WESUCK: an abbreviation of Achabacha- wesuck, a brook at Atlantic ville, Southampton. This name was evidently too difficult for the Eng- lish to retain, so the first part was dropped and the 282 Indian Place-Names brook became known as simply "Weesuck, " or '' Wesuck," See Achabachawesuck. 462. WHOMESES: see Homes. 462%. WIANDANCE: see Wyandance. 463. WICKAPOGUE: a farniing district at the western end of Meacox Bay, Southampton town. This name is first found in the division of land of 1668, viz.: "Tho. Goldsmith at the end of his home lot, the rest by goodman Halseys at Weeguapaug," Same date: "Mr. John Howell as much as may be his owne at Weequapoug" (S. H. R., vol. i., pp. 149, 150). Variations are: Weeka- paug, 1681; Wecapoug, 1681; Wickapogue, 1739; Wickapog, 1753. Trumbull says: " Wequa-paug means 'at the. end of the pond, water place.' The prefix (Mass, wehquae, uhquae, as in wehqu- ohke, 'end of the earth') signifies, primarily, 'as far as,' 'to the extreme point, or limit of ' ; it is common to all Algonkin dialects, as in Chip, waiekwa- ketchigami, the name of Fond du Lac (Wis. and Minn.), 'at the end of the great water' (Lake Superior). A form of the same prefix is found in the Mohegan name weexcodawa, for Mass. wehqshi-, weekshik, 'it extends to,' 'goes as far as, is the end.' In some place-names, wequae or a derivative (Mass, (phquae, ukquae, oohque) denotes a 'point,' or ending of either land or water On Long Island 283 (in a cove, harbor, or inlet). Comp. Chip. wikweia, ' it forms a bay ' ; wikwe- (as prefix) ' in a corner of (Baraga)." Wickabaug, the name of the Indian village now West Brookfield,. Mass, (a pond in the western part of the village still bears the name of Wickaboag), is the same word. See Wickaposset. 464. WICKAPOSSET : a point of land at Fisher's Island, Southold town. "A small rocky island at the east end of Fisher's Island, also Wecopesuck, Wicapeset. For wehque-peasik, ' little thing at the end' of the great island" (Trumbull's Indian Names in Connecticut}. This would correspond to Massachusetts wehque, "as far as," "at the end"; peasik (or peesik) "a small thing." See Wickapogue. 465. WIGWAGONOCK, Wegwagonuck : that part of Sag Harbor east of Division Street, belonging to East Hampton town. The oldest inhabitant of the town has no knowledge of the locality by this name. For a long time the writer was unable to locate it. It is referred to in the early records some years previous to the settlement of the village. According to a release dated 1698, Joseph Stretton was left by his father: "a share of that peice of meddow that Lyes nearest Hogg Neck in this townes Bounds. " " On April 4, 1710, Joseph Stretton chose his land going to his farther 284 Indian Place-Names meadow towards the west bounds"; "April 30, 1711, "he chose his right in said division to be near or joining to his meadow at Wegwagonuck" April 30, 1718, "it was agreed that all the land lying to the westward of Joseph Stretton's meadow at Wegwago- nock shall lie as common land forever all the land lying between the bound line and the North- side to the utmost limite of East Hampton bounds"; in 1728, "Ananias Conkling Jr. entereth his land joining his land at Wigwagonock near the bound line"; in 1731, "Cornelius Conkling receives an acre in exchange at same place" (E. H. R., vol. ii., p. 4; vol. iii., pp. 241, 275, 382, 443, 465). All of which proves the name to belong to Sag Harbor. Conkling is perpetuated in Conkling 's Point, adjoining the meadows, which were more extensive at that period than they are to-day. The march of improvements, encroach- ment of the sea, etc., have all contributed their part toward obliterating what was once known as the "Great Meadows" at Sag Harbor. The bound line above mentioned is now Division Street, which separated East Hampton from Southampton. The name Wegwagonuck repre- sents Wequae-adn-auke and means "place at the end of the hill," probably the hill known as "Sleights Hill." The meadow was in close prox- imity on the north, and extended at one time as far west as "Bush Street," within three hundred feet of the bound line at Division Street. At the On Long' Island 285 foot of this hill can be seen the remains of an extensive shell-heap, or village site. A large part of its area has been carted away to fill up the meadow adjoining and to lay out "East Water Street." It was this Indian settlement probably that gave the name to the locality. The site of an Indian village at Sharon, Conn., was known by the same name, viz. : Wequadnack, Wachquatnack, afterwards corrupted to Wequag- nock. The components of the name are wegwa ( = Massachusetts wequde), "end"; -adn, "hill"; -auke, "place." 466. WIGWAME: a swamp in the town of Huntington. In 1695 there was: "Laide out by the survaiers of the town of Huntington, a highway beginning at the head of ye Wigwam swamp." A note by C. R. Street, Esq., says: 'The 'wigwam swamp' here mentioned was where the main part of Cold Spring village is now located." Wigwam places are frequently named in the early records. In 1640 a place in Southold town was known as the "Five Wigwams" (see Manhansuck). This word is common to many Algonkian dialects. Trumbull has given us the etymology of the name in connection with the Narragansett form wetuomuck, viz. : ' Wetu has the form of a verb in the indicative, which may be nearly translated by 'he is at home,' 'he houses.' Wek, week (Eliot) is the regularly formed sub- 286 Indian Place-Names junctive or conditional third person singular of the verb 'when (or where) he is at home.' The locative affix makes weekit (Eliot) or wekick, 'at or in his home' (see Eliot's Grammar, p. n, where the word wigwam is shown to be a corrup- tion of weekuwout or wekuwomut, 'in his house,' which is doubtless an error of the press for 'in their house' as the word has the plural affix) ; wetudmuck as Mr. Williams wrote it; Abnaki wigvam, cabane, maison (Rale)" (Narragansett Club Reprint of R. Williams's Key}. 467. WIMBACCOE: Bergen Island. See Winip- pague. 468. WINCORAM: see Cor am. 469. WINGANHAUPPAUGE : a neck of land and a brook in the village and town of Islip. The name originally belonged to the brook or to its head waters. It is sometimes called Champlain's Creek. On Nov. i, 1686, Letters Patent were issued to Wm. Nicoll for: "A certain parcel of land and meadow ground unimproved and not as yet granted to any person or persons whatsoever, being bounded east, by lands of the said Wm. Nicoll, south by the sound or bay, west by a creek called Wingatthappagh, and north by a right line from the head of said creek or river called Wingatthappagh," etc. (Book of Patents, vol. On Long Island 287 iii., p. 603, Office of Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.). On March 26, 1692, Gov. Ingoldsby granted to Andrew Gibb of Queen's Co.: "A certaine tract of vacant Land upon Long Island commonly called and known by the name of Wingarihappogue Neck being Bounded on the East by Wingan- happogue River, South by the Bay, West by the Orewake River and North by a Right Line from the head of Winganhappogue River," etc. (Book of Patents, p. 372). In a mortgage dated Oct. 30, 1703, by Andrew Gibb to Wm. Richardson we find: "All that neck of land . . . commonly known and called by ye name of Wingan- hoppogue neck or ye pleasant springs," etc. (Abstract of the Title of Wm. Trist Bailey, etc., p. 1 88) . Variations are : Wingan Hauppauge, 1 773 ; Winganhoppog, 1821. Wingatt, in the Nicoll pat- ent, is probably an error of spelling. "Pleasant Springs," as given in the Gibb's mortgage of 1703, is a free interpretation probably bestowed by Gibb himself, who was more or less familiar with the language of the natives, and was a prominent man of that period. The components of the name, according to this derivative, would be wingan = ' ' sweet, " " savory, " " pleasant to the taste" ' = Narragansett weekan, "it is sweet"; Massachusetts weekon (Eliot), "it is sweet"; -kappa gh or -kauppaug, "the springs." This is a free translation of a name that would be natur- ally applied, as descriptive, to living springs that 288 Indian Place-Names burst forth and spread their waters over the land ; thereby creating boggy swamps and deceptive quicksands. Its literal meaning, however, is "flooded or overflowed land." In happaug, the radical -du- means "to cover"; -pauk, -paug, a generic term for a water-place. See Happauge. 470. WINGATTHAPPAGH : seeWinganhauppa2ige. 471. WINIPPAGUE: Bergen Island, Jamaica Bay. Also Wimbaccoe. The name denotes "a fine water-place," from wini, "fine," -paug, "water-place." 472. WINKET: a point of land in Huntington town on the southern shore of Eaton's Neck (see maps of the Island). This name is not In- dian, but corrupted from "winkle, " as the mollusk periwinkle (Pyrula canaliculata) is sometimes called (H. R., vol. iii., p. 462). It was named by the Indians meteaiihock, "ear-shaped shell." The wampum, or white money, was "made out of the inmost wreaths " of the shell, or " of the stem or stock, when all the shell is broken off ' (Wood's N. E. Prospect, Pt. II., ch. 3, and after p. 144). These stems or whorls are quite plentiful in every shell that dots the shores of eastern Long Island. 473. WINNECOMAC : hamlet in the eastern part of Huntington town, and partly in Smithtown, On Long Island 289 now abbreviated to Comae. In November, 1689, the Secatogue Indians conveyed to John Skid- more and John Whitman of Huntington a tract of land: "known by ye name of Winne-comac bounded on ye north side by Witmans Hollow; running eastward by ye marked trees to ye head of ye southwest branch of Nosoquog River; upon ye East side upon a south line to ye pine plaine; upon ye south side by ye pathward points of trees to Huntington Patten joining on the west side to Whitmans Hollow" (vol. i. of Deeds, Office of Sec'y of State, 1692 to 1714, p. 101). Variations are: Winnecomak, 1797; Winecomack, 1787; Weno Comack, 1791; Wenecomack, 1795; Wenea-Com- mack, 1812, etc. The name Winnecomac is de- rived from winne = winni (varying in local dialects to wirri, waure, willi, we'e), "good, fine, pleasant ' ' (Trumbull) ; -comae = Massachusetts komuk (Eliot), "a house," " a place," "field," etc. Winnikomuk, thus signifies "a pleasant field," 1 ' good land, " " fine country. ' ' See Comae. 474. WINNECROSCOMS : neck of land in Brook- haven town. One of the many necks of land into which Mastic is divided. Graham's map, Sept. 19, 1693, gives them as follows eastward from the Connecticut River, Seabamuck, Unquachock, Ffloyds, Porigies, Ebwons or Snake Neck, Wino- crosscombs, Mastic. On (probably) Aug. 6, 1684, Samuel Eburn of Seatalcot petitions for a license 19 290 Indian Place-Names to purchase "a neck of land called Snake Neck on the southside of Long Island, bounded to the east on Winnecroscombs Neck, to the west on the head of Pattersquas river" (Cal. of Land Papers, Office of the Sec'y of State, Albany, N. Y.,p. 29). In an Indian deed for roads, 1690, the name appears as Wenacroscoms; again as Wenicroscoms. This was the name of its Indian owner or dweller, his name appears on the Indian deed for beach, in 1685, as Winecroscum (B. H. R., vol. i., p. 69). See Minaussums for another early form, in 1690. 475. WISQUOSUCKS : a point of land on the Connecticut River, Brookhaven town. The name has for many years been abbreviated to Squas- sucks. Wisquosuck, Wesquasesac, or Wisguassuck was an Indian of the Unkechaug tribe who resided on this point. See Squassucks. 476. WISSIQUACK: a corrupted form of Nisse- quogue, Smithtown. On February 24, 1704, Benj. Aske petitions the governor for a warrant to survey a tract of land on the north side of the county of Suffolk, on Wissiquack River. See Tackan, Nissequogue. 477. WONUNKE: neck of land at West Hamp- ton, Southampton town. The two necks of land lying east of Beaver Dam River (Apocuck Creek) were known as "Great" and "Little Wonunk." On Long Island 291 "At a town meeting 1 68 1, it is agreed that all the meadows as Assops Neck, Catchponack, Potunk, and Ononke shall be layd out to every man in- terested there" (S. H. R., vol. ii., p. 88). Varia- tions are: Onunk, 1683; Wonunk, 1686; Wononck, 1738; Wonnonch, 1738; Wononke, 1738; Wonock, 1738; Onuck, 1739; Onach, 1742; modernly Onuck. This name as a prefix occurs in Connecticut Wonunkapaukook = wonunki-paug-ohke, ' ' land at the bend or turning of the pond" (Trumbull). Here wonunke means simply "the bend" of either land or water. The above necks are indented by two coves that put in from the bay. The radical is seen in Massachusetts woonki, "it bends," "it is crooked"; Delaware woakeu; Chippewa wdgina, etc. 478. WOORUSKHOUSE : a place frequently men- tioned by Rev. Azariah Horton, in 1741-3, as being three miles from West Neck, now in the town of Babylon. The orthography is quite uniform. It is possibly meant for Wanasque-auke, "a point of land" (from wanasque, "at the end of"; -auke, "land"). See Horton's Journal. 479. WOPOWOG: Stony Brook, Brookhaven town. "Known formerly by the Indian name of Wopawog" (Thompson, vol. i., p. 343). This name is found in Connecticut as Weepowaug, Wopowaug, Wypeuvke, etc. It designates land 292 Indian Place-Names "at the narrows" of a river or cove, and usually "the crossing place," weepwoi-auk. The diminu- tive, "at the little crossing place," is found in Wepoiset, the narrows of Kekamuit River in Bristol, R. L, and in Weybosset, formerly Wapwayset, Providence (Trumbull). Our Wopowog probably designates the crossing over the brook now covered by a bridge. Eliot has weepwoiyeuut (i Sam. xiii., 23), "in the passage (between two places)." 480. WUCHEBEHSUCK : a valley on the east side of the "North Neck," Montauk, East Hampton town. The outlet of a small flaggy pond and swamp flows through the valley at certain seasons of the year. This name is recorded in the Indian deed of 1670, and in the documents relating to the same. The tract covered by this grant was formerly known as the Wuchebehsuck purchase, later as the nine-score acre purchase, or the land between the ponds. The deed gives us: 'By us the fors'd parties Wuchebehsuck, a place by the fort pond, being a Valley Southward from the fort Hill to Shahchippitchage, being on ye North side ye s'd Land, midway between the great pond and fort pond, so on as straight line to Chebiakinnauhsuk, from thence to a swamp where the hay stacks stood, called Mahchongit- chage, and so through the swamp to the great pond, then straight from the hay stacks to the great pond, so along by the pond to a place called On Long Island 293 Manunkguiaug, on furthest side the reeds growing on ye South End of the great pond Eastward, and so along to the sea side to a place called Chop- pauhshapaugausiick, so straight from thence to the South Sea" (Hedges's Address, 1849, Appendix, p. 85). All the aboriginal names in the above deed, as previously given in this work, are boun- daries simply. This one is no exception. Wuche- behsuck represents Wut-chebeh-suck, "at the brook of separation," or "at the bound-mark brook, or outlet." The components are: witch =wut (Eliot), "at or on"; chcbeh = chachabe, or chadchabe (Eliot), "that which divides or separates" (chabenuk in Eliot, "a bound-mark"); -suck, "a brook" or an "outlet of a pond." Atchau- benuck, the southeast corner bound of Quinebaug lands in Connecticut is probably of the same derivation. 481. WYAMAUG: a point of land at Jamesport, Riverhead town. This name is found early in the records as Miamogue and Miamegg, and it is probably an error in spelling, although in this form it resembles Weraumaug Lake on the northwest border of New Preston, Conn., which Trumbull translates as "a good fishing-place," from wirri, "good"; -amaug, "fishing-place." See Miamegg. 482. WYANDANCE: the locality known as West 294 Indian Place-Names Deer Park, on the L. I. R. R. in the town of Babylon, was changed to Wyandance on Jan. I, 1889. Wyandance was the Sachem of Paumanack after the death of his elder brother in 1652. On the heights of Montauk was located his palisadoed village. Always the friend of the white settler, it is fitting that his name should be perpetuated in some part of his domain. The fact that it was considered necessary by the early settlers of the various middle and western towns of the Island to have his sign manual affixed to the deeds given by the resident Indians, seems to have evoked some detrimental comments thereon. Some think that Lyon Gardiner pulled the string, and the Sachem danced to it, but it was not so. These writers ignore, or else did not know of the agreement of 1645, by which the four confederated Sachems of Paumanack, all brothers, took these weak tribes under their care and pro- tection (see Mochgonnekonck] . This was done at the request of the tribes, and in doing it the Sachems naturally acquired a right to have a say in the disposal of these lands, which our ancestors understood and recognized. Besides all this, the signification of his name shows the estimation in which his opinion was held by his own and adjoining tribes. The variations in spelling are: Weandance, 164.2; Wiantanse or Wiantance, 1644; Weyrinteynich, 1645; Wyandanch, 1648; Wain- On Long Island 295 dance, 1657; Wyandance, 1657; Wyandack, 1659; Wayandanch, 1659. Lyon Gardiner's Relation has Waiandance. The name Wyandance is derived from waian- or wayan = wauontam (he is) wise ; Massa- chusetts waantam (Eliot), "wise"; waantog, "wise"; -dance, -danch, or -/a?zee = Narragansett taunche, "to tell (something)," "to speak out." As a whole, Wayan-taunche, "the wise speaker or talker," from whom we could learn something. Compare the Delaware wewoatangik, "wise man"; wewoatank, "a sensible man," Micmac (Rand). 483. WYNYCOMIC: see Winnecomac. 484. YAPHANK: a village in Brookhaven town. The name was originally applied to a creek some distance south of the hamlet. In Tobacus's deed for land on south side, June 10, 1664, it was bounded: "on the Easte with a river called Yamphanke. " An Indian deed for Yamphank Neck, Nov. 13, 1688, bounds it "on the south by a smale River called Yamphank." Fletcher's patent to Wm. Smith, Oct. 5, 1693, is: "for land formerly purchased from the Indians, we find the bounds are to a creek running out of the said river [Connecticut] called Yaphank and soe along the south west bank of ye sd creek unto its head the whole creek included" (B. R. H., vol. i., pp. n, 71 , 78) . Variations are : Yemkhamp, 1738; Yamphank, 1745. The name Yaphank or 296 Indian Place-Names Yamphank, denotes "the bank of a river," and is the equivalent of the Delaware yapeechen, yapewi, "on the river bank or edge of the water" (Micmac ydtkamkek, "the bank of a river"). So-called because the creek bounded the above tract of land along its whole length. 485. YATAMUNTITAHEGE : see Tatamucka- takis. 486. YENNICOCK: the supposed Indian name of the locality where the village of Southold is situated. It is first mentioned in a deed dated October 25, 1640, viz.: "Be it known unto all men by these p'sents that I Richard Jackson of Yennacock, Carpenter my heires, executors and assigns doth sett or assigne and make over to Thomas Weatherly marriner, his heirs, executors or assigns his dwelling house and all app'tennces thereunto belonging" (S. R., vol. i., p. 113). Variations are: Yennycok, 1642; Yennicok, 1642; Yenycott, 1643; Yennicock, 1643; Yenicott, 1644; Yeanocock, 1644; Yannocock, 1667; Yeannecock, 1668. The above dwelling house in another entry is said to have been on " Hashamomuk neck," but it was really on what is now known as Pipe's Neck. Charles B. Moore, Esq., in his address at the Southold Celebration, August, 1890, derived this name from the old Sachem of Shelter Island, Yoco, Youghcoe, etc. There is, On Long Island 297 however, no identity between the two names. Yennicock belonged to the whole of that tract of land extending from Peconic River to Plum Gut, the same as Montauk belonged to the whole tract of that peninsula, for the name was applied to those Indians that formerly planted at Ague- bogue, as well as to those living in other parts of this tract. The name Yennicock or Yeannecock parallels a Massachusetts Yeanni-auk-ut, from yeanni, "extended," "stretched out," with the locative affi.i -cock=auk-ut. The word thus signifies "at the extended land or country." This applies well to this large tract of land on which it was bestowed. Besides this, the early mention of the name in the records of the mother colony at New Haven seems to designate the whole tract under the jurisdiction of that colony and not any particular settlement. There is absolutely no proof that Southold existed as a settlement in October, 1640, and that the statement that Richard Jackson was of Yennicock simply re- ferred to the fact that his house and land were part of this "extended country" and that he never lived at what is now known as Southold. APPENDIX I LIST OF ALGONKIAN NAMES SUITABLE FOR COUN- TRY HOMES, HOTELS, CLUBS, MOTOR-BOATS, ETC. ADCHA'ENIN, "one who goes a hunting." (Also Adcha'en.) ADCHA'UKOMA, "hunting house." ANA'SKAME'SET, "tree that bears acorns." ANO'CKQUS, "a star." ANWO'HSIN, "he rests." APWO'NNAH, "an oyster." ARRA'X " gull." AWE'PESHA, "it calms." CHA'NSOPS, "grasshopper." CHE'CKEPU'CHAT, "the wild cat," an Indian so named. CHE'KHAMPO'G, "he sweeps the water." CHE'PEWI'SSIN, "northeast wind." CHE'TUHQUA'B, "crown." CHIKKU'PEMI'SET, "at the cedar tree." JI'SKHAMPO'G, "he wipes up the water." KEHCHI'PPAM, "on the shore." KE'HTOH, "the sea." KENU'PPE, "swiftly." KITO'MPANI'SHA, "break of day." KO'DTOHKE, "top of the land." 299 300 Indian Place-Names KO'GKENU'PPE, "go quick." KO'UAMI'SET, "at the pine tree." KUPPO'HKOMA, "a grove," i.e., "shut-in place." KUPPO'MUK, "a haven." KUSSI'TCHUAN, "rapid stream." KUTSHA'MUNAT, "the lightning." KU'TTIS, "cormorant." MACHI'PSCAT, "a stony path." MA'SSATUK, "a great tree." MA'UCHETAN, "ebb tide." MAUTA'BON, "daylight," or "morning." ME'TWEE, "poplar tree." MISHA'NNEK, "a squirrel." MISHA'NNOCK, "morning star," i.e., "great star." MISHA'UPAN, "a great wind. " MISHO'ON, "a canoe." MISHQUA'TUK, "cedar tree," i.e., "red tree." MI'SSITTO'PU, "great frost." MO'GEWE'TU, "a great house." MO'GGETUK, "a great tree." MOGKE'KOMA, "a great house." MO'HKUSSA', "burning coal." MO'NUNKS, "ash tree." MUCKQUE'TU, "he is swift." MUNNA'NNOCK, "the moon," i.e., "wonderful star." NEPA'NON, "a shower." NEPA'UZ, "the sun." NE'TOP, "my friend." NICKQUE'NUM, "I am going." NI'MBAU, "thunder." Appendix I 301 NO'TAMI'SET, "at the oak tree." NO'TTOMOG, "a mink." NUNNA'KOMA, "on the shore," i.e., "dry place." O'PENOCK, "the marten" (Mustela Americana) . OUSA'MEQUIN. "yellow feather, " one of the names of the famous Indian Massasoit. OUW'AN, "the mist." PA'PONE'TIN, "west wind." PA'SHISHA, "sunrise." PE'HTEAU, "it foams." QUA'NNACUT, "the rainbow," i.e., "long mantle." SO'CHEPO, "the snow," i.e., "it snows." SOHSU'MO, "glory," i.e., "it shines forth." SOWA'NISHIN, "south wind, " i.e., "the wind blows from the south." SO'WANO'HKE, "the south-land." SUNNA'DIN, "north wind." TAMO'CCON, "a flood tide." < TAPA'NTAM, "enough minded," or "it satisfies." ! TA'PAPI'MIN, "room enough." TEA'NUK, "quickly." TIA'DCHE, "quick." TO'PU, "frost." TOUWU'TTIN, "south wind." USHPUN'WISQ, "he lifts the cup." WAMPMI'SET, "at the chestnut tree." WAMSU'TTA, "he has a kind heart," name of an Indian (eldest son of Massasoit). 3O2 Indian Place-Names '-unset." '"-he sea." WAYA'AWI, "sunset. WECHE'KUM, "the sea. WEKONA'NTAM, "sweet-minded. WE'NAUWE'TU, " well housed. " WE'QUARRAN, "eagle." WISA'TTIMI'SET, "at the red-oak tree." WO'DDISH, "a nest." WOPA'TIN, "east wind." WO'SOWA'NCON, "a rose." WUNA'UQUIT, "evening." WUNNE'GIN, "welcome." WU'NNEOTA'N, "good town." WUNO'HKE, "good ground." WUSA'BANUK, "bank," "bluff," or "margin." WUSKA'UKOMA, "grove," i.e., "new place." WUSKA'WHAN, "a pigeon." WUSSE'MO, "he flies." WUSSE'NTAM, "he goes a-wooing." WU'SSOQUATOMI'SET, "at the walnut tree." WU'SSUCKHO'SICK, "writing-house. " WUTTA'HMIN, "strawberry," i.e., "heart berry." WUTTA'NHO, "a staff." WY'BENETT, "the wind," an Indian so named. YOVA'WAN, "midst of the mist." Note. Except in a few cases, the accents have been added to these words by the editor. All of the names belong to the Massachusetts (Natick) and Narragansett dialects. The correct accentuation of some words is a matter of doubt, as the Indians them- selves varied in these matters not a little. A. F. C. APPENDIX II BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CONTRIBUTIONS TO ALGONKIAN NOMENCLATURE, ETC. By WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKER CORRESPONDING MEMBER BROOKLYN INSTITUTE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES. CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE NUMISMATIC AND ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA. MEMBER OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON. A FOUNDER OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION. ONE TIME FELLOW OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, AND SECRETARY OF THE SECTION OF ANTHROPOLOGY, ETC. 1. Indian Geographical Names on Long Island. In Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, vol. iii., pp. 55-56, Brooklyn, 1888. About 100 names, alphabetically arranged, with mean- ings. 2. Indian Place-Names on Long Island, revised and corrected. In Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, vol. iv., pp. 25-26, Brooklyn, 1889. About 175 names alphabetically ar- ranged, with meanings. 3. Indian Place-Names on Long Island, revised ani corrected. In Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, vol. v., pp. 35-37, Brooklyn, 1890. 4. Indian Place-Names in East-Hampton, Long Island, with their Probable Significations. In Records of the Town of East Hampton, Long Island, Suffolk Co., N. Y. (Sag Harbor, 1889). An alphabetical list of 28 names in the Montauk language, with meaning and analysis . . . Issued separately, as next title below. 303 304 Indian Place-Names 5. Indian Place-Names in East-Hampton Town, with their Probable Significations, written for the East-Hampton Town Records, vol. iv., Sag Harbor, J. H. Hunt, printer, 1889. Cover title as above, inside title as above, verso blank; 1., text, pp. i-x. 6. Indian Place-Names on Long Island, and Islands Adjacent, with their probable significations. Present Publica- tion. 7. Notes to the Address of Hon. Henry P. Hedges. In Address delivered at the celebration of the 2$oth anniversary of the village and town of Southampton, June 12, 1890 (Sag Harbor, N. Y., 1890). Also few Indian names passim, with translation of Peconic. J. H. Hunt, Publisher, Sag Harbor, N. Y., 1890. 8. Some Indian Names of Places on Long Island, N. Y., and their Correspondences in Virginia, as Mentioned by Capt. John Smith, and Associates. Magazine of New England History, vol. i., pp. 154-158, Newport, R. I., 1891. 9. The Name Massachusetts. Magazine of New England History, vol. i., pp. 159-160, Newport, R. I., 1891. 10. Analysis of the claims of Southold, L. I., for priority of settlement over Southampton, L. I., and how they are disproved by the early records and contemporary manu- scripts. Few Indian names, with their meaning given. Magazine of New England History, vol. ii., pp. 1-16, Newport, R. I., 1892. Revised and read before joint meeting of Southampton Colonial Society, and Sag Harbor Historical Society, March 5, 1903. 11. The Kuskarawaokes of Captain John Smith. The American Anthropologist, vol. vi., pp. 409-414, Washington, D. C., 1893. Reprinted in The Arch&ologist, vol. i., pp. 248- 251, Waterloo, Ind., December, 1893. 12. Indian Names of Places in Brooklyn. Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, pp. 58-60, Brooklyn, N. Y., 1893. 13. The Name Susquehanna; Its Origin and Significance. The American Antiquarian, vol. xv., pp. 286-291, Good Hope, 111., September, 1893. Appendix II 305 14. Some Supposed Indian Names of Places on Long Island. The Long Island Magazine, vol. i., No. 2, pp. 51-54, Brooklyn, N. Y., 1893. 15. The Aboriginal Terms for Long Island. Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, pp. 39-41, Brooklyn, N. Y., 1894. Re- printed in The Archcsologist, Waterloo, Ind., vol. ii., pp. 171-178, 1894. 1 6. The Algonquian Terms Patawomeke and Massawomeke. The American Anthropologist, vol. vii., pp. 174-185, Washington, D. C., 1894. Also reprint of 50 copies. 17. On the Meaning of the Name Anacostia. The American Anthropologist, vol. vii., pp. 389-393. Washington, D. C., 1894. 1 8. Some Indian Fishing Stations upon Long Island. This paper is a study, with interpretations of some Indian names of fishing places upon Long Island, N. Y., together with some historical facts relating to the same, gathered from early records and documents of the I7th century. Read before Section H, American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Brooklyn, August, 1894. Printed in Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, pp. 54-57, 1895. 19. Roger William's Vindicated, or an Answer to a "Key-hole for Roger Williams's Key." A reply to "A Key-hole for Roger Williams's Key," by Wm. D. Ely, Providence, 1892. Publications of the Rhode Island Historical Society, New Series, vol. ii., No. i, pp. 61-67, Providence, 1894. Re- plied to in publication of same society, vol. ii., pp. 189- 196, by Wm. D. Ely. 20. The Key Fact versus Theory. A final answer to Wm. D. Ely, Esq., Publication of the Rhode Island Historical Society, New Series, vol. ii., No. 4, pp. 237-241, 1895. Remarks by Dr. Amos Perry on same decision of Dr. Daniel G. Winter. 21. The Discovery of Chaunis Temoatan of 1586. The Ameri- can Antiquarian, vol. xvii., pp. 1-15, Good Hope, 111., 1895. Also reprint of 100 copies. Also printed in Brooklyn Daily Eagle and Sag Harbor Express, 1894, shortly after being read before Section H of A. A. A. S., ao 306 Indian Place-Names at Brooklyn, August, 1894. Abstract in Proceedings for that year. 22. The Algonquian Appellatives of the Siouan Tribes of Vir- ginia, The American Anthropologist, vol. viii., pp. 376-392, Washington, D. C., 1895. Read by the author before Section H of A. A. A. S., at Springfield, Mass., August, 1895- 23. The Origin of the Name "Chesapeake." The Magazine of Virginia History and Biography, vol. iii., No. i, pp. 86-88, Richmond, Va., 1895. 34. The Mystery of the Name Pamunkey. American Anti- quarian, vol. xvii., pp. 289-293, Sept., 1895. Also reprint of 100 copies. Read before Section H of A. A. A. S., at Springfield, Mass., August, 1895. 25. The Name Chickahominy, its Origin and Etymology. The American Anthropologist, vol. viii., pp. 257-265, Washing- ton, D. C., 1895. Also reprint of 50 copies. 26. The Signification of the Name Montauk. Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, pp. 54-55, Brooklyn, N. Y., 1896. Read before Section H of A. A. A. S., at Rochester, 1895. 27. Peculiarities of Some Indian Names of Places on Long Island. Read before the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, March 25, 1895. Printed in full in Brooklyn Daily Eagle, March 27, 1895. 28. The Bocootawanaukes, or the Fire Nation. The Archceo- logist, Columbus, Ohio, vol. iii., pp. 189-195. Concluded on pages 253-260, 1895. 29. Louisquisset. Letter on the name, dated Nov. 17, 1894. In Book Notes, Providence, R. I., vol. xii., No. 8, pp. 85- 86, 1895. 30. John Eliot's (First Indian Teacher and Interpreter) Cocke- noe de-Long-Island, and the Story of his Career, from the Early Records, pp. 60, 8vo. Francis P. Harper, N.Y., 1896. 215 copies printed. Read before the Suffolk County, N. Y., Historical Society. 31. The Indian Village of Wegwagonock. In the Souvenir of the Fair held by the Sag Harbor Fire Department, at Masonic Hall, June 1-6, 1896. The 77th Anniversary of the organization of the department. John E. Rowe & Appendix II 307 Son, Printers, Newark, N. J., pp. 27-31. A description of the village, with translation of the name, and notices of several other Indian place-names in the vicinity. 32. On the Derivation of the Name Manhattan. Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, pp. 279-283, 1897. Brooklyn, N.Y. Read by Dr.W. J. McGee, in the absence of the author, before Section H of the A. A. A. S., at Detroit, Mich. 33. The Significance of John Eliot's Natick. The American Anthropologist, vol. x., pp. 281-287. Washington, D. C., 1897. Also reprint of 50 copies. 34. Indian Geographical Names and why we should study them; illustrated by some Rhode Island examples. An ab- stract of a paper read before the Rhode Island Historical Society, March 25, 1897. Publications of the Rhode Island Historical Society, New Series, vol. v., No. 4, pp. 203-215, 1898. 35. Translations of Some Indian Place-Names in the Town of Barrington, R. I. In A History of Barrington, R. I., by Thomas Williams Bicknell, pp. 9, n, 13, Providence, 1898. 36. Analysis and Meaning of Indian Geographical Names in Smithtown, L. I. In Records of Town of Smithtown, Long Island, N. Y. (edited by Wm. S. Pelletreau, A.M., 1898), pp. 28-32 and 386. 37. The Name Sumpwams, and its Origin. In Silas Wood's Sketch of the Town of Huntingtion, L. I. (edited by W. S. Pelletreau, A.M.), pp. 58-59. Francis P. Harper, N. Y., 1898. 38. Ashtabula and Conneaut (Letters on Indian Place-Names) In The American Antiquarian, vol. xx., p. 372, 1898. 39. The Swastika, and Other Marks among the Eastern Algon- quins. The American Antiquarian, vol. xx., pp. 337- 349, 1898, also reprint of 100 copies. Read before Section H of the A. A. A. S. at Boston, August, 1898. 40. The Problem of the Rechahecrian Indians of Virginia. The American Anthropologist, vol. xi., No. 9, pp. 261-270, Washington, D. C., 1898. Also reprint of 50 copies. Read before Section H of the A. A. A. S., at Boston, August, 1898. 308 Indian Place-Names 41. The Adopted Algonquian Term " Poquosin." The American Anthropologist (N. S.), vol. i., pp. 162-170, 1899. Also reprint of 50 copies. This paper was criticised by W. R. Gerard in the "Notes and News" of the above quarterly, vol. i., pp. 586-587. This was answered in the same volume, pp. 790-791. 42. The Original Significance of "Merrimac. " The American Antiquarian, vol. xxi., pp. 14-16, 1899. 43. Amerindian Names in Westchester County, N. Y. History of Westchester County, Shonnard-Spooner, pp. 45-50, 1900. 50 reprints in galley proof. 44. The Algonquian Series. 10 vols., I2mo, N. Y., Francis P. Harper, 1901. As follows: 1. Origin of the Name Manhattan. 75 pp. 2. Indian Names of Places in the Borough of Brooklyn. 53 pp 3. The Names Susquehanna and Chesapeake. 63 pp. 4. The Indian Names for Long Island. 49 pp. 5. The Algonquian Names of the Siouan Tribes of Virginia. 83 PP- 6. The Bocootawanaukes or the Fire Nation. 86 pp. 7. Some Indian Fishing Stations upon Long Island. 62 pp. 8. The Names Patawomeke and Massawomeke. 62 pp. 9. The Names Chickahominy, Pamunkey, and the Kuskara- waokes. 90 pp. 10. The Significance of John Eliot's Natick, and the name Merrimac. 56 pp. 45. Algonquian Names of some Mountains and Hills. Read be- fore the A. A. A. S., Section H, December 30, 1902. The Journal of American Folk-Lore, Boston, vol. xvii., pp. 171- 179, 1904. Reprint of 100 copies. 46. Indian Place-Names on Long Island. Revised and cor- rected, from the Almanac of 1890. Brooklyn Daily Eagle Almanac, 1904, pp. 409-410. List of names with translations. 47. Derivation of the Name Powhatan. The American Anthro- pologist, vol. vi., No. 4, July-September, 1904, pp. 464-468. 48. Book review. Remarks on the names Massasoit, Ousame- quin, and Packanoket. The American Anthropologist, vol. vi., No. 4, 1904, pp. 547-548. Appendix II 309 49. Some Powhatan Names. The American Anthropologist, vol. vi., No. 5, Oct.-Dec., pp. 670-694, 1905. 50. Meaning of Some Indian Names in Virginia. William and Mary College Quarterly, vol. xiv., No. i, pp. 62-64, July, 1905- 51. Remarks on the Name Poughkeepsie, and Letter on Some Neighboring Indian Names. The Eagle's History of Poughkeepsie, by Edward Platt, 1905, pp. XIII-XV. 52. Some More about Virginian Names. The American Anthropologist, vol. vii., No. 3, pp. 524-528, 1905. 53. The Powhatan Name for Virginia. The American Anthro- pologist, vol. viii., No. I, pp. 23-27, 1906. 54. On the Name Missisquoi. Three Letters on the Name in A Study of the Etymology of the Name Missisquoi, by George McAleer, M.A. (The Blanchard Press, Worcester, Mass., 1906), pp. 27-32. See the same with "Addenda," 1910. 55. The Meaning of Patapsco, and Other Maryland Geographic names. Maryland Historical Magazine, vol. ii., pp. 287- 2 93. !907- In a paper by the late Charles W. Bump. 56. A Perforated Tablet of Stone from New York. Illustrated by the Author. Smithsonian Report, iSSi, pp. 658-660. 57. Early License Laws. Brooklyn Times, April, 1888. See my Scrap-Book. (Letter.) 58. Anchannock or Robins Island. Sag Harbor Express, Jan. 19, 1888. (Article) S. B. 59. Cobb. . . . Origin of the Name. Sag Harbor Express, March n, 1888. (Article) S. B. 60. Indian Fort on Montauk. Sag Harbor Express, March, 1888. (Article) S. B. 61. Indian Names on Long Island. Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Dec. 21, 1888. (Letter) S. B. 62. More Concerning Indian names, on Long Island. Suffolk Bulletin, Jan. 1889. (Letter) S. B. 63. Things of the Past. Sag Harbor Express, March 20, 1890 (Letter) S. B. 64. Claims of Gardiner's Island, for Priority of English settle- ment, etc. Sag Harbor Express, Jan., 1890 (Article) S. B. 65. Indian Nomenclature. Southside Observer (Letter), 1891 S. B. 3io Indian Place-Names 66. Was Southampton, Long Island, Called by the Indians Agawam? Sag Harbor Express, 1891. (Article) S. B. 67. Indian Relics of Long Island. Brooklyn Daily Eagle. Lecture before the Brooklyn Institute for Arts and Sciences, in 1891. (Article) S. B. 68. Indian Names on Long Island. Southside Signal, Jan. 1891. (Letter) S. B. 69. Indian Name of Amityville. Southside Signal, Feb., 1892. (Article) S. B. 70. Lake Nowedonah. Sag Harbor Express, March, 1889. (Letter) S. B. 71. Local Indian Names. Southside Observer, 1892. (Letter) S. B. 72. Wantagh and Wyandance. Southside Observer, 1892. (Letter) S. B. 73. Real Live Indians. Brooklyn Times, 1892. (Letter) S. B. 74. Plea for an Ancient Name. Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 1895. (Letter) S. B. 75. Patchogue's Name, its Origin and Meaning. Patchogue Advance, June, 1896. (Letter) S. B. 76. "Early Long Island, a Colonial Study." Notice of Miss Flint's History. Sag Harbor Express, August 6, 1896. S. B. 77. Origin of the Name Syosset. Brooklyn Times, March 29, 1901. (Letter) S. B. 78. Maspeth's Ancient Name. Brooklyn Daily Eagle, March 19, 1899. (Letter) S. B. 79. Refugees from Sag Harbor in 1776. Sag Harbor Express, (Article) S. B. 80. The Lost Colony of Roanoke. New York Sun, October 22, 1900. (Letter) S. B. 81. Early Sag Harbor Printers and their Imprints. Read before the Sag Harbor Historical Society, January 2, 1902. Printed in Sag Harbor Express, January 23d and 30, 1902. S. B. 82. Rev. Robert Fordham, and his Place in History. Read before Sag Harbor Historical Society, April i, 1902. Sag Harbor Express, April 24, 1902. APPENDIX III WORKS OF OTHER WRITERS CITED WITH MORE OR LESS FREQUENCY IN THIS VOLUME, AND OTHER WORKS RELATING TO THE SAME OR SIMILAR TOPICS Ayres, J. A. Legends of Montauk, with an Historical Appen- dix. Hartford, 1849. Pp. 127. Bayles, R. M. Historical and Descriptive Sketches of Suffolk County, etc., Port Jefferson, L. I., 1874. Pp- xii., 13-424.' History of Richmond County (Staten Island) from its Discovery to the Present Time. New York, 1887. Pp. 750. Beauchamp, W. M. Indian Names of New York, etc. Fayetteville, N. Y., 1893. Pp. 148. Benson, E. Memoir Read before the Historical Society of the State of New York, December 31, 1816. Boyd, S. G. Indian Local Names, with their Interpretation. York, Pa., 1885. Pp. x., 70. De Kay, J. E. [A List of Indian Names of Places on Long Island.] N. Y., 1851. Printed, but not published. Flint, M. B. Early Long Island: a Colonial Study. New York, 1896. Pp. 9, 459. French, J. H. Gazetteer of the State of New York, loth ed. Syracuse, 1861. Pp. 739. Furman, G. Antiquities of Long Island to which is Added a Bibliography, by Henry Onderdonck, Jr. Edited by Frank Moore. New York, 1874. Pp. 478. Also ed. of 1875- -Notes, Geographical and Historical, relating to the Town of Brooklyn in Kings County on Long Island. Brooklyn, 1824. Pp. 116. Also reprint of 1865 and reprinted in Antiquities of Rhode Island, 1875. 1 In The American Catalogue (N. Y., 1880) this book is given as published by Munsell. 312 Indian Place-Names Gardiner, D. Chronicles of the Town of East Hampton, County of Suffolk, New York. N. Y., 1871, pp. 121. Gardiner, J. L. Montauk Vocabulary, taken down (March, 25, 1798) from the lips of a Montauk chief. MS. in pos- session of J. L. Gardiner of Gardiner's Island; also copy, made by Wm. W. Tooker, in library of Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C. This vocabulary of some seventy words is printed in the following works: Bayles, R. M. Historical and Descriptive Sketches of Suffolk County (Port Jefferson, 1874), pp. 63-64. Lambert, E. R. History of the Colony of New Haven (New Haven, 1838,), p. 184. Macauley, J. Natural . . . History of New York. (Albany, 1829), p. 252. Wood, S. Sketch of Long Island (Brooklyn, 1824), p. 28. Gowans, W. Bibliotheca Americana. Vol. i. Denton, D. Brief Description of New York formerly called Nether- lands, N. Y., 1845. Hall, E. The Ancient Historical Records of Norwalk, Conn., etc. Norwalk, 1847. Pp. 320. Another ed. New York, 1865. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Ed. F. W. Hodge. Washington, (Bureau of American Ethnology). 2 vols. 1907-1910. Hedges, H, P. An Address Delivered on the 2Oth of December, 1849, on the Occasion of the Celebration of the Two Hun- dredth Anniversary of the Settlement of the Town of East Hampton, etc. Sag Harbor, L. I., 1850. Pp. 100. Records of the Town of East Hampton, from 1639, etc. 4 vols. Sag Harbor, 1887. A History of the Town of East Hampton, N. Y., etc. Sag Harbor, N. Y., 1897. Pp. 5, 344, 10. Howell, G. R. The Early History of Southampton, L. I., New York. With Genealogies. New York, 1866. Pp. 318. Second Edition, Revised, Corrected, and Enlarged. Albany, 1887. Pp. viii., 473. Jefferson, T. A Vocabulary of the Language of the Unquachog Indians, who Constitute the Pusspatock Settlement in the Appendix III 313 Town of Brookhaven, South Side of Long Island. MS. (Copy by P. Duponceau) in the library of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pa.), of Vocabulary of 150 words taken down in 1791. (Vocabulary of the Long Island Language). Printed in Gallatin's Synopsis of Indian Tribes, in Archceologia Americana (Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc.), vol. ii., Cambridge, Mass.. 1836, pp. 306-367. Jones, N. W. Indian Bulletin for 1867, N<5. I. New York, 1867. Pp. 16. Interpretation of Indian Names, pp. 13-16; Long Island Names, pp. 13-14. -Indian Bulletin for 1868, No. 2, New York, 1868. Pp. 26. Interpretation of Indian Names, pp. 12-26; Long Island Names, pp. 14-15. Nelson, W. The Indians of New Jersey. . . With Notices of Some Indian Place-Names. Paterson, N. J., 1894. Pp. 168. Personal Names of Indians of New Jersey. Paterson, N. J. 1904. Pp. 168. New Haven Colonial Records. Cited: N. H. Col. R. Parsons, U. Indian Names of Places in Rhode Island. Providence, 1861. Pp. iv., 5-32. Pelletreau, W. S. Analysis and Meaning of Some of the Indian Geographical Names of Suffolk County, New York. Riverhead Weekly News, May 15, 1883. The original MS. (pp. 19) is in possession of Wm. W. Tooker, Sag Harbor, L.I. Centennial Celebration at Southampton, Long Island, N. Y., July 4, 1876. Sag Harbor, 1876. Pp. 26. Records of the Town of Smithtown, Long Island, N. Y. etc. Huntington, N. Y., 1898. Pp. xvi., 503. Prime, N. S. A History of Long Island, from its First Settle- ment by Europeans to the Year 1845, etc. New York, 1845. Pp. xii., 420. Records of the Town of Brookhaven. Cited: B. H. R. Records of the Town of Easthampton. Cited: E. H. R. Records of the Town of Huntington. Cited: H. R. Records of the Town of Southampton. Cited: S. H. R. Records of the Town of Smithtown. Cited: S. R. Records of the Town of Southold. Cited: Southold R. 314 Indian Place-Names Riker, J. Jr. The Annals of Newton in Queens County, New York, etc. N. Y., 1852. Pp. 437 Ruttenber, E. M. Indian Geographical Names. In Pro- ceedings of the New York State Historical Association for 1906. Smith, E. T. Brookhaven 1665-1876. Historic Sketch of the Town of Brookhaven. N. p. 1876. Pp. 10. Stiles, H. R. A History of the City of Brooklyn, etc. 2 vols. Brooklyn, 1867. Also another edition in 3 vols. Albany, 1869. Thompson, B. F. Paper upon the Indian Names of Long Island. Proc. N. Y. Histor. Soc., 1845 (1846), pp. 125-131. History of Long Island. New York, 1843. 2 vols. . Trumbull, J. H. Words Derived from Indian Languages of North America. Trans. Amer. Philol. Assoc., 1872, pp. 19-32. Indian Local Names in Rhode Island. Proc. Amer. Philol. Assoc., 1872, pp. 19-20. Indian Names of Places on Long Island, derived from Esculent Roots. Mag. Amer. Hist. (N. Y.), vol. i., 1877, pp. 386-387. Indian Names of Places, etc., in and on the Borders of Connecticut: with Interpretations of Some of them. Hart- ford, 1881. Pp. xiii., 93. Natick Dictionary. Smithsonian Institution. Bureau of American Ethnology. Bulletin 25. Washington, 1903. Pp. xxviii. 349. -The Composition of Indian Geographical Names, illustrated from the Algonkin Languages. Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ii., 1870. Pp. 1-50. Note. This list has been compiled by the editor from the references in the text of Mr. Tooker, etc. FINIS CORONAT OPUS - 3 3 --------------------------------------------------------- version 1d This version current as of 19:38, 3/11/97 EST A Abtschinalittin, Z., to die in battle; (they kill each other. A.) Abtschinaluxin, to be afflicted, to be tormented todeath. Acheweli, Z., necessary (dub., A.). Achewen, bushy; a bush, thicket (dub., A.). Achewiecheu, strong, spirituous. Achewon, strong, spirituous; (archaic, A.) Achgachemawachtin, to share with each other. Achgahamauwan, to distribute to somebody. Achgahikewagan, distribution, division. Achgameu, broad, wide. Achgegenummen, to choose. Achge'gim, to teach, to instruct. Achgegingen, to teach. Achgegingewagan, teaching, information. Achgeketum, E., a teacher; (A'achgekinket, A.) Achgelinquoam, to behold, to look; (arch., A.) Achgelunen, to lie. Achgeluneuch, E., a liar. Achgenindewagan, accusation, bad report. Achgenindin, to blame one another. Achgepchoau, to be deaf. Achgepinqueu, to be blind; (to be blindfolded, A.) Achgepinquot, blind. Achgetaktschehellau, to jump over the fence; (lit.,to brace one's self for a jump, A.) Achgettemagelo, merciful. Achgettemakinaquot, poorly looking. Achgigihawan, to mock or laugh at somebody;(arch., A.) Achgigulan, to sleet. Achigiguwen, to play, to be noisy, to be lively, to be jocular. Achgiguwewagan, sport, pastime. Achgiiki, mocking, jesting. Achgikbi, elm, the elm tree. Achginchen, to be quick of hearing. Achgindamen, Z., to count (also, to read, A.). Achgiuchsowagan, drunkenness. Achgiwalan, to deceive somebody; (arch., A.) Achgiwalittewagan, deceit, fraud. Achgiwalittin, to deceive, to cheat. Achgonican, or Achquanican, Z., a fish dam. Achgook, snake. Achgukbi, Z., an elm tree. Achgumen, dull, cloudy. Achgumhok, cloud. Achgumhokquot, cloudy; (fig., to be still, E.) Achgunnan, to clothe somebody; (achgunha, A.) Achgussin, to burn the kettle; (dub., A.) Achibis, to bind up or dress a wound; (dub., perhaps from gachtun, to bind, A.) Achkindiken, to read; (achkinsink, to read, A.) Achkiwelendam, to be disquieted, to be troubled in mind; (alludes to harsh occurrences, A.) Achkiwitehewagan, irresolution. Achochwen, to have bad travelling. Achowalogen, to labor hard, to toil. Achowat, hard, difficult, dangerous, painful, trouble-some; (achwat, A.) Achowelendam, to think difficult. Achpa'mi, about, thereabouts. Achpamsin, to walk, to walk about. Achpanschi, beam, log for a house. Achpateuny, E., the east wind. Achpekok, wound; (arch., A.) Achpequot, wounded; achpequat, Z., full of holes, from pquihilleu, it has a hole. Achpin, to be there, to be at home. Achpineen, abode, residence; Z. epienk, where we are. Achpiney, place to sleep on; achpinink, a bed, Z. Achpi'que, flea. Achipiquon, flute, fiddle (any musical instrument, A.) Achpitawan, to be or abide in somebody. Achpitpannik, ancestors, Z. (lit., old residents, A.). Achpitschiechen, to stop, to prevent. Achpi'xu, full of fleas. Achpoaliman, to mock somebody, to laugh at someone. Achpoan, bread; n'dapponhe, I make bread; achpohewak, they make bread. Achpoantit, piece of bread, small loaf. Achpoem, roasted corn. Achpoques, mouse; (achpiques, A.) Achpussin, to roast, to boil. Achquaneman, H., a bushnet for fishing. Achquanxowagan, lasciviousness, whoredom. Achquetahen, to shoot at a mark. Achquetschiechgugsin, to be tempted. Achquetschiechtowagan, temptation. Achquidhakamike, upon earth. Achquin, to put on clothes; (ehquink, clothing, A.) Achquindowagan, accusation, charge. Achquipelawon, hoe. Achquiwanis, blanket; (black or broad cloth, A.) Achquoaici'lennees, Z., blackberries. Achquoanan, to catch something with a net. Achquoanemen, to fish with a bushnet. Achquoani'kan, bushnet. Achquoanquigeu, long timber. Achschiechey, Z., a nest. Achschikiminschi, fern. Achsehhellen, to scatter, to disperse; (seh'ellen, A.) Achsin, stone; pl., chotachsin. Z (an archaic plural; now achsinall, A.). Achsinemhoan, pewter spoon. Achsinhittehikan, steel trap. Achsinn'aminschi, sugar maple. Achsinnigeu, stony. Achtschingi, scarcely, hardly. Achtschingiochwen, to venture to go. Achtschinkhalan, to persuade somebody; to force somebody. Achtschinkhewagan, disobedience; (achtscheyinkgeusink, A.) Achtschipaptonen, to talk strangely, to speak roughly. Achtschipilissin, to act strangely, to behave wonderfully. Achtu, deer; (achto' A.) Achtuchwiecheken, deer's hair. Achtuchwiminschi, red root. Achtuhhu, plenty of deer. Achwamallsin, to feel great pain; (to suffer in sickness. A.) Achwangundowagan, lasting peace. Achwangundowi, very peaceable. Achwilek, hard, troublesome time; achwileu, (A. it is a troublesome time. Achwipisgeu, pitch dark. Achwon, strong, spirituous; (forcible, violent. A.) Achwowangeu, steep, high bank of a river. Ahanhokqui, descended from, sprung from. Ahas, a crow; (ahasso. A.) Ahhino, a rich man; (dub., A.) Ahiktek, a strowd. Ahoalan, to love somebody; ahoaltie'que, E., if you love. Ahoalgussit, the beloved. Ahoaltin, to love one another. Ahoaltowagan, love. Ahoaltowaganit, he that is love. Ahoaltuwamallsin, to feel love. Ahoaltuwi, loving. Ahoatam, to esteem, to value. Ahochwalquot, hard going, difficult travelling. Ahotasu, Z, dear, beloved (ahoatasu; does not apply to persons, but to things. A.). Ahoweli, willful. Ahowoapewi, strong; (power of endurance. A.) Ajandamalquot, it is to be wished; it is desirable. Ajandamoagan, desire. Ajandamuwi, desired, wished for. Ajanhelendam, to be indifferent, to be unconcerned. Ajanhelendamoagan, indifference. Ajanhissowagan, indifference, calmness of mind. Ajapeu, buck. Ajappawe, early in the morning. Ajaskemi, for good and all. Aje'ma, if, if only, if but; be so and please. Aji', take it. Ajummen, to buy, to purchase. Akquiwan, blanket; (black cloth. A. See achquiwanis.) Alaaptonen, to break off in speaking. Alachimoagan, rest; (the preflx alach is used to signify incapacity or inability. A.) Alachimoatenamin, to rest happy. Alachimuin, to rest. Alagendowenke, after Sunday. Alagischgu, day is spent. Alahikan, a mark (to shoot at). Alakqui, 'tis a pity! Alakschachan, the wind ceases. Alalechen, to cease breathing, to die; (dub., see equilechlejeu. A.) Alalechet, the dying. Alamachtagen, to stop fighting. Alamikemossen, to stop working. Alapenauwelendam, to leave off, to quit, to give up. Alappa. tomorrow; (ajappa. A.) Alappaje, early in the morning. Alappiechsin, to speak fast. Alasohen, to separate; (more exactly, to go asunder. A.) Alawossin, to be unable to perform; to be incapable of doing. Alemoagan, fear, apprehension; (arch., A.) Alende, some. Alett, rotten. Alhakquot, stormy, rainy; land rain. Alike, yet, still, nevertheless, however; for; already. Allacquelendam, to be repentant. Allamachtey, womb; (lit., and generally, the inward parts. A.) Allamawunke, Z., under the hill. Allamhakink, in the earth. Allami, in there, therein, within. Allamijey, in there, therein, within. Allamuin, Z., the war whoop (arch. See Kowamo. A.) Allamunk, in there, therein, within. Allanque, star. Allapehhellan, to rock somebody. Allapi, E., listen! here! (dub., A.) Allapijeyjuwagan, activity, quickness. Allauwin, to hunt. Allemakewunk, on the north side of a hill. Allemewachton, to carry abroad. Allemi apuawachto, -tangawachto, -tatchawachto, -tepawachto, falls in price; -tatchittin, to decrease. Allemih'hillen, to pass by, to fly; (ellameh'hilan. A.) Allemiminschik, sarsaparilla. Allemitschellachton, to roll along. Allewussowagan, majesty; (lit., greater power; a comparative form. A.) Allogalan, to send somebody. Allogalgussin, to be sent. Allogagan, servant. Allogaganin, to keep a servant. Alloge'wagan, work. Allohak, strong, powerfull; more powerfull; (a comparative form. A.) Allohakasin, to teach, to instruct; (lit., to have power over another. A.) Allohumasin, to show. Alloku, lean; poor. (probably for alloqueu, -it is too bad, it is inferior. A.) Allokuwagan. leanness. Alloquepi, hat; cap. Allouchsit, strong, mighty. Allouchsoagan, strength. Allowat, strong, mighty. Allowelemuwi, valuable. Allowelendam, to esteem highly; to prize above everything. Allowelendamoagan, great esteem, high estimation. Allowigamen, to overcome, to subdue. Allowihillen, to leave over. Allowilek, that which is above everything, most weighty. Allowiwi, more, yet more, much more; rather-y-mehek, greater. Allum, dog; (more exactly, any domesticated animal. A.) (Compare moekaneu and linchum.) Allumaptonen, to say on. Allumes, little dog, pup; (young of any domestic animal. A.) Allumhammochwen, to set off by water. Allummahen, to throw. Allummeuchtummen, to go away weeping. Allummochachton, to carry away. Allummochwalan, to bring somebody away Allum'sin, to go away. Allumtoonhen, to say on. Alluns, arrow, bullet; (especially and originally, arrow. A.) Allunshikan, bullet mould. Allunsinutey, shot bag. Alod, for, yet. Am, well, indeed. Amakquitehemen, to cut off; (amank'itshen, to knock off. A.) Amamchachwelendamen, to suffer. Aman, fishing line, rope; n'dapi aman, H., I come from fishing with a hook and line; (aman, properly, cord, strin,-,. A.) Amanatak, fishing line. Amandamen, to feel. Amandamoagan, feeling. Amandamuwi, sensitive. Amangachgenimgussowagan, the being elated by praise. Amangachpoques, rat. Amangamek, large fish. Amanganachquiminschi, Spanish oak. Amanghattachcat, coarse linen. Amangi, big, great, large. Amangiechsin, to speak loud, to cry out. Amatschiechsin, to speak brokenly. Amatschipuis, turkey buzzard. Amatschisowapasigan, the herb "colt's foot." Ambeson, Z., an Indian cradle. Amechachwilawechtowagan, chastisement. A'mel, Z., a hammer. Amemens, child. Amemensuwi, childlike, childish. Amementit, babe. Amemi, pigeon; (memi. A.) Amendchewagan, disobedience, stubbornness. Amentschinsin, to praise, to give honor. Ametschimi, often;-ne leep, there was more done. Amiga, long, a long time. Amimi, Z., a dove. See Amemi. Amintschindewagan, praise. Amintschiuchsin, to disobey. Amintschiuchsowagan, disobedience. Amochol, canoe, boat. Amocholes, little canoe. Amocholhe, poplar; (the buttonwood or sycamore; lit., the boat wood, as canoes were made from it.A.) Amoe, bee; wasp; (a generic term for the kind. A.) Amoewiwikwam, bee hive. Amoquigachschechin, to bruise the finger nail. Amoschimoe, spike buck; yearling. Amueen, Z., to angle. Amuigenan, to raise somebody up. Amuin, to arise. Amuiwagan, resurrection. Anakan, pl., all, mat made of rushes. Anatschihuwewagan, care, cautiousness. Anatschiton, to take care. Andhanni, bullfrog. Anechwunaltey, bark canoe. Anehku, bark; (anechuin. A.) Anena, by little and little; by degrees;-ikalissi, the more, more and more. Anenawi, by little and little, by degrees;-mcheli, the more, more and more. Anetassoagan, Z., helplessness. Aney, road, walking road, path. Angellen, to die; (lit., going to decay, may be applied to animate objects during life. A.) Angellowagan, death. Angellowi, mortal, deadly. Anhoktonhen, to interpret. Anicus, Z., a mouse, a ground squirrel -@ pl., anixak. Aninsihhillen, the young of a bird or fowl. Anischik, thank'e; thanks. Anixi gischuch, (the month in which the ground squirrels begin to run) January. Ankhittasowagan, loss. Ankhitton, to lose. Anoschi, shoe-string. Anschiwi, more by degrees. Ansenummen, to take together. Ansiptikin, to bind up into sheaves. chachsin, to warm the hands. Apachtoquepi, crown. Apachtschiechton, to display, to set something up, to attach one's self to, to fix upon. Apagihen, to come from planting. Apaligen, to tread upon; (achpaligen. A.) Apallauwin, to come from hunting. Apalogen, to come from work. Apami, in vain. Apanachen, to come from cutting wood. Apatschin, to come back, to return. Apel, apple. Apemikemossin, to stop working. Apendamen, to enjoy, to make use of. Apendelluxin, to be made partaker. Apendelluxowagan, the being made partaker. Apensoagan, Z., enjoyment, fruition. Apensuwi, useful., enjoyable. Apipachgihhillen, to bud, to shoot forth. Apit, by the way. Apitchanehhellen, contrary mind. , after a little while, by and by. Apittehikan, anvil; (lit., where one thing is struck upon another. A.) Aptatschin, to freeze to death. Aptelendam, to grieve to death. Aptonagan, word; chapter; (strictly, a word. A.) Aptonaltin, to speak with each other. Aptonen, to speak. Aptuppeu, drowned. Apuangellen, to die easily; to die quickly. Apuat, easy, easily. Apuawachto, cheap. Apuelendam, to think easy. Apuichton, to make easy, to make light. Aputschiechton, to turn the wrong side out. Ascaletschi, unripe. ussin, to be cast away; to be rejected. Aschite, then. Aschowin, to swim; aschowill, n'daschwul, I swim. Aschowitchan, raft. Aschtehhellen, to go or cross over one another. Aschtetehasik, Z., the cross; (aschtetehican, A. The former refers to the stick, the latter to the symbol.) Aschukiso, poor, worth nothing, beggar. Asgask, green; askeu, Z. (this means "raw;" askasqueu, it is green, for a leaf, etc. A.) Asgaskachgook, green snake. Asgelendam, to wait with impatience. Aski, must, necessitated, obliged. Askiquall, grass, herbs. Askiwi, raw, green. Aspenummen, to lift up. Aspenuxin, to be lifted up. Aspin, to ascent; (ispin. A.) Aspinachken, to lift up the hand. Aspochwen, to go up, to ascend. Aspoquen, to raise the eye. Assisku, mud, clay. Assiskuju, muddy, dirty, marshy. Assisquahoos, earthen pot; assiskequahos, E. Assisquohasu, daubed with clay. Assisquohen, to mix clay. Atenkpatton, to quench fire. Atschimolehan, to relate to somebody. Atschimolsin, to consult, to hold counsel. Atschimolsoagan, counsel, advice. Atta, no, not;-am, not at all;-auwen, nobody; hasch, no never; -ihaschi, never, nevermore; at no time; -ulewi, not at all true; -kocku, nothing; -tani, by no means. Attach, moreover, beyond, above. Attago, no, by no means. Auchsin, to be hard to deal with. Auchsu, (of beasts) wild, untractable; (of men) avaricious, difficult to deal with. Auchsuwagan, Z,, fury, anger. Awechemos, creature, cattle. Awe'hellea, Z., a bird (this is the generic term now in use. It means self-suspended, referring to the flight of birds. A.) Awehhelleu, bird, fowl; (applied to large fowls, etc. A.) Auweken, to make use of. Auwen, who, somebody, which; -ha? who then? ma, who is there? Auweni? who is it? Auwih! oh! (exclamation of pain.) Auwijewi, yet, however, Awelemukunees, young buck. Awelendam, to be certain, to be sure. Awendam, to suffer pain. Awendamoagan, suffering. Awendamowanglowagan, painful death. Awendamuwi, painful. Awessis, beast. Awonn, fog, mist. Awossachtenne, over or beyond the hill. Awossagame, heaven; (lit., the place beyond or out of sight. A.) Awossake, behind the house. Awossakihakan, that side of the plantation. Awosschakque, over the log or tree. Awosseki, over the leaf; (dub., A.) Awossenachk, over the fence, behind the fence. ue, over the lake. Awossi, over, over there, beyond, on the other side, behind. Awossijey, over, over there, beyond, on the other side, behind. Awossin, to warm one's self. Awullakenim, to laud, to praise. Awullakeniman, to praise somebody. Awullakenimoagan, praise. Awullsittamen, to obey. Awullsittamsewagan, obedience. Awullsittamuwi, obedient. Awullsu, good, fine, pretty; (animate, pi. auwulsuak; inanimate, auwultu, pl. auwultol,) (from wulissu). A. Bambil, (pl. ak) book, letter: (applied to any writing or writing material. A.) Bambilenutey, pocket book. Beson, medicine, physic; (Out of use. A. See chappik it is for mbeson, q. v.) Bihilewen, to be hoarse. Biminaten, to spin; (see under P.) Bingtschwanak, E., the pupil of the eye. Bischi, yes, indeed, to be sure; (biesch, H. ibid.) Bischik, yes, indeed, to be sure. Bischuwi, wilderness; (arch., A.) Blaknik, flying squirrel. Blenhotik, black snakeroot. Bloeu, Z., a turkey cock. (Ploeu, turkey of either sex. A.) Bochwejesik, Z., joint of the foot. Bochwinan, to skin an animal. Bohhuhachqua, basket wood. Bohhuhan, to peal off the rind of a tree. Bokandpechin, to bruise the hand. Bonihen, to lay on (wood on a fire). C Ceppitsch, Z., a conspiracy. Chaasch, eight. Chaasch tcha pachki, eight hundred. Chaaschtchenachke, eighty. Chaihoak, Z., clothes-lice. Challanunschi, sumach. Chammap, Z., fed (he or it was fed. A.). Chans, elder brother. Chanson, bedstead. Chasquem, Indian corn. Chauchschisis, old woman. Chauwalanne, fork-tailed eagle. Chawachto, dear, high priced. Cheiho, Z., the body (means that which is whole, entire. A.). Cheinutey, saddle bag. Cheli, much. Chelit, a great deal. Ches, pl. ak, skin; leather; machtschilokees, Z., a leather string. (Choi, a pelt. A.) Chesimus, younger brother or sister. Chessachgutakan, leather breeches. Cheweleleney, manifold. Cheyjantup, Z., a scalp. Chinqualippa, great buck. Chiquasu, patched, mended. Chitquen, deep water, high water. Choanschikan, Virginian (virginity?) Chokquinen, to cough. Chokquineu, A., he has a disease with coughing. Chokquinewagan, cough. Chottschinschu, big trough, large bowl; chotachsun, Z., a large stone. Chowasquall, old dry grass. Chumm, daughter-in-law; (lit., my daughter-in-law. A.) Chuppecat, deep, high water. Chwelensowagan, pride. Chwelhammook, great many deer tracks. Chweli, much, many; chweltol, as many; chwelopannik, there were many. lokunak, many nights. Clagacheu, H., it is aground, or, rests on something. Clahican, Z, a steel trap. Clamachpin, Z, to sit still; clamachphil! H., sit still! Clamhattenmoagan, Z, steadiness. Clammieche, Z, to lie still. Clampeechen, Z., still or standing water. Colassu, Z., sweat by a bath. Combach (quall), Z, leaf, leaves of a tree; cumbachquiwi, it is full of leaves; compare wunissak (arch., A.). Commoot, or, Commootgeen, Z, stolen. Cub'bachcan, thick; cubbachcan packchack, a thick board; cubbachcan schackeef, a thick skin. Cuwe, Z, pine tree; cuweuchac, pine wood (properly p'koweu, it is sticky, alluding to the resin. A.) D Dachiquamen, to patch, to mend. Dachiquoagan, a patch. Dajasgelendam, to desire ardently, to wait for with much concern. Dalakihillen, to tear, rend in two. Dalaktschetechen, to fall and burst open. Dallumens, tame creature; (any domestic animal, see allums. A.) Damachgigamen, to tread under foot. Damaskhikan, a scythe. Damaskhiken, to mow. Damaskus, muskrat; (dub. mod. chuaskquis. A.) Dawamhican, Z, the jaw bone. Delachgapachgunk, in the cleft of a rock. Dellemangan, the thick part of the arm; (thy, etc. A.) Dellsoagan, manner, custom, habit; (thy habit. A.) Demasxalo, a file. . Despehhellan, to have the smallpox. Despehhellewagan, smallpox (dub., A.). essives). E E-e, H., Yes (lazily). Echgoquijeque, ye serpents. Eemhoanis, spoon. Eenhawachtin, to pay one another, to satisfy each other. yment, reward. Eenhen, to pay. Eenhiken, to pay; (enhe'ken. A.) Eesgans, Z., a needle (arch., A.) Eet, perhaps, may be. Egohan, H., yes, indeed! Eh! Eh! Exclamation of approbation. Ehachgahiket, distributer, divider. Ehachpink, place; ehachpit, Z., his place. Ehachpit, his place, his habitation. Ehachpussitunk, gridiron. Ehachquink, clothing. Ehachquit, etc., his cloth, etc. Ehachtubuwing, Z., a cup. Ehalluchsit, the mighty and powerful. Ehamhittehukuk, battery of a gun lock. Ehangelikgik, the dead; (arch., A.) Ehasgitamank, watermelon. Ehelamek, ribbon. Ehelandawink, ladder. Ehelekhigetonk, ink. Ehelikhique, at which time. Ehelilamank, well, spring, fountain; (a running or flowing spring. A.) Ehelinguatek, stove pipe. Ehendachpuink, a table. Ehenendhaken, to speak a parable. Ehes, mussel; clam. Eheschandek, window. Eheschapamuk, Z., a bottle; (anything of glass. A.) Ehoalan -(pl. Ehoalachgik), beloved, dear. Ehoalgussit, the beloved. Ehoalid, my lover. Ejaja, etc., where, wherever or whither I go, etc. Ekajah! aye! aye! exclamation of surprise. Ekamejek, broadness. Ekamhasik, broad. Ekee! ay! exclamation of surprise. Ekesa! H., for shame! Ekhokiike, at the end of the world. Ekih! O my! exclamation of pain. Ekisah! exclamation of indignant surprise. Ekoqualis, raspberry. Eksasamallsin. To fell less pain, to feel better. Eksaselendam, to diminish, to desesteem. Eksaselendamoagan, restraint, abridgment. Eksasi, less. Elachpaje, this morning. Elachtoniket, he that searcheth, seeker. Elalogen, what to do. Elamallsin, how to feel, to feel as. Elangellen, to be leprous; (lit., to perish miserably. A.) Elangomat, friend, relation; (lit., a member of one's family. A.) Elangomellan, my friend. Elauwit, hunter; (ehalowit. A.) Elawachtik, so dear. Elek, as it is, as it happens. Elekhammajenk, our debts. Elekhasik, as is written. Elelemukquenk, what we are destined for. Elemamek, everywhere; (lit., as it lies; the sense "everywhere" not now known. A.) Elemamekhaki, all over the country; (lit., "the way the land lies." A.) Elemi, today once, sometime today; -gendowewagan, this week; -kechokunak, in a few days; -nipink, this summer; -siquin, this spring; -lowank, this winter. Elemiechen, along the road. Elemiechink, by the way. Elemokunak, one of these days. Elemukulek, in the bend of the river. Elemussit, he that is going away. Elenapewian, thou Indian! Elewunsit, as he is called, so he is named; (elewinsit. A.) Elgigui, as, like as, in like manner, like that; so, so as, so very; as much so, as well as; (after compar.) than; -ametschimi, as often as, so often; -mcheli, as much as. Elgigunk, as big, as wide as. Elgigunkhaki, as big and wide as the world is; all the world round. Elgilen, as tall as, as big as. Elgixin, to be worthy. Elhokquechink, at his head. Eli, because; (in questions) then; (in compos.) as, so, what. Eligischquik, today; (sometime during today. A.) Elikhikqui, at this time. Elikus, ant, pismire; (eli'ques. A.) Elilenin, as is usual with one, as is customary. Elinaquo, as this, as that, as the other. Elinaquot, so, so as, also, likewise. Elinaxit, as he appears; his appearance, figure, look. Elinquechink, before, in presence of. Elitehat, as he thinks. Elitton'henk, sermon; (concerning a sermon. A.) Eliwi, both. Elke! H., wonderful! Elogalintschik, messengers. Elogamgussit, messenger. Elsija, as I am, as I do, Elsit, as he is minded, as he does. Eluet, as he saith, his saying. Eluwak, most powerful. Eluwantowit, God above all. Eluwi, most. Eluwiahoalgussit, the beloved above all things; best beloved. Eluwikschiechsit, the most holy, holiest. Eluwilissit, the most gracious one. Eluwitakauwussit, the best, the supremely good. Eluwitschitanessit, the strongest. Eluwiwulik, the very best, the supremely good. Eluwussit, the Almighty, the most powerful, the most majestic. Enapandikan, the hind sight of a gun. Enda, where, whither. Endchappin, as many as are here. Endchekhamman, as much as one owes. ndchi, as much as, as many as. Enendhaken, to speak a parable. Enendhakewagan, parable. , where I am, Epigachink, foundation. Epit, he who is there; inhabitant. Equiwi, under; beneath. Equohellen, to depart this life, to die. Es, yet. Eschauwessit, side. Eschiwi, through. Eschochwalan, to help somebody through, to carry someone through. Eschochwen, to go through, to drive through. Eschoochwejupetschundchenk, it penetrates my heart. Espan, Z., a raccoon. Espenni, lift it up. Esquande, door; entrance (threshold or place of entrance; not a door. A.) Esquo, not yet. Esquota, not yet. Esseni, stony, flinty; (from achsin.) Etachgilowank, last winter. Etachginipink, last summer. Etek, where it is. Etschigapawin, to step between, to stand between. Etschihillat, mediator. Eweken, to make use of; (ewehen. A.) Ewenikia, who I am, Ewochgehikan, stirring ladle.G G Gachene, if, whether. Gachgamun, roasted com; (alludes to the noise made in eating by crunching the grains. A.) Gachgamuniminschi, hoop-ash. Gachgenummen, to break off. Gachhachgik, wild bay. Gachkappawi, soon, early. Gachpallan, to pull somebody out of the water; (gochpenna. A.) Gachpattejeu, southeast; (there are now no expressions for such divisions of the compass. A.) Gachpattejewink, toward the southeast. Gachpees, twin. Gachpilgussowagan, binding, tying. Gachsasu, dried. Gachsummen, to dry. Gachtalquot, it is to be wished, it is desirable. Gachtelawossin, to be dry for thirst; (gachtoseu. A.) Gachten, dry. almost nearly; close by; wsami, almost too much. Gachtin, year. Gachtingetsch, next year; (gachtinge'. A.) Gachtonalen, to persecute, to seek to kill; (gachto signifies wish or desire. Like gatotamen. A.) **MISSING SECTION** Giskhammen, to chop. Giskhaquen, to cut with an axe, to chop. Gispuin, to be satisfied, to have eaten enough. Gissa! exclamation of indignation. Gissai! exclamation of indignation. Glakelendam, to be merry, to make sport; (to be excited. A. ) Glatten, frozen. Glelendam, to be of opinion. Glikatepi, hobble; (girth of a saddle. A.) Glikatepiso, hobbled. Glikenikan, sumach. Glistam, to hearken, to listen. Glittonepi, bridle, (lit., tied in the mouth. A.) Gloltowalan, to maltreat somebody; to use someone ill; (out of use. A.) Gluphokquen, to look back; (from root glupk, back (adverb). A.) Gluppiechton, to turn about. Gluppihilleu, turned about. Gluxu, Z., he laughs; gluksowak, they laugh. Gochgachgaschowin, to swim over. Gochgahhellen, to overset. Gochpelolakan, canoe rope, boat line. Gochpiwi, from the water. Gochquoapetechin, the pulse; (k'hokpetechin, the rebounding, the pulsation. A.) Gock, wampum, money; (keekq'. A.) Gohan! yes, exclamation of approval! Gojachti, for the most part, mostly, nearly; (arch. A.) Gokhos, owl; (generic for any owl. A.) Gokhotit, little owl. Gomuus, Z., the neck (arch., now use ochquecanggan. A.) Gopens, about, thereabouts. Gophammen, H., to shut close. Goppachtenemen, to take out of the water. Goquehemen, to reject, repel, push back, repulse; refuse, avert. Goschgosch, hog. Goschgoschigawan, hog sty. Goschgotit, little pig. Guhn, snow. Guka, Z., mamma, mother. Gulaqueen, good evening; (anixit gulaqueen, I am glad that you have lived till evening. A.) Gull, shilling; (kquill A.) Gulukochsun, Z., a turkey cock (refers to the up right position taken by the fowl, but not now in use. A. ) Gulukquihillan, to be lame; (out of joint. A.) Gulukquot, lame; (with a joint, or jointed. A.) Gunagen, to stay out long. Gunalachgat, deep. Gunammochk, otter. Gunaquot, long, tall, high, (especially, high. A.) Gunaweke, yet, awhile. Gunaxin, to be long, to be tall, to be hich. Gunaxit, long, tall, high. Gundakan, throat. Gundaschees, watersnake. Gundassisku, deep mire, deep mud. Gundassiskuju, deeply marshy. Gunelendam, to think it a long time; to think a thing long. Guneu, long. Gunigischuk, daily. Gunih, a long while. Guninschu, trough. Gunitpoquik, mighty; (not in use. A.) Guntam, to swallow. Guntschitangen, to exhort, to admonish. Guntschitangewagan, admonition, exhortation. Gutginquechin, to look back. Gutgisgamen, to drive back. Gutgu, knee. Guthattachgat, single thread, untwisted. Guttandamen, a taste. Guttapachki, one hundred. Guttasch, six. Guttasch tcha pachki, six hundred. Guttasch tche nachke, sixty. Guttenummen, to take of, to pull off. Guttgennemen, to return something, to give back. Ganschiechsin, to cry aloud. H Ha, ha! exclamation of laughter. Hackialachgat, Z., a cellar. Hagiach, Z., beans, earth-beans. Haken, coal; (not in use. A.) Hakey, body, self; (w'hakey, his body; always with possessive pron. A.) Hakeyiwi, bodily, corporeal. Haki, earth ground. Hakiachxit, bean. Hakihakan, field, plantation. Hakihen, to plant, to farm. Hakihet, planter, farmer; (ek'hakihet. A.) Hakink, under; -untschi, from below. Hallachpis, Z., wild hemp. Hallemiwi, eternal, eternally. Hallepangel, barrel, cask (not a native word. A.) Haniqus, ground squirrel; (any kind of squirrel. A.) Hapichque, Z., a rib (opichque, a rib; opochquan, all the ribs. A.) Happa, yet a little while; a little longer. Happachpoon, chair; saddle; bench; seat. Happenikan, pincers. Happi, with it, in the bargain. Happis, a band for carrying burdens. Haschawije, square; (lit., many corners; schaweje, one corner, a square corner. A.) Haschi, ever, at any time. Hattape, bow. Hattawaniminschi, dogwood; (not now used. See taquachhakaniminshi. A.) Hattees, sinew. Hattelu, having. Hatten, he has, it is there. Hatton, to put, to place, to fix; (to put in a place. A.) He, he! exclamation of laughter. Helleniechsin, to speak the Indian language; (from lenno, man. A.) Hempsigawan, Z., a tent. Hickachquon, shin; (w'ichkachquon, his shin bone. A.) Higihhillen, the water falls, abates. Hikan, ebb tide; (at the ending of the flow. A.) Hikpesemen, to boil water in till dry. Hilleu, commonly. Hitguttit. little tree. Hittandelitewagan, instruction. Hittuk, tree; (the prefex M' is necessary. See Mehittuk. A.) Ho, exclamation of vociferation. Hobbenis, turnip; (lit., a small tuber, potato, etc. A.) Hob'bin, A., a potato. Hoh, exclamation of surprise. Hoh, exclamation of joy. on of joy. Hokes, bark of a tree; (some particular bark not now known. The usual word is anschuin. A.) Hokeyall, himself. Hokquoan, pothook; a chain. Hokunk, above, above the earth; -li, upward; -untschi, from above. Hoos, kettle, pot. Hopexu, kidney; hope'xuac, pl., Z., (not in use. See oteloos. A.) Hopikan, rib; (opichquai. A. See hapichque.) Hopiquon, foreshoulder. Hopoakan, a pipe for smoking; (arch., A.) Hopochquan, side. Huh! exclamation of vociferation. Hukqui, chin; (w'ikqui, his chin. A.) Hukquomilan, hail; (mukquomelan. A.) Hummak, Z., head lice. worm. Husca, very; -mcheli, very much; (husca, wisca, properly means new; kange, is very, as kange wulit, ery good. A.) Huscateek, very much, very much so. I Ichauweleman, to let somebody have the preference. Ichauwelendam, to prefer; (tachauwelendam, to desire to give one an advantage. A.) Ichauwi, rather. Ihiabtschi, still, to this time. Ihih! exclamation of grief. Ijabtschi, yet, still, nevertheless, however. Ika, there, yonder; -talli, there, over there; -untschi, from there, thence; (nellak, is used locatively with hese terminations, not ika. A.) Ikali, thither; (nellakli'. A.) Ikalissi, further, still further; still more. Ikalitti, a little further. Ikih! exclamation of grief. Ilau,., a war chief; (properly, a man of valor, one experienced in war, not necessarily a chief. A.) Ili, however, nevertheless, still, yet, though; -matta, ot even, allowi matta, let alone; - wsami, quite too. Ink (suffix), in, in the, on, out of. Iwi! exclamation of grief. J Jagatamoewi Gischuch, July; (from amoe -honey bee month. A.) Jaga'wan, hut, house; (not in use. A.) Jahellaap, net of yarn; (not now known.A.) Janewi, always, at all times. Japeechen, along shore, along the bank, on the river side. Japewi, on the bank, at the edge; a high bank. Jawi, on one side. Jechauwelendam, to love better, to prefer; (see Ichauwelendam.) Ju, exclamation of joy. Ju, well! Ju, here. hither; -endalauchsit, man; -shaki, so far as here; -talli. just here; -undach, this side; -undachqui, here, hither, this way; -wuntschi, from hence, for that reason, therefore. Juch, well! Juchnall, hither. Juchnook, well! Juchta, now (used in petitioning or interrogating). Juhuh! exclamation used in calling. Juk, these. Juke, now, presently; -gischquik, today; -likhiqui, at this time, about the present time; -petschi, till now, hither; -untschi, henceforth. Jukella! ah! oh that! would that! Juketeek! oh that! Jukik, these. Julak, there. Jullik, these. Jun, here; through here; there; this one; -talli, here. Juque, now. K Kaak, wild goose; (kaag'. A.) Kajah! wonderful! exclamation of wonder. Kakey, thyself. Katschi, don't, let it alone! (doubtful. A.) Katschiwoak, besides, further, again. Keecha? how much? Keechen, a few times. Keechi? how much? (how many? A.) Keechitti, a little. Keechoguni? how long? Kehella! yes! exclamation of approval! Kekschittek, a stove. Kepe, thou also, thou too. Kepene, we also; (ki lonawitsch, the form ke in these words is not in use. A.) Kepewo, ye also, you too. Kepoak, they also. Ki, thou. Kichgematgeu, Z., a thief. Kichkinet, Z., a guide (from kichkican, a mark or sign; kichkinet, one who understands the marks. A.) Kigin'amen, to know, to be acquainted with. Kiginolewagan, sign, token. Kigischgotum, green grasshopper. Kih! exclamation of pain. Kihhican. Z., a boundary (a line, a mark. A.) Kihneu, sharp, biting, harsh, jealous; (means sharp, only. A.) Kihnhammen, to sharpen, to grind. Kihnhanschikan, grindstone; (kihnhican. a sharpener. A.) su, sharp, biting, harsh, jealous. Kikape, a single man; a bachelor. Kikechum, the mother (of beasts); (properly, a female animal without a mate. A.) Kikehuwet, physician. Kiken, to mend in health, to grow better. Kikewagan, cure, life; (lit., the means of getting better in health. A.) Kikey, old aged; (kikes, adults, older people. A.) Kikeyihen, to lend; kigaihil, Z. (not in use. A.) Kikeyin, to be old, to be aged. Kikeyjumhet, elder, chief man. Kikeyochqueu, elderly woman. Kikochques, a single woman. Kiluna, we (including the party speaking and the party spoken to). Kiluwa, ye or you. Kimi, secretly. Kiminachsin, to murder secretly. Kiminachsoagan, murder, assassination. Kiminachsu, a secret murderer. Kiminalitten, to assassinate. Kimiwipengeen, Z., to commit adultery (lit., to sleep secretly together. A.) Kimixin, to go from some place secretly. Kimochwen, to steal away privately. Kinhican, Z., a grindstone. Kinhochkus, pike fish. Kipachgiminschi, upland hickory; (species of oak. A.) Kitschganinaquot, convenient. Kitschgansowagan, convenience, commodiousness. Kitschii, verily, truly; (great, very. A.) Kitschikele, yes, it is true; (incorrect; ele is a superlative form, and could not be used with kitschi. A.) Kitschinipen, summer, June. Kitschitachquoak, autumn month, September. Kitschiwi, certainly, truly, verily. Kittachpanschi, spar, rafter; (any large piece of timber; from pantschi, timber. A.) Kittahikan, great sea, ocean. Kittakima, great king; (the word sakima, of which this is a compound, is no longer used. A.) Kittan, great river; (arch., kitseepu would be used now. A.) Kittapachki, thousand. Kittaptonen, to affirm, to assure. Kittelendam, to be in earnest. Kittelendamwagan, earnest. Kittelinsch, thumb. Kitthukquewulinschawon, thumb. Kittoaltewall, great ships. Kittuteney, great city. Kiwikaman, to visit somebody. Kiwiken, to visit; (lit., thy-house-going; not now used. A.) Klahikan, trap. Klakaptonaganall, Z, an amusing tale. Klakauchsowagan, divertisement, light-mindedness; (from gluxsu, he laughs.) Klakelendam, to be rakish, to be extravagant, to be dissolute, to be a good-for-nothing fellow. Klamachpin, to be quiet, to sit still. Klamhattenamin, to be of a calm mind. Klamhattenamoagan, calmness of mind. Klammiechen, to be still, not to progress. Klampeechen, still water. Kloltin, to quarrel, to contend; (to use bad words to each other. A.) Kloltowagan, quarrel, dispute. Klunewagan, Z., a lie, a falsehood. Knattemihi, Z., lend me. Kolku, what, something; what? -cet, what may it be? tani? what then? -untschi, for what reason, why; wuntschi, why; (queq! A.) Kombachquall, leaves, foliage. Komelendam, to be free from trouble or care; (not in use. A.) Kommot, to steal. Kommotgen, stolen. Kommothaken, to steal something out of a field. Kopachkan, thick. Kopachkisse, thick. Kotschemunk, out of doors, out of this place; without; abroad; (quotsch' mink. A.) Kpahasu, locked up, shut up, caught. Kpahi, shut the door; (kpah'hi'. A.) Kpahikan, stopper; a cover or lid. Kpahon, door. Kpahotink, prison; (keh'pahotink. A.) Kpaskhasu, stopped. Kpatten, frozen over; frozen shut. Kpiktschehican, Z., a cover, a lid. Kpitschchikan, breech of a gun. Kpitscheu, unruly, foolish behaved. Kpitschewagan, foolishness. Ksakpatton, to make wet. Kschachan, the wind blows hard. Kschahepakandamen, to beat hard. Kschamamquo, grievous, troublesome. Kschamehhellan, to run fast. Kschaptonalan, to use somebody ill, to abuse someone. Kschatey, tobacco; achwan Kschatev, strong tobacco. Kschatteechen, beaten road, path. Kschiechanittowit, I>Holy God. Kschiechauchsowagan, holiness, innocence. Kschiechek, clean. Kschiechelendam, to think one's self from stain; to think one's self sinless; to think that one is holy. Kschiechelensin, to believe to be blameless, to believe to be holy. Kschiechen, to wash. Kschiechen, clean. Kschiechgochgihillen, to bleed fast. Kschiechhensin, to wash one's self. Kschiechi, clear. Kschiechihin, to make clean. iechpecat, clear water. Kschiechsin, to be clean. Kschiechton, to wash. to cleanse. Kschihillen, to go fast, to go swiftly. Kschikan, knife; (pachschikan. A.) Kschilan, it rains hard. Kschilandeke, summer. Kschilandeu, verv hot weather; (lit., much sunshine. A.) Kschipasques, green grasshopper. Kschippehellen, the water flows rapidly; strong current. Kschipsin, to have the itch. Kschipsit, one that has the itch. Kschite, broth, (kschite, the i long. A.) Kschitten, warm, hot. Kschiwineu. it snows very thick. Kschochwen, to walk fast. Kschuppan. blunt, dull. Ksinachpin, to be at leisure. Ksinelendam, to be easy, to be without care. Ksinhattenamin, to be of an indifferent heart and mind. Ksinhattenamoagan, indifference, calmness. Ksukquamallsin, to be perplexed, to be in anguish of mind; (ksakquelendam, thou art perplexed. A.) Ksukquamallsoagan, perplexity, mental anguish. aquot, heavy, in a manner. Ksukquon, heavy, hard, difficult. Ktakan, another; otherwise, in another manner. Ktemakauchsoagan, poor, miserable life. Ktemaki, poor, miserable, infirm. Ktemakiechin, to lie sick in a poor condition. Ktemaque, beaver, (amochk. Z.) Ktemaxin, to be poor, to be miserable; to be poorly. Ktschihillalan, to betray somebody. Ktschillachton, to make known, to make manifest, to speak the truth. Ktschimine, as soon as. Ktschin, to go out; (acktschin, impers. A.) Ktschinquehhellen, the sun rises. Ktschiqwagan, gun drawer. Ktscholtin, to come out of church. Ktschukquihhilleu, it moves, it stirs. Ktschukquilques, Z., grasshopper (lit., it moves in the grass. A.) Ktukin, to turn back; (probably an error for k'tokkin, to wake up. A.) Kulluppi, Z., to convert (lit., to turn. A.) Kunhaffun, Z., to polish, to grind, to sharpen. Kutschin, to come out of the house. Kuwe, pine; (see Cuwe.) Kuweuchak, pine wood, pine logs. Kuwewanik, red squirrel. L Lachauweleman, to be concerned for somebody. Lachauwelendam, to be concerned for something; to be troubled in mind. Lachauwelendamen, to take care of, to be concerned for. Lachauwelendamoagan, concern. Lachauwiechen, to hinder. Lachenendowagan, release, loosening. Lachenummen, to untie, to loosen. Lachgalaan, Z., to anger. Lachgaman, to treat somebody ill. Lachkan, sharp tasted. Lachpiechsin, to speak fast. Lachpihhilleu, it goes fast, it moves swiftly- Lachpikin, to grow fast. Lachwegegquoakan, harrow. Lachxowi'lenno, Z., captain (one experienced in war. A.). Lachxu, Z., a fishing rod. Lachxuagan, Z., anger. Lakenindewagan, accusation. Laktschehellan, to jump over, to leap over. Lakusin, to climb up, n'gendachgusi, I climb up. Lalchauchsitaja, fork of the toes; (w'lhauchsitan. A.) Lalchauwulinschaja, fork of the fingers. Lalenikan, scour grass; (Equisetum hyemale. B.) Lalhan, to scrape something; (to rub, to polish. A.) Lalhaquoakan, drawing knife. Lalschin, to cut smooth, to make even. Lamowo, downward, slanting. Landawen, it runs up, it climbs up, it spins up; (not in use. A.) Langan, easy, light, not heavy. Langoma, Z., kinsman. Langomuwinaxin, to look friendly. Langundowagan, peace. Langundowi, peaceable, peaceful; (without the prefixed w' this word means relationship. A.) Langundowits'chik, Z., kindred, relatives. Lapechikan, plough. Lapeechton, to tune an instrument. Laphaken, to replant. Laphatton, to restore, to repair, to replace;(lapachton, to replace. A.) Lappi, again, once more; -tchen, as much again. Lappiechsin, to repeat, to say over. Lappilennin, to come together again, to be together again. Laptonachgat, meaning of the word, signification of the word. Laptonasu, Z., commanded (bridled, held by the mouth. A.) Laschimuin, to dream; (not in use. A. Now lungamen.) Laschinummen, A., to see at a glance or for a moment. Latschachken, to treat. Latschessowagan, goods, merchandise. Latschessowen, to enjoy riches; to possess. Lattoniken, to search, to examine. Lauchpoame, middle of the thigh. Lauchsin, to live, to walk; (to live in a certain manner; to walk morally or otherwise, not literally. A.) hsohalid, he who makes me live. Lauchsoheen, to make live, to make walk, to cause to be lively, to make happy. Lauchsowagan, behavior, life. Lauhakamike, middle of a piece of ground. Lawachto, worth, value. Lawachtohen, to set a price. Lawachtowagan, price, value. Lawantpe, crown of the head. Lawasgoteu, Z., a wide plain (lit., it is in the middle of a plain. A.). Lawat, long ago; (lawata. A.) Lawi, A., the middle, midst. iddle of winter; (lawilowank. A.) Lawitpikat, midnight. Lawochgalauwe, middle of the forehead. Lawulinsch, middle finger. Lechakquihhil Ien, it slackens. Lechauhanne, fork of a river. Lechauwak, fork; division, separation. Lechauwaquot, a tree with a fork. Lechauwiechen, fork of a road. Lechewon, breath, air (from awon, mist. A.). Lehellechemhaluwet, he who giveth life. Lehellechen, to live, to breathe. Lehellechewagan, breath, life; (lehellachemhalgum, Z., he saved my life.) Lehellemattachpink, chair, stool, bench. Lekau, sand, gravel. Leke, true. Lekhammen, to write. Lekhammewagan, debt; (lekhammawachtoagan, an account. Z.) Lekhasik, written. Lekhasu, written. Lekhikan, letter, epistle; book. Lekhiken, to write. Lekhiket, writer. Lelawi, halfway, in the middle. Lelemin, to let, to suffer, to permit, to grant. Lelingen, to permit; to allow. Lemachdappit, he who sits here. Lemattachpin, to sit down. Lenape, Indian; man. Lenapeuhoxen, Indian shoes. Lenhacki, Z., upland (barren highlands. A.) Lennahawanink, at the right hand, to the right. Lennamek, chop fish. Lenni, Z., genuine, pure, real, original. Lenni, hand it; (linachke, Z., reach your hand) Lenniga'wan, Z., a cabin (a common house, a temporary shelter, a store room. A.). Lennikbi, linden tree (bark of the basswood tree. A.). Lennitti, a little while. Lenno, man; pl., lennowak. Lennotit, little man. Lennowasquall, fern; (lit., male fern.) Lennowechum, male of beasts. Lennowehellen, male of birds and fowls. Lennowinaquot, manfully. Lepakgik, those who weep, weepers. Lepakuwagan, weeping. Lepoatschik, wise men. Leppoewina, cunning man. Leu, true; it is so. Lewehhelleu, it sounds. Li, to; thither. Liechenan, to leave out. Liechenummen, to take off, to take down. Liechin, to lie down, to rest. Liechsowagan, language. Lihan, to do so to somebody. Likhikqui, now, about that time; as soon as; as, so as. Likhikquiechen, so as. Lilchpin, to be willing; to be diligent. Lileno, A., an office, one holding an office. Lilenowagan, custom, rule, law; (holding an office. A.) Limattachpanschi, rafter on the roof of a house. Linachgechtin, to lay hands to something. Linachken, to reach forth the hand. Linalittin, to fight; (refers to the extent of the fight. A.) Linaquot, like unto; as this, that or the other: so, so as. like unto. Linchen, west wind. Lingihhillen, it thaws, it melts. Linhakamike, upland; (see Lenhacki.) Linkteu, it melts. Linnilenape, Indians of the same nation, < LI>Delawares. Linquechin, to look, to behold. Linschgan, finger. Linxasu, melted. Linxummen, to melt. Lippoe, experienced; wise. Lissin, to be so; to do so; to be so situated, to be so disposed; to act so. Litchen, to think; to think so. Litchewagan, thought, sentiment, opinion. Littin, to say to each other, to say among themselves. Littonhen, to preach in such a manner. Liwamallsin, to mend, to grow better in health. Liwasnosqueu, overgrown with weeds. Liwasquall, weeds; (any kind of grass or weeds; generic. A.) Liwi, toward. Liwiechen, to rest. Lo! see, behold! Loaktschehellen, Z., it leaps, it jumps. Loamissowe, lately; (lomisu. Z.) Loamoe, long ago, in olden times; (not now used in this form. A.) Lochlogannechwin, to destroy. Logahhellan, to be discouraged, to give up. Logahhellen, discouraged; (broken up. A.) Logahhellewagan, discouragement. Loganechwin, to throw down, to destroy. Logihilleu, it falls in. Logillachton, to tear, to destroy, to stop, to cease. Lohikan, forefinger; (lit., the pointer. A.) Lohumanwan, to show somebody. Lokan, hip, thigh joint; (w'lokan; the possessive must be used. A.) Lokat, flour; (something broken into bits; loken, flour. A.) Lokenummen, to tear in pieces, to pull apart. Lokhammen, bran, shorts. Lokschummen, to cut loose; (arch., pachschummen, is to cut loose; lokschummen, to cut at the knot. A.) Longachsiss, cousin; (error, a nephew. A.) Lonquamwagan, a dream; (lungwamen. Z.) Loquel! see! Lowan, winter. Lowanachen, north wind. Lowaneu, northward, northerly, north; (lowanewunk, in the north; lowanne Lenape, Z., northern Indians.) Lowanneunk, northward. Lowilaan, the rain is over. Lowin, to pass by. Lowunsuagan, Z., a name. See luwunsuagan. Lowulen, it burns in a flame. Luchund, he is said to have said. Luejun, said. Luen, to say; (to give a definite sound of any kind. A.) Luewagan, saying; (the giving a definite sound. A.) Lungwamen, Z., to dream. Lunk, or, Lunkus, Z., a cousin (error, a nephew. A.). Luppoe, wisely. Luppoewagan, cunningness, wittiness. to burn. Lusasu, burnt. Lussemen, to bum. Lussin, to burn. Luteu, it burns. Luwunsu, called, named. Luwunsuagan, the name; ( Kocu ktellzinsi? What is thy name? Kocu lowunsu wikimat? What is thy wife's name?) M Ma, here take it, there it is. , Z., female genitals. Macheleman, to esteem somebody, to value someone, to honor some one, to praise somebody. Machelemoach-eniman, to honor and praise somebody, to glorify some one. Machelemoachgenimgussowagan, the receiving of honor and praise. Mechelemoachgenindewagan, praise, glory. Machelemuwi, honorable, precious. Machelemuxit, he that is honored. Machelemuxowagan, honor. Machelendam, to esteem, to value, to honor, to esteem in an honor. Machelendamoagan, esteem, high value. Machelensin, to be high minded, to be proud. Machelensowagan, pride. Macheli, much, many; (or, cheli. A.) Macheu, great, large. Machoachk, Z., a pumpkin. Machgeuachgook, Z., copper snake. Machiechsin, to speak loud. Machkachsin; Z., copper. Machkachtawunge, red bank of a river. Machkachten, coal of fire. Machkajappan, Z., the aurora, dawn (alludes to the redness of the morning sky. A.) Machkalett, r-usty. Machkalingus, sunfish. Machkametank, stream of a reddish color. Machkanachkteu, twilight. Machkasgachteyat, red-bellied snake. Machkassin, brick. Machkelechen, red looking. Machkenummen, to pull off, to take off. Machkeu, red; (machkipachgihilleu, Z., the leaves (of the trees) tum red (in the autumn). See Combach.) Machkewehhe Hachtikan, flag, banner. MachkhattachquaH, red yam, red thread. Machkigen, Z., the white thom. Machkikeniminschi, thom bush. Machkipachgihhffleu, the leaves grow red. Machkten, twilight; (redness of sky. A.) Machque, bear. Machquioen, plenty of bears. Machquin, to swell. Machquissin, to be swelled. Machquissu, swelled. Machtagen, to fight. Machtageoagan, war, fighting. Machtakeniinan, to accuse somebody, to speak ill of some one. Machtakenimgussin, to be ill spoken o L Machtakenindewagan, bad accusation. Machtalappajo, bad moming weather. Machtalipachqual L bad shoes. MachtaUogagan, bad, wicked servant. MachtaUopsowagan, wicked act; sinful deed. Machtalohumauwan, to direct somebody the wrong way. MachtamaUsin, to be sick. MachtameUessuwi, indisposed, sick. Machtando, devil; (machtan'to, a shortened form of machti-manitto. A.) Machtandowagan, devilishness. Machtandowinenk, Z, hell; (lit., among the devils.A.) Machtapamukquot, dusky, dark.. Machtapan, bad, stormy weather; unpleasant morning. Machtapeek, bad time, war time. Machtapequonitto, evil spirit. Machtaptonen, to speak uncivilly, to talk roughly, to use bad language. Machtatenamen, to be unfortunate, to be unhappy, to be displeased; to be discontented, to be dissatisfied. Machtatenamoagan, unhappiness, discontent. Machtatenamohen, to make unhappy, to make dissatisfied. Machtatenamuwi, unhappy, discontented. Machtatschahen, to use somebody ill, to treat someone badly. Machtauchsin, to sin; (lit., bad life. A.) Machtauchsowagan, sin. Machtauchsuwi, sinful. Machtenalittin, to fight, to fight with each other, to fight a battle. Machtississu, bad, ugly; dirty looking. Machtissa, bad, ugly. Machtit, bad, ill. ad, ill. Machtittonhen, to abuse, to scold. Machtiwitt L very little. Machtonquoan, to have a bad dream. Machtschihillen, spoiled, corrupted. Machtschikamik, hole, grave. Machtschikamikunk, Z., a burial place. Mlaclitschikbiak. papaw tree. (lit.. red fruit tree. A.) Mi.iclitschileti. bad action, trO Liblesome time. Mlaclitsciiilissit. siiiiier. Machtschilokes. leattier striii-I. Maclitsciiiiiippoat. hypocrite. Mlaclitschil Lippoewa-an. hypocrisy. MlachtsciiiinaqLiot. ill tILivored. nasty smelled. Mlachtschipak, shoe, (tizac-litsili, whence moccasin. 4.) Mlachtschipoquot, ill tasted. of a disa-reeable taste. Mlachtschiteliewa-an. wickedness. Machtu, bad. MlachtLii-nbiiik, dling. Mlachxitaclipoail, bread mixed with beans. MlaCIIXLlmmen, to dye red. Ma-ami. early: (i@iajapoit,i, A.) Mlahallamaueii, to sell. Mahellis. tliiit,(t?ialiales. Z.) Mlahei-natschehellat, cock of a giin lock. Malionink, H., at the deer-lick. Mlajauchsin, to be of one mind. MlajaLlchsolien, to make of one mind. MlajaLlchsowauan, Linioil, Linity, agreement. M,IjaLlchsLi, one person, a certain one; (one alone. A.) Majauchsuwi, of one mind, united. Majauchsuwin, to be of one mind. Majawat, one, only one. Minlajawi. ri(,Iit, straight, proper; alone, simple;-wulit, best. Mlajawiecheii, it is right, it is as it should be; it agrees, it suits. it harmonizes, it corresponds. Majawiechton, to do orderly, to do properly, to compare. Majawihillen, it is right, it is as it should be. Majeweleiidam, to be fixed in purpose, to be settled in mind. Makesinnaii, to shoe somebody; (see machtschipak.) MlakliaqLloakan, -rubbing hoe. Mlaksaweek, Aaron root (Rhus cotinus? Z.) Mlallaclische, as if, as it were, like unto. Mallachxit, bean; (the ordinary tenn. A.) alLins, iroii wood (a sort of beech). Mallikti, witclicr@ ft@ (OLLI>IT Of USe at present@ machtatilia, one is bewitched. .4.) MlallikLiwacan, witchcraft. Ml,tllsaiiiltik, arrow, flint. Mlaiiiaclitachawejll, weakly. Mlaiiiaclitapewi, Z., naLl,,,hty, bad. Mamachtaptonagan, wicked language, vile talk; rough speaking. Mamachtschiman, to revile somebody, to reproach some one, to insult somebody. MamachtschimoLissowagan, the being insulted. Mamalachc,ook, striped snake. Mamalekhikan, writing, letter, book; (lit., in crooked lines or stripes; applied to handwriting. A.) Mamalis, fawn, YOLin,-, deer. Mamalunqtian, sort of stin.-in.- fly. Mamawon, eyebrow. Mamchachwelendam, to suffer, to endure pain. Mamchachwelendamoaaan, SLtffering, torment. Mamelandamen, to vomit. Mamguckcii, Z., a plain witholit trees, a prairie (error: rather a plain with large trees. A.) Mamiechanessin, to be ashamed. Mamintschim, to praise. Mamintschimgussowa(yan, the beina praised. Mamintschindewagan, praise. raise, to give -Iory Mamschalan, to remember somebody. Mamschaloussowagan, the being remembered, remembrance. Mamschaltin, to keep each other in remembrance. Mamtschitsch, the last time, lastly. Mamtschitschi, the last time, at last. Mamukowagan, destruction, perdition; (refers especially to a fatal accident. A.) Manachewagan, the cutting of fire wood. Manask, second crop. Manasuagan, Z., jealousy (especially sexual jealousy. A.) Mandoman, to blame somebody. Mandomgussin, to be blamed. Mandundewagan, blame, imputation. Manejeu, it profits little, it contains but little. Maniton, to make; nin mattineto, Z., I make; kik'mallenito, thou makest (arch., nulitton, I am, ktilitton, etc. A.). Manitto, maker, Creator, God; (properly, spirit, not maker. A.) Manittowah'alaan, Z., to bewitch. Maiiittowihak, steel. Miaiinacheii, to chop wood. Mainannachet, wood cuItter. Manoquen, to scalp. Manoquenasu, scalped (manoquala, one who is scalped. A.). Manschasqueen, to mow, to reap. Manschasquoakan, scythe. Manschawileu, wonderful. Mantowagan, spiritual power (from manitto.) Manungalan, to treat somebody badly. Manunxin, to be cross, to be angry. Manunxuagan, Z., anger. Manuppekhasu, skimmed. Maqueleman, to be jealous of somebody; to envy some one. Maschapi, bead. Maschilamek, trout; (lit., "like a fish," not now applied to a trout. A.) Masgichteu, May apple. Maskek, swamp. Maskekhanne, muddy creek in a swamp. Maskequimin, swamp huckleberry. Maskik, grass, herb; (maskequasq'. A.) Masktin, Z., to ease one's self. Massipook, the river drifts ice. Matschachton, to carry away. Matschalan, to bring somebody home. Matschflissowagan, sinful behavior. Matschin, to go home. - i . Matschinamen, to take ill; to be ill pleased. Matschiton, to spod something, to make mischief. Matta, no, not;-ta, nowhere;-tani, in no way. Mattago, no. Mattalan, to come up with somebody. Mattameechen, cross roads; (where one road enters another, not a cross road. A.) Mattaptonaltin, to speak bad to one another; to scold each other, to abuse each other by words. Mattaptonen, to speak uncivil, to talk roughly, to scold. MatteIeman, to despise somebody. Mattelemuwi, despicable, contemptible. Mattelemuxin, to be despised. Mattelemuxowagan, the being despised. Mattelendam, to be uneasy, to be troubled in mind; to despise. Mattemigalan, to let somebody in. Mattemigen, to enter in. Mattochwen, to travel badly. Mattonheen, Z., to curse (to give bad words. A.) Mauchsu, one living thing; one. Mauwallauwin, to go hunting. Mauwi, go and tell. Mauwikhattoak, Z., camped, encamped (collected together. A.). Mawachpo, collector. Mawachpoagan, tribute, tax. Mawat, one, only one. Mawemin, to meet, to assemble; (mawewi, Z., an assembly.) Mawenemen, to gather, to collect, to bring together. Mawewigawan, meeting house. Mawingewagan, reconciliation. Mawinhaken, to go to war. Mawinsin, to gather, to pick up. Mawottakan, famine, scarcity of provision. Mawunappin, to be assembled. Mawuni, assembled, collectively. Mbeson, Z., brandy (spirits, from mbi. A.). Mbi, water. Mbiachgook, water snake. Mbiachk, whale. Mbidhitehemen, to cut one's self. Mbil, Z., beer; mbilheen, to brew beer. Mbisis, Z, a lake. Mbison, Z., bait; tamaquei mbison, beaver bait. Mboagan, death. Mboawikcham, hiccough. Mboiwi, mortal, dead. Mbokquasquihillan, to break in the ice. Mechakgilik, great, big. ' Mechakhokque, the month when cold makes the trees crack, December; (dub., A.) Mechamek, wild rhubarb. Mechaquiechen, high water, freshet. Mechasktschat, thick bellied. Mechateu, deep snow; (arch., A.) Mechawachto, dear. Mechek, great, large. Mechelgik, great many; multitude. Mecheli, much; (a great many. A.) Mechelit, much. Mechen, big, large. Mechgilik, the great, the big. Mechhanneck, large creek, large river. Mechinkhakihakan, large field. Mechinkhakihen, to plant a large piece of ground. Mechinqui, great, large, big. Mechinquinaquot, it appears large, it looks great.'vieciiinquitehewagaii, self pride. MiechitqLtek, great depth. Mechiwilawanit, great sarsaparilla. Mechmauwikenk, Z., camp. Mechmenahikeak, scum ladle. Miechoak, old tree; (the me, prefix, in these and the following words would be omitted at present. A.) Mechoammowi aischuch, shad month, March. Mechohakihan, old field. Mechouteney, old, dilapidated town. Mechowasquall, old, dry grass. Mechowi, old (in use); (chowi. A.) Mechowijeyju, old from use. Medhake, matter. Medhapahin, to surprise. Medhik, bad, wicked; evil. Medsit, bad, wicked, evil one. Meechgalanne, hawk. Meechgalhukquot, red hair. Meechgalowet, fish like a sucker; (red-finned sucker. A.) Meechgapuek, ipecacuanha. Meechxit, the red one. Me-ucke, Z., a wide plain. Me-ungi, wholly, entirely, purely, quite, alone. Meautschi, wholly, entirely. Mehakachtey, coal of fire. Mehallamaoen, to sell (error; to buy. A.) Mehallamawachtowagan, merchandise. Mehallamen, to buy, to purchase. Mehamentschit, robber; (from amentschiechten,-arch., A.) Mehemendowan, to entreat somebody. Mehemendowen, to ask pardon, to beg on. Mehemetan lowaaan, agony of death. Mehihschiu, barren. Mehittachpin, to be born. Mehittachpit, begotten. Mehittachpoagan, birth. Mehitt-us, twig. Mehittschoak, barren tree. Mehittschohawi, corporeal material. Mehittuk, tree. Mehokhokus, red cedar. Mintehokquami, ice. Miehokquamileno, hail. Mehokquik, bloody. Meliokquiman, red bird. Mehokquinewagan, bloody flux. Mehokquitamen, to bleed at the nose. Mehowimi, raspberry; (wild black raspberry. A.) Mehuk, blood. Mehukachoook, copper snake. Mehukuwi, bloody. Mejauchsit, one, a certain one. Mejauchsoa-an, Z., an alliance, confederation. Mejauchsu, one person. Mejauchsuwin, Z., to ally, to become one. Meken, to give away, to surrender. Mekeniechink, the end, the last day. Mekih, corruption, matter; (error; giving it up; an error of the copyist for melih. A.) Mekis, sheep, (metnekis. imitative of bleating. A.) Melandam, to vomit. Melanschpen, to take a vomit. Melanschpewagan, vomiting. . Melich-awan, pillow, cushion. Melih, corruption, matter. Melihasu, mattery, putrid. Mellaam, to smell. Memachtakeniman, to speak evil of somebody. Memachtschilan, to speak evil to somebody. Memachtschilissit, sinner; (of evil countenance. A.) Memajauchsit, each one, every one. Memakochkus, red-headed woodpecker. Memanunxit, Z., ill-natured, surly. Memedhakemo, turtle dove; (i?iovviclileit, the wild dove. A.) Memeechxiteu, barefoot. Memeechxitin, to be barefooted. Memekis, sheep. Memekschachey, sheep skin. Memeu, woodcock. Memoukek, plain; (not in use; schingek, level. A.) Memhallamund, merchant, trader. Memoschanigat, toothless. Memsochet, traveller; (vagabond, idler. A.) Men'achk, fence, fort; (menaclikhasli, Z., fortified place.) Menacbkah, fence rail. Menachtin, to drink with each other, to tipple with one another. Menachtin, Z.. to get drunk (lit., to drink together. not necessarily intoxicants. A.) Menantachk, swamp; (with trees meetin- above. A.)tr Menantak, pine swamp. Menantschiwon, left hand; menantschiwonunk, to the left hand. Menasowagan, jealousy, suspicion. Menatehewagan, envy. Menatey, island; (menach'lien. A.) Menen, to drink. Menenachkhasik, garden. Menet, drunkard. Meneton, to spend in drinking. Menewagan, drinking. Menewi, in some place; (all together in a place. A.) Mengiechsu, a swan. Mengwe, H., an Iroquois; (lit., glans penis. A.) Menhakehhamat, gardener. Menhasik, skimmed; (scum. A.) Menichink, congregation. Menniwi, in some places, not everywhere. Menpekhasik, skim milk: Menuppek, lake, sea; (any enclosed body of water, great or small. A.) Menutes, sack bag; (generic. A.) Mequik, bloody. Mequit, bloody. Mesak, building log; (mIsagawon, Z., a log house.) Mesaquem, ear of corn. Meschagen, to sit down; (out of use. A.) Meschakan, wound; (out of use; meschillawa, wound. A.) Meschandamen, to taste. Meschatamen, to remember. Mescheki, whole, entire, every bit. Meschiechen, to slip, to fall. Meschikaan, to come nigh to me, to draw near to somebody. Meschuppalan, to sprinkle somebody. Mesim, hickory nut. Mesink, Z., an idol. Mesissachowak, large stinging flies. Mesissu, whole; (the me in many of these words not in use. A.) Mesittewall, corn boiled whole; (out of use. A.) Mesittschejeu, wholly, altogether. Mesittschewi, quite, whole, entirely. Messasquall, straw. Messikanelan, to hail. Messipook, the river drifts with ice. Messixu, naked. Mesukhoakan, glue. Metachan, firewood. Metachgelonen, to have told a ready lie. Metakhammen, to cover. Metakhan, to cover somebody. Metapewit, wicked man; (a thievish fellow. A.) Metaptonen, to break off speaking (he has said all he has to say. A.) Metekenis, leather string. Metelensit, humble being, low-minded person; (one who despises himself; metauelensit, humble person. A.) Metellen, ten. Metenaxin, to be ready. Meteu, doctor; (out of use; it is derived from meteohet, to drum on a hollow body; a turkey cock is sometimes called meteu, from the drumming sound of his wings. The ancient medicine men used drums. A.) Metirnmeu, wolf; (arch. The word at present is wiechcheu; lit., hairy dung, from the character of the excrement. A.) Metschi, ready; already. Metschiechgoch to bleed to death. Metsc n, to fall in; to vanish. Metschffiffleu, old, wom out. Metschirnhammen, to lock. MetschimL soon, presently. Metschipachgihhilleu, fallen off. Metschitehenemoalan, to design evil against somebody. Metschitschank, soul, spirit. Metschitschi, at last, the last time. Mettachquohhemen, to cover. Michalappotis, spider. Michtquin'otees, Z., a basket. Miechakanak, ash; (white ash. A.) Miechanatamen, to be ashamed. Miechanelendam, to be ashamed of one's self. Miechanelendamoagan, self shame. Miechanessin, to be ashamed. Miechanimgussin, to be made ashamed. Miechaninaquot, shameful. Miechanissowagan, shame. Miechasquigamik, cabin covered with grass. Miechbowe, plume of fowls; (the down, inner soft feathers. A.) MiechhaquaH, moss on trees. Miecliliekeii, liair. Miechiiiqtiawoii, cl)row. Miechponktliev. li,,Itt white ashes. Mietachsquall, Ila\.. Mi-ihillan, to bo\v otie's self down. Mi(,itamen, to bow toward. Mi-O Mi, Put MC in mind. Mi-opoquoak, t@iste. Mi-un, quill @ (tiiitlitiii. a quill, 17liqttillLik. Feathers. A. Mi-untin, to reiiiitict each other. Mihillusiii, to be @t@,ed. to be old. Mihillusis, olcl A.) Mihii, hLicklel)eri-\,. Mihnaclipoaii. liLik:klel)crr\,II)rcacl. Mikemossiii, to @\ oi-k. to lal)or-, (OLt t Of LLI>ISC. 4. Mikemossit, laborci-. Mikemossowa-aii. @koi-k. lit)or. Mikindameii, to do. to iii@ike. Milach, hair; pl., iiiil(liull. li ii Z. deer's hairs: alliiiii do-'s liairs)(ivilacli, etc. -I.) Mdan, to give to sotiietiociv (not expecting a return.A.) Mileen, H., the aivin2. Milit, he who gives to me: (also, the thin(,, -iveii. A.) Militak, father-in-law or mother-in-law: (error, aLlIlt. A.) Miltin, to give; (givin- each other, mutually A.) Miltowagan, gift (without expectation of return. A.) Minall, Z., huckleberries, pl. Mindawelendam, to be discontented, to be troubled: (expresses the feelin- of discontent from unsatisfied hopes. A.) Mindawewagan, discontentment. Mtinaachsa, better, a little better. Minschu, glad; (out of use. A.) Minsi., one of the three tribes of the Linni Lenape, or Delawares; (from miti-aclisin-ink, where the stones are gathered together. A.) Miqui, quite; far, far off;-pallivvi, quite different:-pili, otherwise, by far otherwise. Mis, elder sister-, n'mis, kniis, my, thy, etc. Mischenahan, to touch somebody, to handle someone. Mlischenummen, to receive, to -et. Miisseachpin, to be alwavs abroad. to be seldoi-n at ,home, to -o a gadding- Miisseachpitschik-, those who live scattered. Mlissli,ikCLLI>ILLI>I>CIlCt. 1'rc(ILLI>ILLI>I>CIlt traveler, pilgrim. Mli,,socliweii, to walk abOLLI>It, to travel about. Mlit,iclikaiiiechiiik, manifest. Mitaclikailiecliton, to iiiake nianifest, to be revealed. Mitaclil)iii, Z.. to bc I)oi-ii (lit., to be seen in existence in @i I)Izice. A.) MitSLia,,ail. Z., t'oo(l. aliiiiciit. Miweletidaiii, to l'or,,ive. M,Iiweleiidaiiiaii, to for@,i%-e somebody. Mliweleiidanieii. to for(,i%,e. Mliweleildaiiioa-an, foriziveiiess. Mlizew,i!4iiii, t'ood, Victuals, provision. Mli/ill. to cat. Mlocll,,,iiiieii, to find. MIOCIIOI11SLlil-a, Z., forefathers. ancestors. Mloekaiieti, doL,: (see Alltiiii. Mlokdomus. lizard. MokLliii, blood, a veiii (i7ioc-li.'kiiiii. A.). Mioiiach-eu. LrOLind liol,: (from iizoiiliuiii. H.) Moilhacaniminshi, Z., doL, wood (error. it is the black liaw bush or tree. A. ) Monhai-n, to dig; (i7iiiiiIiageeit, Z., to dig a hole.) M,Ioochwes, worm, caterpillar (white -rub. A.) it, little worm. Mos, elk, cow: (applied only to deer and elk. A.) Moscha ch-eu, bald, bare. clear, not turbid. Moschakantpeu, bald headed. Moschanioeu, toothless. Moschhakquat, clear weather. Moschiwi, clear, luminous, bare, naked: clearlv, openly. Moschpekat, clear water. Mosi-awan, cow stable. Moskdonamen, to kiss; (from word for mouth, arch..at present sissai?ta is used. H.) Moskimus, Z.. a liare (the small -ray rabbit. A.) Motit, little calf-, (dim. of inos. A.) Muchi(liscii-uiiemin, to keep holy dav. Muchomes, grandfather. Mucliwoapingus, opossum. Mui. Z., dun-, excrement. Muiminschi, wild cherry. Muiui, Z., to besliit. Mukoos, awl, nail. Munhacke, Z., a badger (see i@ioliac-(Itie). Munschemen, to silave. Muschgingus, rabbit. Mlachtschilissowa(yan, siti. N Na, the, that;-eet, perhaps;-jupetschi, until now, till here;-shacki, so far;-tchi, so much; untschij@y, from thence. Nacha, three. Nachapachki, three hundred. Nachawikan, three fathoms. Nacheleney, three-fold. Nacheleneyachgat, three different sorts. Nachelii, together with. Nachen, three times, thrice. Nachenachke, thirty. Nacheneyit, third. Nachenol, three. Nachenum, raccoon; (usually espan. A.) Nachgiechen, contrary, against. Nachgihhilleu, it stops. Nachgohuman, to sing. Nachgohumewagan, hymn. Nachgoman, to answer somebody. Nachgundin, to agree with one another. Nachgundowagan, agreement, bargain; covenant. Nachgutem, to answer. Nachk, hand, my hand. Nachkala, Z., my forehead. Nachogunak, three nights. Nachohalemin, to be alone. Nachohanneu, alone; (nachoha, I am alone. A.) Nachoheteu, the house is empty, there is no one at home. Nachpangoman, to salute somebody with a present. Nachpauchsin, to possess, to have, to enjoy. Nachpauchsowagan, conversation, familiarity, fellowship. Nachpi, with, together with. Nachpikin, to be by nature. Nachquoawe, anything. Nachwena, thereupon, after. Nachxummawan, to enlighten somebody; to kindle a flame within one. Nachxummen, to kindle, to light. Nada, yonder to thither; toward here. Nadan, a float; nadano amochol, the canoe floats (pithin, afloat. A.). Naga, according to. Nagajek, by and bye, in a little while. Nag'atamen, to trust, to confide in, to rely upon. Nagelawendewagan, comfort. Nageuchsin, to hope. Nageuchsowagan, confidence, trust. Nagewitti, in a little while. Nagisgamen, to meet. Nagisgauwan, to meet somebody. Nagisgawachtin, to meet each other. Nahanne, so, so it is. Nahih, down stream. Nahihillaan, to go down the water. Nahimen, to sail down the stream. Nahiwi, down the water. Nahoochwen, to go down stream. Najuman, to carry somebody. Najundam, to carry a load. Nakewi, a little while. Nal, fetch. Nalambeso, to gird. N N Nchsin, to be fetched. Nalauwi, heedless. Nafl, that, at last;-nan, that one; netchi, it is so much, that is all;-tchen, that is all. Nallahhemen, to sail up the water. Nallahih, up the stream. Nallahiwi, up the river. Nallahoochwen, to go up stream. NaHowauchsowagan, heathenish life. Names, fish. Nan, that, that one, so;-wtenk, finally, at last; hereafter. Nanachpauchsohen, to keep in fellowship. Nanachxotawan, to mock somebody, to deride someone. Nanatschitaquik, those that have the care of some business. Nanhillowet, the one who takes care of the dead. Naninga, a double plural termination denoting deceased persons. Nanne, this one; that; so;-Ieu, that is the way of it, thus the matter stands; it is certainly true;- talli, through there, that way, even there;-undachqui,tmtherward; toward where?-untschi, from thence,therefore;-wentschi, for this reason, therefore, because;-woak, as also. Nanni, this, that. Nanquon,heel. NanungihhiBan, to tremble, to shake; (nitiggihilla. A.) Napenaflan, to seize somebody, to take some one prisoner. Natachtu, he fetches wood. Natasu, fetched. NatchaqLien, to fetch wood; (to ,o after wood. A. Natchen, it is all cone. Naten, to fetch; (properly, to go after something. A.) Natenan, to take somebody. Natenummen, to take, to accept, to receive, to perceive, to discern, to know. Natenuxowagan, fetching, reception. Natenuxu, received. Natho-en, to fetch over. Natholaii, to fetch somebody over in a canoe. Natoochton, to inquire. Natscliiton, to enuage in, to take care of, to be of opinion; (out of use. A. NatschLLI>Iwalleii, to fetch a load. Nattawoapandamen, to look for, to seek. Nattawoapiii, to look for something; (to look around. A.) Natto'iiamak, son-in-law (my). Nattonamen, to seek for somebody. Nauwaquepin, to hang down the head; (out of use; present form,, iiin?iqlioqiiepit. A.) Nauweechinke, afternoon; (present form, latiit,auqueit. A.) Nawalan, to pursue somebody, to follow some one. Nawalittin, to pursue each other. Nawehhelleu, afternoon. Nawoch-en, to follow, Nawotallauwin, to hunt by the way. Ndappoanum, mv bread. Ndauwat, scarce, rare; rarely, seldom. Ndeloiqui, etc., so as 1, etc. Ndellan, I tell somebody. Ndelli, etc., that 1, etc. Ndoniken, to seek. Ndoochtawachtiii, to inquire of each other. Ne, (pl., tiek) the. Nechasin, to be careful, to be watchful. N Nhiiik, the third time. Nechit, third. NechnLLI>Itschin-et, nurse. Nechochwen, to travel alone, to walk alone. N N Nlia, alone. Necliolialeiiiiiii, to be alone. Nechohaiine, to be alone. NecliolieteLl, the house is etilptv. Neliellataiik, the Lord, (tielieltalott-it. A.) Neichc,ussiii, to be seen, to be manifested. Neich(luot, apparent. Neichtin, to see each other. Neka, he, she, it. Nekai-na, he, she, it. Nekamawa, they. Nekti, the only one, single. Nektilennin, to be quite alone. Nektinquot, one-eyed. Nelema, not yet. Nelemago, not yet. Nelemata, not yet. Nelinill, these. Nelowauchsin, to lead a heathenish life, to be a heathen. Nelowauchsit, unbeliever, heathen. Nemen, to see. Nemoagan, sight. Nemochwitschet, the main sinew of the le,-. Nenach-istawachtin, to hearken to one another, to listen to each other. Nenajunges, horse; (from nailitidaiii, to carry burdens on the back. A.) Nenajungeshammen, to ride on horseback. Nenapalek, unworthy, good for nothing. Nendawa-an, torch, lamp. Nendawen, to carry a lamp, to go with a torch. Nennachgallit, stammerer, stutterer; (iiaclil7aclzqtiett. A.) Nennawipoquot, right tasted. Nennemawahan, to find somebody out. Nenostammoewac,yan, understanding. Nentsitasin, to appear; (not in use. A.) Nepe, I also; I too. Nepene, we also; we too. Nescalenk, or, Nes-essit Lenape, Z.. black man, negro (lit., black face. A.). Ne schuk (used after ne-@at.), but. Ne shaki, so long as. Nesquo, not yet. Netami, first, the first. Netaniiechen, first, the first. Netainiechink, first, in the first place. Netopalis. warrior-, (t@zeiietol)alis, a scout or skirmisher. A.) Netopalowewagan, war. Netichtiii, to see each other. Neweleiiey, fourfold. Neweleiieyit, fourth. Neweii, four times. Newentschi, therefore. Newinachke. forty. Newo, four. Newopachki. four hundred. Newowikaii. four fathoms. No.achkenumen, Z., the break of day. N-ac,ebinque, etc., I am blind, etc. N-a-epchoa, etc., I am deaf, etc. Ngac,iguwe, etc., I am lively, etc. N-aginche, etc., I am. N-altin, to quit each other. N-amuin, to keep a feast in Indian style. Ncrattummen, to leave behind, to bequeath; nga'ttam- 7iieti, Z. (to abandon, not to bequeath. A.). N-emewi, always, constantly. N-uttachtschessowen, to lay up one treasure only. Nguttapachki, one hundred. Nguttelendin, to be of one mind, to have one object. Ngutteleneyachgat, a single one. Ngutteli, one, single; singly. N-utti, one. Nguttitehen, to be of one heart and mind, to agree. Nguttitehewagan, the being of one mind; unanimity. N-uttokuni one night. Nhakeuchsin, to hope, to trust. Nhakeuchswochwen, to go in hope. Nhakewelendamen, to hope, to trust. Nhakewelendamoagan, hope. Nhakey, myself. Nhittami, at first, the first. N i, 1. Nianque, Z., a wild cat. Niechin, to come down. Nieskeu, Z., dirty. Nigani, before, foremost, beforehand; (out of use; nichala, I outrun him. A.) Niganigapawin, to stand foremost. Niganit, the foremost. Niganitawan, to run before somebody, to outrun some one; to come before somebody. Nihillachquen, to kill a bear. Nihillalatschik, subjects, people. Nihillalquonk, Lord, master. Nihillan, to strike somebody. Nihil'lan, to kill somebody. Nihiflapejuwagan, redemption, ransom. Nihillapeuhen, to make free, to liberate, to redeem. Nihillapeuhoalid, my Redeemer. Nihillapewi, free. Nihillapewin, to be one's own master, to be free. Nihillapewit, freeman. Nihillasohen, to make free, to deliver. Nihillasowagan, freedom, liberty. Nihillatamen, to own, to be master of. Nihillatammoewagan, right, privile-e. NihiRatschi, self, one's own person. Nihillowen, to put to death, to murder. Nihillowet, murderer. NihiHowewi, murderous. Nik, these, those. Nikik, these, those. Nil, these. Nilchgussin, to be struck dead. Nilchtin, to strike each other dead. Nilum, my sister-in4aw; (or brother-in-law, in opposite families.'A.) Niluna, we (including"'o'nly' 'th'e'p-arty speaking). Nimat, my brother; (used also as friendly salutation between distant relatives. A.). Niinawanachen, to make provision for a journey (from nimawan, a lunch. A.). Nimenees, fish hawk. Ninachtak, my brethren. Ninutachpin, to be from the beginning. Ninutschi, at the beginning, before now. Nipachton, to raise, to set up. ght. Nipahwochwen, to go by night, to travel at night. Nipawin, to stand, to stand up. Nipen, summer. Nipenachhen, summer hunt. Nischa, two. Nischapachki, two hundred. Nischasch, seven. Nischasch tcha pachki, seven hundred. Nischasch tche nachke, seventy. Nischekat, double. ney, twofold, two sorts. Nischen, twice. Nischeneyit, second. Nischinachke, twenty. Nischink, in the second place. Nischitquin, to kneel down; (nishitquiliin. A.) Nischitquitawan, to kneel to somebody. Nischo-unakat, two days ago, day before yesterday. Nischogunakhake, two days hence, day after tomorrow. Niskachgelunen, to lie abominably. Niskach-elunewagan, an abominable lie. Niskalamuin, to make an ugly noise, to cry. Niskallo-en, to do dirty work. Niskallo-ewacan, nasty work. Niskandamen, to taste nasty. Niskassisku, muddy, miry. Niskelan, ugly weather, rainy weather. Niskelendam, to loathe. Niskenolhand, miserably lazy. Niskeu, nasty, dirty; (niskalole, Z., it is dirty.) Niskiton, to dirty; to bedaub. Niskpatton, to make wet, to throw water. Niskpeu, wet. Nisktonhen, to be noisy, to talk nasty. Nisktonhewa-an, noisy, lying, nasty talk. Nitaton, to be able to make something, to know how to do it; n'nita, I can. Nitaus, sister-in-law (my brother's wife) (not in use. A. ). Nithuv, Z., the navel. Nitis, friend, companion. Nitsch! my child (exclamation of fondness). Nitschan, my child, my friend; (my child) (not friend. A.) Nitschantit, my little friend. Noch, my father. Nocha, my father. Nochan, my father. Noch-oatamen, to lick; (I lick. A.) Nochnutemaliuwet, watchman, keeper; (mechnotaliwet. A.) Nochnutemexetschik, shepherds. Nodhittamen, to come into danger-, (to meet by accident, lucky or unlucky. A.) nowa-an, Z., the ague (lit., the sickness that recurs a(yaln and a-ain. A.). NNtschik, those who give suck; (error; it means the infants who suck. A.) Nolenielanden, sultry weather; (the word means somethin pleasin- or a-reeable, hence, warm g weattier. A.) Nolemiwi, invisible, unseen; (properly means, not seeing, or not looking. A.) Nolemutees, silk worm. Nolhand, lazy; (out of use. See gichtammen. A.) Nolhandewagan, laziness. Nonagan, milk; (error; it means the nipple or mamma of a woman; no native word for milk is known. The English mellik is used. A.) Nonetschik, sucking babes. Nonohellaan, Z., to give suck. Nonschetto, Z., a doe. Nosawoapamen, to gaze, to look steadfastly at something. Noschhokquin, to go over the ice. Nosogamen, to follow; (to imitate a person's conduct. A.) Nostamoewagan, understanding. Nostawachtin, to understand e.ach other. Notamaeishican, H., a fishing spear. Notchan, to come to somebody. Notschingen, to nurse. Nowahan, to know somebody; (dub., n'nennawa. I know him. A.) Nowaton, to know. Nowoaktschochwen, to go a crooked road. Nowoawelendam, to be certain, to be sure of; (out of use; m'majawelen'dam, I am certain of it. A.) Nquistook, my sons; an old forin; modern fortn, n'qiiisak. (The syllable to is still inserted in certain formal addresses. A.) N'schinai, etc., I do it unwillingly. Ntiasohen, to feed, to pasture; (out of use. A.) Ntite, for. Ntite, I think; (nditeha, I think. A.) Ntitechquo, for, because. Ntitechto, for, because. Ntutemawachtin, to question each other. Nukachtachemawachtowagan, last wfll, testament. Nukachtummen, to forsake, to leave. Nukalan, to forsake somebody, to leave some one. Nukti, once more; only one. Nuktoaunak, one night. Ntiktoouni, only one night. Nummahauwan, to perceive somebody, to be aware of some one. Nuna'-an, Z.. the breasts of a woman (see above). Nundahemewa-an, want, scarcity. Ntiiidajelensin, to be discouraged, to be low-spirited, (more exactly, I do not feel equal to it. 4. ) Nundajelensowagan, humility. Nundajelensuochwen, to go humbl,,,. Nundawi, wanting, less. Nundehhellan, to want, to be in need. Nundehhellewagan, want. Nundejek, wanting, deficient, defective. Nundewi, wanting, less. Nun-achtschin, to shake for cold, to shiver. Nungihillan, to tremble, to shiver. Nunoiwi, trembling. Nunscheach, she-bear. Nunschetto, doe,. men, somebody calls from the other side of the river, he wants to be fetched across. Nutamemensemin, to have children. Nutamemenseu, child's nurse; (a companion of a child. A.) Nutemalan, to watch somebody. pherd. Nutiken, to keep watch; (rather, to mind a house. A.) Nutiket, watchman, a guard. Nutindam, to watch a place. Nutschi, at the first, at the beginning. Nutschihhillachsin, to be frightened. Nutschihhowe, night walker, witch. Nutschinaffitin, Z., to begin war. Nutschingaat, Z., a nurse. Nutschisquandawet, doorkeeper. Nutschque, in vain, to no purpose; (not in use. A.) Nutschquehend, innocent sufferer, martyr. Nuwingi, I like it, I am willing, etc. N'wingi, etc., I do willingly, etc. O Oapelukquon, white frost; (wap-takpan. A.) Ochdomus, a woman's cousin; (dub., A.) Ochquaso, belt of wampum. Ochquechum, female of beasts. uehelleu, female of fowls and birds. Ochquekangan, neck. Ochquetit, little girl. Ochquetschitsch, girl. Ochqueu, woman. Ochquewasquall, swamp fern. Ochunk, at his or her father's. Ochwall, his or her father. Oh! exclamation used in answering. Oho! exclamation used in answering. Ohoh! exclamation of vociferation. Ohum, grandmother. Ojos, meat, flesh; aPiece of meat. Ojotit, a littlePiece of meat. Ok,Pl., oquak, Z, a moth (error; it means maggot. A.). Olahellan, to have somebody, toPossess some one. Oleleu, bullfrog; (imitated from the croak. A.) Olhatton, to have, toPossess; toPut up. Olsittam, to believe. Olsowagan, goodness; (out of use. A.) Omen, to come from whence. Oschummo, hom; (out of use; wilawan. A.) Otchan, to somebody. Otchuwewagan, his coming. Otwebhassin, to become flesh. Owoahan, to know somebody. Owoaton, to know; (weswaton, to become conscious. A.) P Paalochqueu, Z., a coquettish girl. Paan, to come. Pabhaku, a pheasant; (pachpachko. A.) Pachat, split; (p'achhaque, to sp@t. A.) Pachelwnmen, to' 'split wood.; ' t - Pachenikan, frow, splitting iron. Pachgammak, black ash; (at present, pechpohammen, the pounded wood. Baskets were made from this, the strips being obtained by pounding. A.) Pachgammakan, cutlass. Pachgandhatteu, all is ready. Pachgandikan, maul, hammer (moquil, maul, possibly a corruption of the English; pachgandikan is now confmed to the flat piece of wood used in beating wash clothes. A.) Pachganuntschi, white walnut; (at present, quinokquim, = oblong nut. A.) Pachgeechen, where the road turns off. Pachgelendam, Z., to anger.(Iit., to go from the right road. A.). Pachgen, to turn out of the road. Pachgihillan, to break, to break asunder; (pachgeu, one who leaves the road; pachgihillan, to leave the road at one side, to run off the road. A.) Pachhakqueu, noon. Pachhamawo, Z., the wild red plum (pochgama. A.). Pachhaquoakan, iron wedge. Pachihiflan, to split, to crack. Pachkam'an, to beat somebody, to strike some one. Pachkamen, to let blood. Pachkenum, dark; (should be pak'etiuiti, as below. A.) Paclikschawen, to cut meat. Pachkschikan, knife. PachkLinummen, to break off. Paclipanaloje, broad axe. Paclisacheilikaii, tinder; (punk. A. Pachsa'jeek, Z., a vale or valley-, dim. pach.5ajetit, a gulley. PachschaqLloacan, broad saw, board saw. Pacliseoink, H., in the valley. Pachsenummen, to halve. Paclisilawe, half a fathom. Paclisiwi, half. PachsukqLlill, to rise up. PachtenL[mmen, to Pull. PachtSCIlLikquilkees, Grasshopper. PachtschLLI>IppeLl, Soft, mild; (doubtful; at present this word means tapering, pointed. A.) Packcha'ck, Z., a board. Pa-aclitschateu, full, filled; (arch., A.) Pa-achtschaton, to fill; (pagachtsclziiclipeeti. Z.) Pa-achtschiechen, filled. Pa-achtschuppen, to fill (used of liquids. A. Paiachkammen, to shoot, to fire off. Paiachkiiikan, glin, rifle. Paihakquenaxin, to be -lad to see somebody. Pakachtechin, to fall to the ground; (to fall forward. A.) Pakachtehellan, to prostrate. Pakallohu, Z., to halloo, to shout. Pakandamen, to beat. Pakandaptonen, to finish a discourse. Pakandhatton, to repair, to make whole. Pakantin, to box with each other; (to strike with anything. A.) Pakantschi, complete,, full; fully, entirely. Pakatitsciiiechen, accomplished. P Pntschiechtasu, finished, completed. Pakantschiechton, to fulfill, to complete. Pakenum, dark. Pakenummuihhilleu, it grows dark. Pakihi-n, cranberries. Pakitatamauwan, to foraive somebody. Pakitatainawachtin, to forgive each other. Pakitatai-nawaclitowa-aii, forgiveness. Pakitoil. to throw away. Pak(itieliellaii, to desert. Palaton, to earn, to acquire; (arch., A. Palenach, five. Palenach tcha pachki, five hundred. Palenachtchegit, fifth. Palenach tche nachke, fifty. Palippawe, buck. Pallachpin, to be innocent. Pallachpuwagan, innocence. Palialogasin, to sin. Pallalogasowaaan, crime, evil deed. Pallatschii-nuin, to speak otherwise than the truth, to prevaricate. Pallawewagan, transgression, guilt. Palielensin, to be innocent. Pallenummen, to make wrong, to set about wrongiv. Pailhammen, to be unable to perform. Pallhiken, to shoot amiss; (pallakhikeii. A.) Pallhittehemen, to strike amiss. Palliaan, to go away. Pallihillan, to miss the time. Pallikteminak, unfortunate, unlucky. Pallilennemen, to put elsewhere. Pallilinaquot, otherwise. Pallilisgawan, to drive somebody away. P Plilissin, to do amiss; (now means, to look different from what was expected. 4.) Pallilissowagan, transgression. Palliton, to spoil something, to do it wrong. Palli undachqui, somewhere else; where else? Palli untschi, from somewhere else. P Pliwi, elsewhere, otherwise; different. Palliwochwen, to go elsewhere, Palpateu, it boils over; (it overflows, from any cause; pallikai,nitideu, water overflows because of a fire. A.) Paisachtin, to be sickly. Paisin, to be sick; (arch., A. Palsittamen, to disbelieve. Palsowagan, sickness. Pangepoantit, bit of bread. Pangeschin, to cut a piece. Pangewi, a piece; (anything broken off. A.) Pankhanne, steep bank. Pankpechen, drop. Papabiii, to play; (arch., 4. Papaches, woodpecker-, (I)apac-liko. A.) Papacliaiiiiiitsch, the flat of the hand. Papallachwilsummen, to miss one's luck. to miss one's chance. Papalli-een, Z., to spoil; see pallitoti. Papaisiii. to be very sickly. Papciiakiiitehasu., bruised. P P P Z., a poiid. Papeiiauwelendam, to pay attention to, to be concerned for. Papen'damen, to hear by chance; (error; it is an iterative from peiida7nen, to hear, and means to continue to hear. The initial syllable pa, gives the iterative or continuing sense in this and most of the following words. A.) P Psu. patient-, (a person who waits. A.) Papiluwulissin, to be otherwise disposed. Papohhai-nen. to knock at the door. Papommeuchtum, to go about weeping. Papomminin, to go about idle. Pasachtaje, wind in the belly. Pasalan-es, locusts. Pasawinchikan, yeast. Passenummen, to deny, to disown; (pasuen. A.) Passihillachc,echquiminschi, swamp oak. Passikachk, board; also packchack. Passikachkhen, to make boards. Passitechin, to stumble. Pasteu, it rises (bread). Patachwilsin, to gain, to get; (pachtachwilsin, to gain by working. A.) Patahowen, to overcome, to subdue. Patahowewagan, Z., wages, pay. Pataman, to pray. P,itamauwan, to pray to somebody, to worship. Patamawos, God. Patainoelchan, to pray for somebody. Patamoelchittewa-an, supplication for each other. Patamoelchittin, to pray for one another. Patamoelchuwewagan, intercession. P P Poewagan. prayer, worship. Patamoewigawan, house of prayer, temple, church. Patatammoewa(lan, merit. Pawalin, the corn blossom falls off. sin, to be rich. Pawallessit, rich person. Pawallessohen, to make rich. Pawallsoagan, wealth, riches. Pawinquehiken, to shell corn. Pawunnen, to sieve. Pawunnikan, sieve. Pecho, soon, by and bye;-Iiiiitti, directly, in a little time. Pechot, soon; near. Pechotschi, very near, near by, close by. Pechotschigalit, neighbor; (pechwigalit, he lives near me. A.) Pechpommauchsohaluwet, Saviour. Pechuwat, nigh, near. Pechuwelendam, to think one's self near. Pechuwigamen, to be near somebody. Pechuwihhilleu, the time is near. Pechuwiwi, near. Pedhakquon, it thunders. Peechgaugatase, knee, calf; (dub., refers to the joint or bend of the limb. A.) Peechgawinachgaja, calf of the elbow. Pegenawan, to dress somebody, to clothe some one. Pegenind, dressed. Pegenink, darkness. Pege, Z., by chance (error, it means to be tired of. A.). Pegui, dressed, clothed; (equit, the clothing. A.) Peguwoagan, clothing, dress, finery. Pehachpamhangik, seafarers. Pehawan, to wait for somebody. Pehowen, to wait. Pejat, he that cometh. Pejeju, it comes. Pejewike, it comes, it draweth nigh. Pekandaptonen, to have finished speaking. Pekandapanke, when it is quite daybreak. Pekenink, H., in the dark. Peki, perhaps then. Pelachpit, one that is innocent, a guiltless person. Pelsittank, unbeliever. Peltowak, they are coming. Pemachpin, to be present. Pemachtiewit, any creature that lives upon grass. Pemapanik, the heavens, sky. Pemapuchk, rock. Pemauchsohaluwed, he who makes live; Saviour. Pemauchsoheen, to make live, to cause to live. Pemauchsowaptonamik, word of life. tonhen, to preach. Pemhakam&, earth; (the landscape within the horizon. A.) Pemhakamixit, man; the world, mankind; (it rather means all living creatures, not man only. A.) Pemhakamixitschik, mankind. Pemhallachpen, to hunt in company. Pemi, until now; about this time, at present. Pemmetonhen, to preach. Pemsit, he that walketh; walker. Pemuteneyik, the towns round about. Pendamen, to hear; to understand. Pendameuhen, to Cause to hear, to make known. Peiidaquot, it is heard. PendaskitqLiehelieu, a risin,-, river which swells the water of a creek. Pendawachtiii, to hear one another. Peiieawan, to hear somebody. Pengelaku, dusk- (from I)aii,,e, piece. A.) Peiiiliillan, to fall off, to fall down. Penil)acii-ihhilleL], it falls off. PennailLini, to break off, to knock down. Peiinamen, to see, to behold. Pennassiechen, downwards, down hill. Peiiiiassiii, to come down: I)c,izasse, down hill (means now, to see, to look. A.). PeniiaLlwaii, to look at somebody. Peiiiiatiweletnaii, to consider about somebody. to be concerned for some one, to take care of somebodv. PeiinaLlwelendain, to think, to consider, PeiiiiaLlwelendanioa-aii, consideration. Peiinawachtin, to look at each other. PenqLlihilleu. dried. Peiiquon, dry; (alludes to fabrics, clothes, skins, etc. A. ) Peiiundhikeii, to testify, to bear witness, to show unto. Peiiuiidhikewoaoan. testimony, direction. Petixumnieii, to dry. Pepacli-am-ussowac,an, beatin-, striking. Pepachizank, calamus-root; sweet flag. Pepach-ekinail, branches- (twig, etc., anything that grows from the side, root, pach. A.) Pepach-itsciiii-niiihis, manifold in the belly of animals. Pepachkhamatunk, Z., a lancet (or lance). Pepalistank. unbeliever. Pepaisittaamen, Z., disobedient. PepenaLis, lookin---Iass. Pepetelaii, sliowers of rain: it rains now and then. Pep-Lischikaii, an-er. PeptLikquekiiikenk, compass-, circle. Pescii-oiik, nine. Pesch2oiiktchapachki. nine hundred Pesch-oiik tchenachke, ninety- Peschuwat, near. Pesoop, he waited. Petachdonamen, to come to seek. Petachgussin, to climb hither. Petapan, daybreak; dawn. Petapaniui, at break of day. Petaquiechen, the water is rising. Petaschowen, to swim hither. Petasemowik, giving light, shining hither, Petasummawan, to give light to somebody, to shine unto some one. Petauchsin, to live until now. Petauchsoheen, to cause to live until now-, to Preserve one's life until this time. Petawoatamen, to ex Pect. Petekhamman, to write to somebody. Petenumman, to be brought to somebody; ( Pet'tztii??a it,aii, to reach something to some one. A.) Peteuchtummen, to come wee Pinl,. Pethakwonn, Z, a thunder gust. See I)edliakit!oil. Pethinquechin, to took hither. Petisgamen, to drive hither. Petiscyauwan. to chase or drive hither. Peton. to bring. Petschi, until, unto-, until here, so far, (u P to here. ,4.) Petschihilleu, it draws near-. he is comin- on. Petschimuin, to fly or esca Pe hither; (error; it means to decoy animals, lit., to draw them hither. 4.) Petschitehen, to think so far. Petscholtin, to come hither. Peuchtowa-an, Patience. Pich Pemmetonhet, Preacher, minister. Pichtaweu, double. Pidhitehemen, to cut one's self. Pihm, to sweat; (nda Pi Piliiti. H.. I come from sweating at the sweat house.) Pihmoakan, sweat house. Pikihilleu, torn, rent in Pieces. Pikschummen, to Cut fine. Pila Peu, bi-, boy; (a gown-u P lad, not yet connected with a woman. A.) Pilawessin, to be a boy. P'ilawetit, little boy. Pilawetschitsch, boy; (the ordinary word for bov is skalietiso. A.) Pilewiech-ussiii, to be cleansed, to be made Plire. to be sanctified. Pilhik, clean. Pure. Pili. otherwise. another-, auit,en, some one else k-ekit, somethin- else. Pililiiiaquot. it looks otherwise. Pilkisch. Peach. Pilsin, to be clean, to be chaste. Pilsit. chaste, Pure. Pilsohalgussowagan, holiness, Purity. Piluwi, clean. chaste. Piluwinaquot, it looks cleanly. Pimachtelinque, squint-eyed. Pimenatan, thread; (n'bimenate. Z., I make thread.) Pim'eu, slanting, oblique. Pimiechen, slanting. Pimiechton, to make slanting. Pii-nihilleu, it is oblique. Piminc,us, red squirrel. Pimoacun, Z., a sweat house. See Pihm. Pimochkhasu, stirred, moved. Pimochqueu, turned, twisted. Pimochquikan, stirring-ladle. Pindachsenacan, Z., tobacco pouch (cartridge pouch. A. ). Pindalanak, white pine. Pindassenakan, a tobacco pouch. Pindawan, to clothe somebody, to dress some one. Pindham, to put in, to fill. Pindhasu, loaded, charged. chton, to put in a bag; (means simply to put in, as in a room, etc. A.) Pindhikan, ramrod; sausage. Pindpehellachtikan, funnel. Pintschihillachtauwan, to put clothes on somebody. Pintschihillachton, to put on; to make slip in. Pintschixin, to creep in. Pipaan, to come awhile ago. Pipinamen, to choose. Pipinamoagan, an election (choosing of any kind. A.) Pischk, night-hawk. Piselid-tulpe, large sea-tortoise. Piselisso, shrunken, wrinkled. Pisgaje, it holds much. Pisgapamoaquachtop, it was dusk. Pisgapamukquot, dusky, somewhat dark. Pisaeke, by night (last night. A. ); pisgeep, it was night. Pisgenemen, to grow dark. Pisgeu, dark, night; (lit., it is dark. .4.) Pisgihilleu, it grows dark, night sets in. Pishikamen, to go to meet somebody. Pisikolis, snipe; large grey snipe. Pit, perhaps. Pitaptonen, to blunder in speaking. Pitawegiechen, double. Pitawigawan, porch 'm front of a house;-pent house. Piteet, perhaps. Pitelaweminschi, honey locust tree. Pitenummen, to make a mistake. Pi'tey, Z., foam, froth (pichteu, it foams. A.). Pitku Jlentsch, the fist. Pitschi, accidentally, by chance, inadvertently; unforeseen. Piwitak, aunt; (nmilitak. A.) Pixu, ragged, rent; (tom, scratched in body. A.) Pkindey, light ashes. Pkuschikan, auger, gimlet. Plipitehan, to knock somebody on the head. Plitey, junk of fire, firebrand. Poaktschehellan, to jump over a fence. Poam, thigh; ham. Poawin, to conceive; to be pregnant (lit., to become swollen. A.) PochenEkan, drum. Pochquachpus, Z, a mouse. Pohonasin, Z, to beat the drum (to beat; to pound; to lift up; pochonummeu, he drums. A.) Pokawachne, a creek between two hills. Pokhakenikan, grave; (from pokhaweu, a hole or hollow in the ground. A.) Pokhannnen, to knock out, to knock in, to break. Pokqueu, clam, muscle. Pomih', fat, oil, tallow. Pomihen, to beat oil. PomiUachtan, to go by water. Pommauchsin, to live. Pommauchsowagan, life. Pommauchsowaganit, he who is the life. Pommauchsuwi, living. , to beat somebody, to conquer somebody. Pommihilleu, it flies away. Pomminehficen, to d ispute. Pomminehotin, to dispute with one another. Pommipeso, lath. Pommisgen, to begin to walk. Pommissin, to go afoot, to walk. Pommitachpanschi, lath. Pommixin, to creep. l'oiiisiii, to walk. I)otieleiid,iiii, t O (ILlit, t O '--'iVe Lil), to be iio iiiore con- Polielliell, to let ,o, to leave off. Poii,,Iis, saiicl fly. Poiiltoii, to let be. to remain; (I)oiiiliil, /I., let me alone.) Poiik, dLiSt. (aslies. powder. A. P OIIXU, t'Llil of sand flies. Pooclil)siii, to be weaklv. Pooxit, the montli of fallinl, leaves-, October. Pol)acii,yaiidai-neii. to beat, to strike. Popaiikpeclieil. it drops. Popetelaii. it raiiis now and tlien; it raiiis by showers, Popoliliai-n, to knock. Popokus, partrid-e. Poqtiewachen, nl(,,her road. Poqtiewi, straightway. Poquiechen, broken. Poquiechton, to break. PoqLlihhilleu, broken. Poquihillachton, to break in two. Potatikaii, pumpkin-stem pipe. ' Potteiiiii, to take off. P'qLiitehican, Z., a chisel. Psakqtiiechen, close together, tight. PsakqLlietehasu, crucified. PsakLLI>Ilinscheti, Z., a squirrel. Psattewoaii, tinder. Pschiki, Z.. fine, pretty. See schigi. Psindainoakan, parched meal. Psliidhaiiimen, to cover with earth. PsindpeLi, overflowed with water. PtLikaiiiiiis, bullet; (lit., rolind missile. A.) PtLikhanne, crooked river or creek. PtLikiiikan, round ball. Pttikquim, walnut. Ptukquii-ninschi, black walnut. PtukqLlinscliu, bowl, dish. Pttikscliui-nmen, to cut round. Ptichtschessu, hollow. Pulpecat, 11., deep dead water (ivall)ec-at, very deep water. 4.). Pui-noe, a boil- Ptiiidlieii, to wei@h. Ptiiidhikaii, steelvards. Puiik, Z., asiles, dLiSt; I-ILLI>Itipowder. See Potik. Pusillii, Z., to enter a canoe (or any vehicle. A. Putaiii, to escape. PLitamohen, to cause to escape. Putawen, to blow; (I)iitu Ital@teli, to blow as in starting a fire. A.) PLLI>Itawoakan, bellows. PLitschek, corner of a room. PLitsciiisktev, poison vine- (it,'Izatc-Iiiskeip. A.) Q QLiajaqui, still. yet, yet more. nevertheless, however. QLialcheu, it smokes; smoke. A.) Quallassin, to bat he, to sweat: (properly, to sweat. A. ) QLlappalawan, to take somebody out of the water. Quatsch, why;-atta, whv not;-eet. why perhaps. Quatscliee! exclamation of SLirprise. Quekolis. whipper will; (iv-ekolis. A.) Quekulukquihilleu, lame. Quekuluxit, he that is lame; (means rather, one who has joints. A.) Quenek, length-, (something 16n-. A.) Queiieuhappachpoon, table. Quenischquney, panther; (lit., long-tailed. A.) qiteii-sclmkmieiy, Z. Quenschukuney, panther; (see above.) Quequoiioalle, pike fish; (lit., long--illed; but the usual term is gmihotzqtie, taperin- fish. A.) Queschanivat, tooth holes. Quesquelendam, to be out of humor; (usual term now is nisqiielendaii?. A.) Quetajaku, old tree; (applied to any plant or tree which has reached full age and the fibres hardened. A.) Quetit, little girl. Quidhikewagan, forbiddance, reproof. Quilawelelendam, to be at a loss what to do. Quilawelendamoagan, confusion, perplexity. Quilawelensin, to be dOLtbtftil, to be uncertain. Quilawelensitchewa(lail, distress, an-LliSil. Quilawelensowagaii, concern. trOLible. Quilawelensu, dOLibtfUl, uncertain. Quilutamen, to fall Llpon. to attack. Quin, a lon- while: Ion,-. Quiqum-Lis, lar-e wild dLLI>Ick. Qtiis, son. Quisch-m-nowe, viper. stiake. Qtiisclmiia%vaii. to appoint sotilel)od\ to all ot'l,ice. QLliscliktomieii. to wliisper. Qttisclioscliemo. mi(idle Of tile 11Cld: (Ollt Ot'Ll,C. ,-I. ) Qtiitellitowoa,3ail. Z . commatidmeilt. Quitsut, Z., the great toe. Quochoak, Z., he fears you. R S Sa! exclamation of indignation. Sabbeleechen, sparkling, glittering. Sabbeleu, it shines brightly; (refers to the reflection of light in the sky or water. A.) Sachapiwak, lightning afar off.' Sachgachtoon, Z., to cook. Sachoaguntin, to lead each other. Sachgagunummen, to lead. Sachkenachgen, to shake hands; (lit., to take hold of; also and usually wangundin. A.) Sachsapan, Z., soup. Sagachgutteje, top of a hill or mountain; (properly, "sloping upwards," applied to the upper slopes, not top of a mountain. A.) Sagalachgat, so deep the hole. Sajewi, at first, foremost. Sakaweuhewi Gischuch, the month in which the deer begin to turn gray-August. Saken, to shoot forth, to spring up. Sakhaken, to stay out from home so long. Sakima, chief, king. Sakimauchheen, to make to a chief or king. Sakitnawagan, kingdom. Sakime, mosquito. Sakquachsoagan, troublesome life. Sakquamallessin, to feel troubled. Sakquamallsin, to feel troubled. Sakquamallsoa-an, trouble, uneasiness. Sa- Kquelendam, to be melancholy, to be sad. Sakquelendamen, to be troubled in mind, to be disquieted. Sakquelendamoagan, trouble, sorrow, disquietude. Sakquipaan, to come in a troublesome time. Saksak, pea vines, wild beans; (any kind of a bur. A.) Sakuwit, mouth of a creek, mouth of a river; (more exactly sakwihillak. A.) Salachgihillan, to be frightened, to be terrified. Salamoagan, weeping, howling; (collective fon-n, a number cry together. A.) Salumbiechen, to ring the bell. Salumbunikan, bell; (arch., A.) Salumbuniken, to ring the bell. Samumptan, to tie something (not in use. A.). Samuttonen, to shut the mouth. Saniqui, Z., to blow the nose (saniquin. A.). Sankhikan, gun lock. Sanquen, weasel. Sapiu, it lightens. Sapiwagan, lightning; (not in use. A.) Saputti, Z, the arse-hole. S@ppekhasu, spotted, speckled. SasappeleheBeu, Z., it flashes lightning. Sasappeu, spotted, speckled. Sasappis, lightning bug, fire fly. Saschchuppawen, to gape, to yawn. Sasehemen, to sow, to scatter. Sasukhoalawan, to spit upon somebody. Scaphackamigeu, Z, wet ground. Schaback, Z., the box bush. SchabuwihiHeu, Z., diarrhoea (lit., running through, of liquids. A.). Sachachachgach'ne, a straight course in a river. Schachachgageechen, straight road. Schachachgameu, straight row. Schachachgapewi, honest, righteous Schachachgapewin, to be just, to be upright, to be true, to be correct. Schachachgapewit, an upright person. Schachachgauchsowagan, righteousness. Schachachgek, just SO. Schachachgekhasu, striped. Schachachgelendam, to be sure of a thing, to have one's mind made up, to be determined. Schachachgennemen, to make straight. Schachachgeu, straight; right, exact, correct. Schachachgiechen, straight road. Schachachkaptonagan, upright saying. Schachachkaptonen, to speak the exact truth, to tell a straight story. Schachachkatschimuin, to speak the truth. Schachachki, certain, certainly true, surely. Schachachkoochwen, to go straight, to follow the straight road. Schachamek, eel; (w'schachamek, lit., it is a straight fish. A.) Schachihilleu, it slips, it slides. Schagaskat, grass wet with dew; (sachgaskat, green grass, or fresh young grass. A.) Schagsut, Z.. covetous (out of use. A.) Schahamuis. Z., a crawfish. Schahowapewi, heartless, disheartened, desponding. Schajahikan, seashore; (w'shajahitcan. A.) Schajawonge, hill-side; (should have ar, initial it,'. A.) Scii.ijelinqLiall, eyebrows-, (error; properly, eyelid. A. ) Scliakamoti. food, nourishment; (anything put in the Mouth, for food or otherwise. A.) SchakhokquiNvan, coat. Schameu, Z., grease, fat (it is greasy. A.). Schami-nenummen, to anoint, to grease. Schapoalchasu, bored through, pierced through. Schapulinscii. finger-ring; (out of use. A.) Schascmwilawechuussin, to be put to grief. Schauchsin, to be tired, to be weak; (to be weak,not tired. A.) Schauchsowagan, weakness, feebleness. Schauwalamuin, to faint from hunger. Schauwemi, beechwood. Schauweminschi, red beech tree. Schauwessin, to make haste; (schamvesoagaii, Z., haste,) (schatiiveletidam, to be in a hurry. A.) Schauwewi, tired, weak, weakly. Schauwihillicu, it withers, it is weak, it faints. Schauwinachk, weak hand. Schauwinaxowagan, weakness, weakly look. achteu, withered, faded. Schauwoppihilleu, it bends. Schauwussu, weak. Schauwutteu, withered, faded. Schawanachen, southerly wind. Schawanachgook, Z., horned snake. Schawanammek, shad (fish; chwame gischlich, Z., the month of March, or of shad). Schawaneu, southward, southerly. Schawanewunk, southward. Schawanochqueu, Shawano woman. Schawek, weak. Schawi, immediately, directly. Schaxin, to be avaricious; (schaxti, Z., greed.) Schaxowa-an, covetousness. Sche! see there; to! Scheechganim, shelled corn coarse pounded; (chaff. Z.) Schehelleu, it hanas; wiilli sclieliellak, Z., it hangs there (vv'eh'helleii. A.). Scheiek, strin- of wampum; (lit., ed-e or boarder, A. Scliela! see there! Scliellachton, to han'! LLI>I P. Schengiechen, it lies. Schengiechin, to lie down. Schep.ije, this dav early, this morning. Schepella! see there! ScliesqL[ii-n, bran, corn husk; (scheqtiasqtiim. the hulls of the corn. A.) Scheuchsit, weak. Schewek, weak, tired. Schewondikan, bag, tobacco pouch. Schewongellikik, the lame. Scheychellat, Z., a forerunner; scheviaclipitst@hik, those who live on the border. Scheyjunuppek, lake; (probably dialectic: not in use. A.) Schi, either, or. Schibhammen, to spread out; (with an initial it,'. A.) Schibhasu, spread out. Schiechikiminschi, maple tree; (the soft maple. A.) Schiess, Z., an uncle (always with possess, prons. A.) Schi-i, fine, pretty; nice (generally applied to quality rather than appearance. A.) Schikochqueu, widow. Schikschasiki, shavings. Schiku, widow; (error; it means an orphan. A.) Schimuin, Z., to flee; noschimtii, I flee; itchscmino, he flees; schimoagan, flight. Schind, spruce; (hemlock. A.) Schindikeu, spruce forest; (hemlock woods. A.) Schin-achpin, to be somewhere unwillingly. Schingachteyapuchk, flat rock. Schingalan, to hate somebody. Schin-algussowagan, the being taken. Schin-altin, to hate each other; (sclzii7gmaiva altm A.) Schinc,altowagan, enmity, hatred. Schingaluet, enemy, adversary. Schinoaskunk, bog meadow. Schin-attam, to be unwilling, to dislike, to disapprove. Schingelendam, to dislike, to be against one's inclination, to be tired of. Schin'-eu, level; sclzingliacki, Z., a flat country. Schin.-i, unwilling, disliking, unwillingly. Schin-ihakihen, to plant unwillingly. Schingimikemossin, to work unwillingly. Schin-inamen, to hate. Schin2inawaclitin, to hate each other. nginawachtowagan, enmity. Scmngiptikaii, leatlier string, rope. Schmaochweii, to be unwilling to go. Schm-sittain, to dislike to hear. Scbingsittawan, to dislike to hear somebody. Scbingtscbenamen, to bate excessively, to be unable to bear. Schipaquitehasu, crucified, outstretched. Schipenasu, stretched, spread out, extended. Schiphammen, to spread, to extend. Schiphasu, spread out, extended. lleu, stretched. Schipinach-en, to put forth the hand. Schipinachk, outstretched arms. eu, fatherless, motherless; (either one or the other. A.) Schiquitehasik, chips. Schiquitehasid, Z., booty (schiquiniteliasik, booty obtained in war. A.) or. Schiwachpin, to be weary of staying. Schiwamallessin, to feel grief, to feel sorrow. Schiwamallsin, to feel grief and pain. Schiwamallsoagan, sorrowful pain. Schiwa'pew, Z., blue (wulih'ke, blue, at present. A.) Schiwelendam, to be sorry, to be sad, to be melancholy, to moan. Schiwelendamowitehewagan, repentance. Schiwilawechc,un, to be put to griel Schkaa'k, a pole-cat, skunk. Schkiwan, Z., to piss. n, ue. Scli'quot, to abort, to miscarry, Z. (lit., beat to a pulp, alludes to the pulpy afterbirth. A.) Schuk, but, only; (used after negat.) but,-atta, but not, not only. Schukquan, Z., to chew; schquatida, thou chewest. Schukund, only, but then. Schukuney, the trail of an animal. Schwewak, salt meat; (from schqtiaiida, salt. A.) Schwilawe, discouraged, disheartened. Schwon, saltish, sour; (schwoll, Z. and A. A white man is called schwonack, from the salt ocean. .4.) Schwonnachquaxen, European shoes. Schwonnachquinenk, among white people. hilla, snipe; (shore snipe, tilt birds. A.) Sedpok, early in the morning; at daybreak (properly, part of the night, half of the night. A.). Sedpokuniwi, early in the moming. Segachpapachton, to make wet. Segachtehikan, branch, twig. Segachtek, ardent, fervent; (segachteu, it begins to burn. A.) , to live so long. Sehe, II., hush, be quiet. Sekentek, length; (refers to the length of a house, room, etc. A.) Seki, so long, till. Seksitechinan, at thy feet. Seksitechink, at his feet. Sesachquilawendam, to trouble. Sesalassummoehund, fryin- pan; (salassett, it is cooking or frying. A.) Sesalumboink, bell. Sesegauwi han, to whip somebody, to scourge some one. Sesegauwihugewaaan, scourging. aki, as long, so long, as far, so far as, until. Shakochwen, to go so far. Sigachgochgissin, to bleed. Sigapehikan, strainer. Sihhtanin, to run at the nose. Sihilleu, the freshet abates, the river subsides. nasu, Z., conquered (out of use. A.). Sikey, salt (sikheunk, @., at the salt spring), (out of use; see schewewa@. A.) Sikevhasu, salted, pickled. Sikunikan. scourgrass, rushes. ikakhammen, to squeeze, to press, to beat. Sillkitehemen, to press, to squeeze. Simaquon, com stalk; (arch., A.) Sinc,awikanawon, backbone; (refers to processes of the vertebrae, from singek. A.) Sin-ek, outside comer of a house; (corner, point. angle, in general. A.) Sin-i-amika, comer of a house. Sipachgihhilleu, it buds, sprouts out. Sipo, river. Sipotit, small creek; (siposis. A.) Sipuos, wild plum; (doubtful. A.) Siquon, spring of the year; (siequanke. Z., next spring.) Siquonachen, spring hunt. Siquonnatewinilleu, showers of snow and rain in the spring. Sisawehak, oysters; (now called e'sak (pi.) referring to the shells. A. Sisi'lij.i, Z., the buffalo (tliis means an animal that butts against and breaks in pieces. Sisinghos, iron pOt; (OLLI>IT Of LLI>I SC. ,I ) Sis(mahoasu, a plastered Sisstimi-noek, bell. Skaphakami-eu, wet ground. Skaphakejeu, wet ground. Skappeu, wet; (strictly, that which is wet partly. zis toward the end. A.) Skattek, burninc,, ardent, fervent, zealOLLI>II,. 110t: ( See segaclitek. A.) Skattelendam, to loathe, to hate. Skattewi, burning. Skattsin, to be loathsome. Skin, to make water. Skiquall, -rass. Skulm, to keep school; (En-,Iish.) Sogahellas, chain. So-ahen, to spill. So-ailechin, to pour out. Sokan, hind part of a church; (lit., buttocks. @ti-se. backside. A.) Sokelan, it rains. Sokeilepaltowa-aii, baptisni. (t'rom Sokenepasu, baptized. Sokpehellak, cataract. Sookpehelieu, the water tlliilbles down from a precipice. SoopsLi, naked: (OL[t Of LLI>I SE: Yolise.vit, at present. A. Sopetiaxin, to be iiakect, to strip one's self. Sophalan, to make one bare@ to make somebody naked. Soppin(]Llen, to shLLI>It the eyes, SpanqLiewaaan, wink of an eye. Spiech-ejeu, member, joint-, (olit of use. A. Squandai-nen, to chew. Squewach-itehen, to bruise one's self by accident. Sukachoook, black snake. Sukachqualles, iie-ro. Sukachsin, iron. Sukaclisinhet, sinith. SLikamek, black fish. SLikaiiepil, black fisli. SLikelecheii, it looks black. SLikeLl, black. SLikliatta(luall, black thread, black yarn. StikqLli, Spittle. Stiksit, black-, Sun(,i, eat thou. Suppinquall, tears; (from the eyes) (always with a possessive. A.) T Ta, no, not; -ai)i, not at all:-has(-Iii, never, Ta, how-,-eigileti, how large-,-el,-iqtti, how soon;- eliiiaxit, what color;-hats(-Ii, how will it be; Iiiiaeltiot, what is it like.-t?e lie(.-Izeii, liow then liow is it,-segek, how long;-sliaki, how Ion,-, tc lic,it, liow inany; how many times;-t(--/zi. how III LLI>ILLI>I>C II. Ta. wlici-e-. talli, whitherwards; ittidacliqtii, whereabouts, towards where;-iintschi, whence, wherefrom;-it-o, towards where. eche, some; a little;-keecliei7, so often. Ta likhikqui, at what time. Ta pemi, about, about this time. Taan, where;-a iii?dachqtii, wliich then-,-Iza. how then. Taat, as if, like. Tachan, wood; piece of wood, (arch., A.) Tachani(leu, woody, full of wood. little, mean, low, humble; (taclzl)eaclixii. gives a general notion of condition, humble, exalted, etc. A.) Tachpachelensuwi, low, little, humble. Tachpachihflla, in the afternoon. Tachpachiwi, humble, modest; little, low. Tachpachsu, low; (indefinite term referrin- to condition. A.) Tachpamsin, to be less, to be lower. Tachpatamauwan, to keep or preserve unto somebody. Tachpawewagan, advice, commandment. Tachquahamoakan, parched meal. Tachquahoakan, mortar, mill Tachquahoakaiiiminschi, guin tree. Tachquahoaken, tO POLind, to -,rind. Tachquallonikan, pair of scissors. TachqLiai-nbeso, tied together. Tachqtiatten, frozen; (frozen together. A. Tacii(juihilleu, it joins close to,2etlier. TachqLlinschehikaii, pair of pincers. Tacliqtiipoa(,an, feast. TachqLiipuiii, to liold a feast@-alioultitit-i, to liol(i a love feast. Tacllqtiiwi, to-ether. Tactiqtioak, fall; autut-n.n. taclzqliogike, Z., next fall. Tachqtioakcheen, fall hunt. TacliqLloakches, fall skin. Tacliqtioakike, in the fall. Tacliquoch, land turtle. Tachqtioiidikan, pair of pincers. Tachsi-iu, it hails. Tachtakan, thick, stiff. Tachtamse, now and then, often. Tahakan, paddle oar; (always with the possessives, ii', k', it,' etc. A.) Tahunnan. to arrest somebody, to take some one prisoner. Taiachquoan, bridce; atta tajachgonewi? Z., is there tD no bridge? Takachquiminschi, white wood, linden tree. Takachsin, lead. Takan (pl., ik), another, other. Takanilaku, moderately warm evening. ght. Takeet, perhaps, I don't know. Takindamen, to count, to read. Takomen, to come from some where. Takpeu, wet, damp, soft, soaked; (tahokpeu, he is cold from wet. A.) Takquak (pl., ik), other, second, the rest. Taktani, I don't know, I don't know where; somewhere perhaps; be it where it may. Takta undachqui, anywhere. Takta untschi, from somewhere. Talakat, cracked, split. Talaia, white cedar. Talattauwoapin, to behold, to view. Taiawachto, liow dear is it, what does it cost. Taleka, crane. Tallachpaje, cold moming. Taiii, there. Tamse, sometimes, now and then, perhaps;-nall, once, finally;-ta likhikqtii, once, sometime or other;-tat?7se. now and then. Tandachgitechton, to shake off. Taneek, perhaps, I don't know; (takeet. Z.) Tan-aman, Z., to thrust, to stick. Tan-ainikan, spear. I>Tangawachto, cheap, low-priced. Taiigawachtohen. to cheapen. Tangeemhoantit, little spoon. TangeIendam, to think little of one's self Tangelensin, to be lowly minded, to be humble. Tangelensochwen, to walk humbly. Tangelensowagan, lowliness of mind. Tangelensuwi, humble, modest., to vouchsafe, to condescend. Tangetto, short, small. Tangitehen, to think little of one's self. Tangitehewagan, humility. Tangitehewi, humble, modest. Tangitti, small little; (tanghotit, Z., a little kettle.) Tani, where; how; (used in questions) then;-Ieu, in what manner then. Tanikaniminschi, white beech. Tankalinschawontit, little f-inger. Tankhakan, basket. Tankhakanachen, to make baskets. Tankhannen, little c,reek; (especially the narrows of a stream. A.) Taquatschin, to freeze, to be cold. Taquatten, frozen. her. Tassenahamohen, to stone. Tas-senahamolan, to stone somebody. Tatamse, often, sometimes;-ne leep, there was more done. Tatandachgoquehellan, to shake the head. Tatandachgoqueheliewagan, shake of the head. Tatask, sled. Tatchen, little. Tatchendo, but few, very little. Tatchittu, very little. Tatchuppekat, shallow water. Tauchechin, to listen privately. Tauchsittam, to hear privately. Tauwachsin, to bum, to use for firewood. Tauwatawik, an uninhabited place; (achtawawek. A.) Tauwatawique, in the wilderness. Tauwiechen, open. Tauwinachgechi, open arms. Tauwinipen, beginning of summer, May. Tauwiquoakan,key. Tauwunnasin, to be buried. Tauwunummen, to open Tawonnalogewagan, labor in vain. Tawonni, although. Tawwunasin, Z., to bury; tattwundin, burial place (lit., to put under, ie., the ground; it begins with aq, q'tait. A.) Tchen, times. Techi, quite;-matta, not at all, absolutely not, by no means (-takii). Techthunnentschik, prisoners, captives. Techtummischikan, candle snuffers. Tehek, cold. TekaLiwontowit, the patient, meek, mild God, Lamb of God. Tekauwussitawan, to show somebody favor. Tekene, woods, an uninhabited place; (tekenink, H., in the woods.) Tellamasgeek, Z., a cedar-swamp. Tellen, ten. Tellen tchen tchapachki, one thousand. Temagehikan, water pail. Temahikan, axe, hatchet. Temiki, an@; single; something-koeku, anything, something, a single thing. Temitehemen, to cut off. Teiigameiid, pierced, stabbed. Ten-andasuwi, pierced throu-h. Tenoettik, little. Tenktitit, little. Tenktschecheii, open-, (burst open, broken open.,4. Tepalach-at, deep enough. Tepawachto, reasonable, not too dear, fair price. Tepelendam, to have enough, to be satisfied, to be content. Tepelendamoa-an, sufficiency. Tepelook, enough of them. Tepi, enough. Tepihilleu, it is enough, it answers the purpose. Tepiken, ripe, full -rown. Tepilawechoussiii, to be satisfied, to have received satisfaction. Tepilawelian, to satisfy somebody. Tepilawen, to satisfy. Tequipin, to hold a feast. Tesquachtaminschi, shiver hickory, Tesquoalintsch, the little fin-er. Tetanktitit, little one. TetaLiwiwi, between. Tetawonkhillentschik, those who have been deceived, misled; (out of use. A. Tetawonkhillowet, deceiver. Tetpissin, to be in a like manner, to do in a like manner. Tetschpihillen, split off, separated from one another. Tetuppalachgat, rifle; (refers to the groove inside the bore; from tiippeu, spiral, circular. A.) Tetuptschehellak, wagon, cart; (from tiippett, referring to the wheel. A.) Teu, it is cold. T-auchsin, to be good, to be kind, to be meek, to be friendly, to be -ood natured. T-auchsu, good, mild, gracious. T-auchsuwaptonen, to speak civil, to speak kind. T-auchsuwi, good, kind. Tgauwitti, soft, mild; slowly, by little and little; also tgaitte. T-auwiwi, slowly, gently. Tha(litti, a very little while. Thaquetto, short. Thiechumin, Z., to bathe, Thinaquot, Z., cool (anything that looks cold. .4.). Thitpan, bitter; (tiechtpan, astringent, puckery. A.) Thitpanihm, white hickory nut; (the root of an herb is called tiechtpan. A.) Thurman, to arrest somebody; to take somebody prisoner: (tacli'hiiiiiian. A.) Tliuppeek, spring, well; (means simply cool water. Ti2ainikat, cold house-, (cold room. A.) TihilleLl. it is cold. Tilaku. cool evening. Timmeu, wolf; (out of use. A.) Tiiiajappawe, cold morning. Tindeuchen, to make fire. Tindey, fire. Tiniioha-an, first finaer. s, hen, fowl; (not in use; kikipiscli, at present. ,4.) Tipasi-awan, hen coop @ (kikipslzican. A.) Tipatit, little chicken. Tiskemanis, little fisher bird. anunschi. bitter hickory tree; (titpaiiiiii. Z., hickory nLLI>It.) Titpikat, cold ni-ht. To-enan, to waken somebody. To-endowa-an, wakenin-, To-ihillan, to arise, to awake. Tombikaii, crab apple, wild apple. chin, to open the mouth. Tonktschechen, the door is open. Tonktschechton, to open the door. Tonktschenemen, to open. Tonktschequoakan, key. uihilleu, open. Topalowagan, war. Topalowilenno, Z., a warrior; pl., netopallisak. Topalowoagan, Z., war-time (scout, skirmisher. A.). Topan, white frost. Topi, Z., the alder tree (Alnus rubra?). Towin, Z.. to wade, to ford (towen, he is walking in the water. A.) Tpis-auwi, just alike, even. Tpis,-,auwiechton, to do something just so, to make it alike, to make it even, to make it right. Tpis.-auwihhilleu, the time is at hand; it falls upon. Tpisqui, just alike, even, just so; against, over, opposite; (tipiskawi. A.) Tpisquihilleu, the time is at hand; it falls upon. Tpittawe, altogether; all together. Tpoku, last night; (arch., A.) Tpoquik, by night; (tipocuniwi gischuck, Z., the moon.) Tschachgachtin, stump; (properly, a crooked limb tom off. A.) Tschachoihilleu, tom off, broken, slipped off; (i2iach-gihilleu, wrenched, violently torn; tschachgilleu means straightened out, something crooked made straight. A.) Tschachquochgamen, short day. Tschallaan, Z., an Indian bedstead. Tschannauchsin, to be blamable, to sin, to transgress. Tschannauchsowa-an, misbehavior, fault, trespass. Tschannelendam, to consider, to be in doubt, to scruple. Tschannelendamoagan, doubt, scruple. Tschannilissin, to do wrong, to make wrong. Tschannindewagan, difference, disagreement. Tschanninquanukgun. my eyes were kept from discerning. Tschannistammen, to misunderstand. Tschannistammoewagan, misunderstanding. Tschansittamen, to hear wrong. Tschansittamoewagan, hearing wrong. Tschemamus, Z., a hare. Tschepsit, stranger. Tschetschpat, otherwise, differently; it does not join together. Tschetschpenammen, to separate. Tschetschpi, different, unlike; asunder, apart. Tschetschpiechen, asunder, to separate. Tschetschpihilleu, split, split asunder, broken off, it cracks, it splits asunder. Tschetschpissin, to disagree, to wrangle. Tschibhattenamin, to be indisposed in mind. Tschiechachpoakan, roasting spit. Tschiechliammen, to comb; (out of use; now wuliechquammen. A.) Tschigantschi, wholly, entirely, full, enough, all;- likhiqui, as soon as. Tschihoapekelis, bluebird. Tschikachpoochwe, sled. Tschikenum, turkey; (arch., A.) Tschikhammen, to sweep; (tschik ik kammen, A.) Tschikhikan, broom. Tschilchwehamen, Z., to castrate. Tschimakan, paddle, oar. Tschimalus, bluebird. Tschimamus, rabbit. Tschimhammen, to row; to paddle. Tschinga, pike fish. Tschingalsu, stiff, unbending. inge, when. Tschin-teuna, Z., south side of a hill. Tsciiinque, Z., a wild cat (nianque. A.) Tschipelendam, to think disagreeable; to be unpleasant. Tschipelendamoagan, strangeness, oddness. Tschipev, spirit, ghost; (also applied to the dead body. A.) Tschipilek, strange, wonderful. Tschipileu, strange, bad accident; awful. Tschipinaquot, it looks strange, it looks disagreeable. Tschipinaxu, he seems strange, uncommonly unpleasing. Tschipisin, to have a fit, to get fits. Tschipsoagan, uncommonness. Tschiquoalale, a muscle; (a snail, refers to the spiral form of the shell. A.) Tschiquoalaletit, little muscle; (a small snail, see above. A.) Tschisgihilleu, wiped out, rubb@d out; (scraped, applied to the skin when scratched, etc. A.) Tschis-okus, robin. Tsciiiskhaiiii-nen, to wipe off, to blot Out. Tschitati,ii-nbeso, tied fast. Tsciiitanatteii, hard frozen. Tschitatiek, fast, stroniz. Tsciiitanennan, to hold somebody fast. Tschitaiiessoa-an, Z., authority, power. Tschitaiieti, stron-. Tsciiitaiii, stron(y. Tschitailiechtoii, to make fast, to make stron(y. Tsciiitaiii(jacheil, established. firm, sure. Tschitanissiii, to be stronL T. Tschitaiii(,apawiii, to stand fast. Tsciiitaiiissoheii, to strengthen. Tschitanissowaoan, power, capability-, stren-tli. Tschitanissowa-aiiit, he who is strenctli. Tsciiitaiiitauwan, to strengthen somebody. Tschitaniteheii, to stand firm in mind-, to persevere. Tschit2tissin, to be silent. Tschitqui, silent Tsciiitquihilleu, he is silent. Tschitsch, again, once more-, yet, still; still more;-ic-lieii. a-ain as much. Tscholens, bird @ (not in use. See A ii,eliellett. A.) Tscholentit, little bird. Tschoskiii, Z., to ford. to wade. Tschukquilques, Z., a locust (insect). TscilLLI>Ippik, root-. (tscliul)pik, root generic, also medicine. A.) Tschuppiiiamen, it seems odd, it looks stran-e. Tschutti, Z., a comrade. a friend. ii'tschit. niv friend. Tsiheniken, to milk. Tskeiiiiak, black bird: (now tschlikqlialle. .4. Tspat. different, unlike, strange, unusual: separately. Tspinaqtiot, it looks quite otherwise. Tspitiaxu, he looks strancle. Tspiwi, separately. Tsquall, frog. chuch, the month in which the fro,,s be-in to croak, February. uwussowaaan, favor. kindness. Ttilpe, turtle, water turtle. , brain-, (always with the possessives, ii', k', @v',etc. A.) Ttimliican, Z,, an axe; see Tet7zaliic-ati. Ttiiiev, beard (it,iec@litiiiiei-, chin beard. A.). Ttiiikt,)iiechiii, Z., to Cape. to open the Mouth. Tuppehelleu, it flows out. it runs out: (ktitl)l)e 7iellett.A. ) Tuptschehelieu, it roils, it revolves. Tutaam, to set on. to set at, to incite one to do something. U Uchtechsut, Z., the sole of the foot the flat of the foot. A.) Uchtelieliiisch. palm of the hand. Uchtschevunque, within. Uchtuchen, Z., a bOLLI>I(,,h, a branch. Ulakaiialien, to make dislies: (@vooden dishes. A. Ulakanahtinschi, eiiii tree: Z. Ulakanis, dish. Ulakens, dish. UlakLliiipoagaii. Supper: (lit., the e%-eiiinL, meal. A.) UlaqLie. yesterday. Ulepeii, onioii, (not in Use: at present .4. Unai-ni, one of the 3 tribes of.the Lenni Lenape or Delawares. Uiidaaktschehellan, to jump hither. Uiidach, here, this way. Uildachoamen, this side the water. Uiidachlenni, hand it here. Uiidachlitti, a little this way. Uiidacliqui. hither, this way, that wav. Uiidaptoiien, to speak thereof. Undauchsin, to live from, to live on. UiidaLichsowaaan, food to live Upon. Uiideiiummen, to take from. Undoochwen, to come or go for sometliin--' Uiidsoagan, Z., an accident: it@iindso. he is UnILickv. Uiiitschaaniii, Z.. to be-et a child, to bring forth a child. Unk. in, in the. on. out of. Untschi, of, by, therefore; from: with-. concerning. Uiitschihilleu, to come from soi-newhere rapidly.to flow out of. Uscliewinaquot, painful. UschewinaxLi, painful. (fie looks weakly or in pain. A. ) UschLimallsin, to feel sorrowful. to feel pitiful. Uschuwamallsin, to feel -rief, to feel sorrow. UschLLI>Iwauchsoa.-ail, troublesome life. sorrowful lite. Uschuwelemuwi, iiiiserable, painful. LLI>ILirtlietisoiiie. Uschuwelendam. to be ,rieved. to be troubled in mind, to be burtliened @vith labor. sorrow or trouble. Uschuwinaxowa-,ail, sorrowful look. painful look. Uteiiev, city, town; (iitaize.v. A.) Utsclie, fly-, (itt(@lieiiit,es. A.) W Wabiniiiischiaeu, Z., chestnut tree. See Woak. Wachejeu, Z., light. bright (ii,a(-17e.l@ck, light, bright- ness. A.). Waclielachkev, fish scale; (walachk@i,. A.) Wach-aiiessu, Z.. lean (bony, from Wochgaii. A.) Wach-utey, petticoat; (it,-acligolte A.) Wachschiechey, bird's nest-, (vt,isawi amoe it,achschieche.v, a Wasp's nest.) Wachtanquall, his brother-in-law. Wachteneu, he has the belly-ache. Wachtey, stomach, belly. Wachtschangussin, to be enslaved. Wachtschu, hill, mountain. Wachtschuhatteu, it is full; (it,a-chu-wateu. A.) Wachtschuwi, hilly. Wachtschuwiketo, mountainous- Wachtschuwikeu, hilly. Wachtuchwepi, body, flesh. Wachtuchwepiwi, bodily, personal. Wagagapoak, Z., they stand in a circle. Wahh, egg. Wahhellemat, Wide, far; (it is a great distance. A.) Wahhellemelendam, to seem to be far. Wajauwe, see Wojauwe. Waktscheu, crooked; (bent, Warped. A.) Waktschiechen, the road is crooked. Walak, hole; (waleck, a hollow or excavation, not a hole Which penetrates. A.) Walaxiall, Z., entrails, cuts. Waletittin, to advise one another, to inform each other. Walha'iidi, Z., a ditch or trench. Walliasu, buried-, covered over With earth. Walheu, he is digging a hole. Waliechtschessu, a hollow tree. Waloh, Z., a cave. Wanachkwim, Z., an acorn. Wanaawannelentsching, Z., a span. Wunaiiiidin, to salute one another; ii,atigoinen, Z., to (ireet. Waiinessin, Z., to for(,et; i7'ivai7si, I forgot it; it,ati- iiessowoagai7, forcetfulness. Z7 Wanquon, heel. Wapahamink, back, backwards, behind; (at present pachhammink is used. A.) Wapaleechen, White. Wapanacheen, good morrow; (lit,, he has lived till moming..A-.) Wapaneu, easterly. Wapanke, to-morrow. Wapie'chquey, Z., a bubble (a blown bladder. A.) WapieIukquon, Z., hail; a hail stone. Wapintschachke, garfish, With a bill like a duck. Wapsit, White person. Wapsu, White. Waputschies, Z., a homet (wapotis, from his hinder part being Whitish. A.) Wasachtehella, to lie on the back; (means to tum on the back and then tum again; to lie on the back is Wasachtehin. A.) Waselandeu, clear sunshine. Waseleechen, clear, light. Waselenemen, to lighten, to kindle. Waselenikan, light, candle. Waselenikanin, to bum. Waseleu, clear, light. Waskejek, thin; (comp. scheye.) Waskeu, thin. Wassandeu, clear day. Wattengiin, milt, spleen. Wattenkginem, colic. Wauchtamsin, to tarry. Wawangoman, to salute somebody. Wawangomgussowagan, the being saluted; greeting. Wawikan, the back. Wawikanin, to have backache; (wawikaninen. A.) Wawinuwen, to beg; to ask for. Wawoachepingus, lightning bug, firefly. Wawulamallessin, to be always Well. Wawulauchsin, to live orderly, to live blameless. Wdallachgummenanink, in our midst. Wdallachpihewon, the net inside the belly; (the dia- phragm. A.) Wdallachquelendam, to grudge, to be unwilling to give; (to give With hesitation. A.) Wdallemuns, tame beast; (see Dalle)nuiis.) Wdallemunsin, to have cattle. Wdallemunsit, the owner of cattle. Wdaliewussowagan, power, might. Wdallowelemuwi, excellent, precious. Wdallowilissowagan, glory. @@cl.iiiieliiciisli,issiii. to @i cli!ltl. @@ti.iiiieiiieiistiwi, I-lilidlike. coiiitiizlllk.1111@iit. licirt. @N(lelilil. heart. @V(IeliiNNI. lieartilv. cordial @'V(Ieleleiii;iii. to take one to be, to cotisiller so[iiet)oci@, to be. @v(lelill,llllell. to illla-ille. to C011jeCtLire: (error". it means the iiiolie of dome, sonietlliri-. .@1.) @'V(IellewLiiisowai!iii. @V(Ielso@i,-auaii.' belia%@ior. Conduct. %'V(Iiteclieil. to think. VVdooii. the Mouth. Wdiiiiie, the breast: (the thorax, not the mamma. A.) @VdLilhewiiiewaoaii. pain in the breast. WdlISCIlLLI>Isowacyaji, -rief, sorrow. IVechwulaminoeheild, Water pail. Wechwtililawehtiwet. comforter. Welietiioalan, to niock at somebody, to make sport of some one. Weiiiwaliallauan, horse -ear. @Velaiiittowit, the good, gracious God. Weial) assiuan, cood physic. Welapensit, the blessed: (the fortunate, the lucky. A. Welaqtiik, last evenin-, last night. WeiaLlchsit, an orderly, Well-behaved person. Welclios, stallion, boar. @VeleInLikquek, round hill; (arch., vvelii?nqtieti, it is a knoll or mound. A.) @Velhik, good-, (tt-ellilik'. A.) Welilissit, pious person. Welsit. best:-tntschits(,Iiaiik, Holy Ghost. @'Velsittank, believer in Christ. @yellllllindammen, to carrv all. Weiiii, all;-aitit-eii, everybody;-ta li, everywhere;- ta ittitsciii, from everywhere. @Vei-nihan, to destroy somebody, to make an end of some one: (to destroy all. A. Wemihilleu, it is all gone, it is ail spent. @Vemiten. to (10 all Out. @Veiiioltiii. to -,o all anvay. @S'etidacii(yLlttecheii, Where the road -OeS LLI>I@) the hill. @N'eiid.ich,,tjttejek. up hill: (Iii., from below upwards. @'Veiidai-neti. to fish With tiook and line. @Ncild:il)toiiaclioa, of or from the Word. Weiidaseiiiowik, it sliinetli t@roiii tiietice. VVeiidaticlisiii, bv What to live. Ivelicleilllxowa(y,iii. reception, admittance. Whence lie came. @Veiiiiaini-na. almost, narro\vlv. @@"eiii-,iiek, trifle: (not ill use. -4. @Veiii-,ajekiiik, in small tlliti!-!s, in trifles. @Veilitscliailit, parent, (either father or mother or both: lit., the one Who has produced the child. ,4.) Weiitsciii. becaLl-,e. therefore, for this reason. Wejitschijeyin, to beloiiz to a place, to be from a place. Wentschikin, to descend, to ,row Out Of. Weiitschiiidewagaii, call, invitation. Wentschintin, to call each other. Wentschipennassiechen. Where the road goes down the hill. Weschilematschil, his relation bv niarria-e, Weschilemuk, my relation in marria-e-, (used by either spouse With reference to the fai-nily of the other. A.) Weschumais, cow, calf; (out of use.) Weski, a little While ago; sometime to-day; (anew, again. A.) Wetachouppachtak, he that Wateretli or moisteneth. Wetec,akil, his messengers; (out of use. A.) Wetochemuxit, Father. Wetochwink, Father; (one Who is a father. A.) Wetschitschauquit, man; (ie., one Who has a soul. A.) Weuchschummuis, horned cattle. Weuchsin, to know. Weuchsowagan, knowledge. Weuhokeyit, man; (ie., one Who has a body, from hakev, body. A.) Wewidhiken, to testify; (something Without doubt. A.) Wewidhikewagan, testimony. Wewiech-ukil, his acquaintance. Wewikit, master of the house. Wewin(,tonheet, Z., a babbler (one Who likes to talk. Wewitschi, perhaps. VVewitschinaquot, it is likely: probable. @Vewoapisak, gliard, Watcliine n. Wewoatam, to be of good understanding, to be Wise. Wewoatamowi, Wise, prudent. Wewoatamowino, Wise man. Wewoatangik, Wise men. Wewulatenamohaluwet, Saviour. Wewundachqui, on both sides; opposite; Wewundach- qzti'it,icu, he lives opposite (ie., We live on both sides, he on one, I on the other. The Word means It on both sides" and not opposite in the ordinary sense. A.) Whittangan, neck (lit., back of the head. A.) Whittawak, ears. Wiagasksin, to be unruly; (out of use. A.). Wiac,asksowagan, Wantonness, unruly. Wiakat, enough and to spare; plenty, abundance. Wiaki, enough and to spare; plenty, abundance. Wiakipuin, to have plenty; to have abundance to eat. Wiamochki, among each other, mixed. Wiaxowaaan, plenty, sufficiency. Widhoman, to go in a canoe With somebody. Wiechenin, to boil, to cook, to prepare food; (not in use. A.) Wiechgawotschi, unexpectedly; unawares. Wiechpongus, nettle; (wiechponganit, the bitter Weed. A.) Wiechquelinschepi, gloves; (lit., hands tied up; arch., A.) Wiechquepiso, tied round; a bundle. Wiechquepton, to tie around. Wiguitik, bill of a fowl or bird. Wigunacka, the point of an island. Wihhinachk, birch tree. Wi'hillaan, Z., to name; n'wihilluk. he names one. root, lunsi. Wihitawemguppanil, those that had been With him. Wihoman, to make an offering to somebody. Wihundewagan, sacrifice, offering. Wihunuemuin, to hold a feast. Wihunaen, to make an offering, to sacrifice. Wijagaskau, Fickle. Wikasch, the nail on hand or foot; fingers; claws; nikasch, my nail. Wikat, leg; ivi'ckaat, Z. (wihk'kaat; otenkhaat, hind leg. A.) Wikathoos, an iron pot With feet. Wikbi, Z., bast, the inner bark of trees. Wikhakamik, end of the World. Wikhetschik. builders. Wikheu, to build; gischuch Wikheu, Z., halo of sun or moon; (lit., the sun or moon builds a house.) Wikiak, my house. Wikian, thy house. Wikiinak, my Wife; (out of use; Witawemak, he or she Who lives With me in the home, my house mate. A.) Wikindewagan, marriage; (now, Witawendewagan. A.) Wikinditschik, married people. Wikingen, to marry; Wiwu, Z., he is married (lit., he copulates. A.) Wikinget, married person. Wikit, his house. Wikiwon, nose. Wiktschi, bottom of a keg, breech of a gun. Wiktschiechak, butt end of a tree. Wiku, he has a house. Wikul, fat in an animal's belly, Wikwahemunk, in the house. Wikwam, house. Wikwames, little house. Wikwamhassin, to make an abode. Wikwamtit, little room. Wil, head. Wilachkey, Z., male genitals. Wilano, tongue. Wilanoall, pumpkin seeds; (any leguminous seeds. A.) Wflawi, rich, valuable, precious; (from Wil, head, With the idea as superior, royal. A.) Wilawflihan, to treat somebody generously. Wilawiochqueu, rich Woman. Wilawussall, his corn; his grain. Wilinen, to have head ache. Wilinewagan, head ache, Wilooxi, Warm thyself. Wilsu, fat meat. Wimachtendienk, Z., brotherhood. Wimb, heart of a tree; (any core or centre of a trunk, etc. A.) Wimbeneman, to relieve somebody; (to sacrifice one's self for another; a strong expression. A.) Winak, sassafras. Winamallsachtin, to be a common sickness. Winamallsachtowagan, sickness, distemper. Winamallsin, to be sick, to feel pain. Winamandamen, to feel pain. Winamandamoagan, pain, sore. Winamin, the corn is ripe; (when it is fit to eat. A.) Winamin-e, Z., the month of August; (lit., "time of roasting ears.") Windameii, to mention. Windasu, mentioned, named. Wineu, it snows. Wingachpin, to like to be in some place. Win-achtochwilsit, lover of huntincr Wiiigallauwin, tO IlLint Willingly. Wingan, sweet, savory: good tasted. Wiiigandamen, it tastes -ood. Winc,apLie, oood, sweet broth. Wingel, eatable. Wingelawossi, it bums Well. Wingelendamoaaan, approbation, liking. Winaeleu, it bums Well. Win-elewemen, to do a pleasure. Winc,ewochqueu, a raven; (out of use. A.) Winc,i, fain, gladly, Willingly. Wingilauchsin, to live Willingly in a particular man- ner. Win-ilaweman, to do somebody a pleasure. IVinc,imachtek, odoriferous. Win-imaquot, it has a good pleasant smell. Winginamen, to delight in, to be pleased With. Wingipendam, to hear Willingly. Win-ochwen, to -o Willingly, to travel With pleasure; to like to go. Win-sittam, to like to hear. Win-sittawan, to like to hear somebody. Winhattak, bad accident; (not in use. A.) Winhattakuwagan, dan-er. Wini gischuch, snow month, November. Winike, When it is ripe. Winin(yus, mink. Winktek, done, boiled. Winkteu, done, boiled enough. Winu, ripe; (ready to be eaten. A.) Winunschi, Z., an onion. Winuwelchittewa-an, supplication. Winuwewagan, petition, request. Winxu, ripe (fruit). Wipachsoac,an, fear; (out of use. A. @'Vipantin, to eat Witti each other. Wipasin, to be in fear. Wipelachteu, soot. Wipentin, tO lie With each other, to sleep With one another. Wipiechkeu, rotten Wood. Wipit, tooth. Wipochk, bush; arub; (a bushy place, a thicket. A. Wipochsoaaan, Z., fright. Wipuelendam, to be fearful. Wipundin, to keep a feast. Wipungweu, Z., brown. Wipunquoak, White oak. Wipunxit, gray; (ivapantpeti lenno, Z., a gray-headed man.) Wiquajek or Wiquek, the head of a creek or run. Wiquajeu, the head of a creek. Wiquaiungo, at the end. Wiquajunquick, at the end. Wiqualamo, to suffer hunger; (arch., A.) Wiquenachk, the end of the fence. Wiquey, box made of bark; bark trunk; (refers to birch bark, Which is called Wiqzie.v. A.) Wiquiechink, end, point; (wiqiiajunqiiik, Z., to the end.) Wiquihillau, to be tired. Wiquimemguke, on the end of the plain. Wiquon, dull, blunt. Wiquonummen, to make dull. Wisachgak, black oak; bark canoe. Wisachgamallessin, to feel sore pain. Wisachgamallsoagan, bitter pain. Wisachgank, rum, brandy; (from the sharp, biting taste. A.) Wisachgim, Wild grapes. Wisachgirninschi, Wild vine. Wisachgissi, it hurts me, it burns me; (means simply to hurt. A.) Wisamek, catfish; (arch., at present vt,ahllieti, mud- fish; Wisamek means "a fat fish." A.) Wisaminschi, yellow-wood tree; (a species of oak. With a yellow bark used in dying. A.) Wisawanik, red squirrel. Wisawek, yellow; also, sulphur, etc. Wisaweu, yellow. Wischalau, frightened. Wischalowe, rattlesnake; (the frightener. A.) Wischassin, to fear; (vviscliasnagaii, Z., fear.) Wischiki, busily. Wischixiii, to be active, to be brisk, to be nimble; to exert one's self. (See Heckewelder, I-listor.),, p. 439.) Wiseu, scar. Wishaqtie. to notch a tree; (it,isliaque, to tap a maple tree. A.) Wisiiii or Wiswi, Z., the -all. Wisohen. to fqtti-n Wisquon, elbow; tobacco twist. Wisu, fat, fleshy. Wisuwagan, fatness. Witachpin. to live With, to dwell With; (to be With one at a place. A.) Witaheman, to assist somebody, to relieve some one. Witahentin, to help each other. Witalamuin, to cry With; to sing in company With. Witalouen, to Work With. Witamehhellen, to Walk With. Witatschimolsin, to advise With, to hold council With. Witauclisall, her brother's Wife; (dub., it means living together. A.) Witauchsoman, to be in fellowship With somebody. Witauchsundin, to have fellowship With one another. Witauchsundowac,an. fellowship. Witawematpanni, Who Was With him; ivitawemat, Z., an aid, assistant (now used exclusively for man or Wife. A.) Witawentin, to be tocetlier, to live or dwell With each other. Witchwi, Z., the navel. Witen, to (@o With. Wit-ochquall, her sister. Witisin, to esteem; (not in use. A.) Witochwen, to go With, to travel With. Witoiiquoam, to lodge at one's house, to board With, to sleep With. Witsclieachoeiiimatpanni, one Who helped to accuse hii-n. Witsclieman, to help somebody; (witsch'inan. A.) Witschewan, to Po With somebody. @'Vitscliewot, he Who -oes With him- Witsciii, With, at the same time. Witscliiiidin, to help one another, to assist each other, to lend a hand. Witschin-en, to help along. Witschu, calf of the leg; pi., ii,ak. Witschwochak, pine nuts; (out of use. A.) Wiuchschachauwan, to load somebody With a bur- den. Wiwasch, bundle, load. Wiwaschin, to carry a load. Wiwundhakamik, before now, in former time, very long ago. Wiwunigagun, I am surrounded. - Wiwunigapawin, to stand all around. Wiwuniwi, round about. Wiwunochwen, to go all around; to go around about. Wiwuntschi, before now, of old; (not in use. A.) W Wo! o! oh! Woachejek, light. Woachejekumin, to be light. Woachejekumuit, he Who is the light. Woachejeu, clear, light. Woa-ai, round about. C) Woak, and also, as Well as;-atta, neither, nor.- lappi, repeatedly, again. Woakagapawin, to stand in a circle. Woakawi, round about, anywhere around. Woakhattimi, mulberry; (miiit'qtiakii7. A..) Woakhattiminschi, mulberry tree. Woakeu,,crooked:,.,,., Woaktschachne, a bend in the river. Woaktschaquot, crooked like. Woaktschiechen, crooked road. Woaktschiechton, to make crooked. Woaktschinni, bend it. Woaktschochwen, to go a crooked road. Woakus, the gray fox. Woalak, hole in the ground. Woalhen, to dig a hole. Woapachpoan, White bread. Woapachsaney, White blanket. Woapachsun, Z., chalk. Woapak, Water beech; (not in use. A.) Woapalanne, bald eagle. Woapanacheen, good morning. Woapaneu, morning. Woapange, to-morrow. Woapaniken, lime. Woapank, to-morrow. Woapaschapiall, White beads. Woapassisku achsin, unburnt brick. Woapasum, White sunshine. Woapchwees, a marten. Woapek, gensi root. Woapelechen, it looks White. WoapeLl, White. Woaphattaquall, White yarn, White thread. Woaphokquawon, uray hair. Woapit-n, chestnut. Woapiminschi, chestnut tree. Woapiiik, opossum, a Wild beast. Woapipen, Wild White potato. Woapsit, White person. Woapsu, White. Woaptioihilleu, pale. Woapti-inquehelieu, broken eyes. Woas(,ejeu, thin. Woatasik, known; (weitwistasik. A.) Woatauweju, it blossoms. Woatawes, flower, (wachawes. A.) Woaton, to know; (weiiwiton. A.) Woaxachey, fox skin. Wochc,alan, forehead. Woclitian, bone. Woclioanihm, seed. Woclioaiiipoiik, hard burnt ashes. Woch(,anissin, to become lean, to grow mea-er. Wocii(,idhakamik, on earth, upon the earth. Woch(,itachtenne, top of the hill. Wocii-itaque, on the top of the house. Wocii-itschi, above, on the top, on the surface. Wocliaitschik, above, on the top, up there. @';oclikunk, above, at the top. Wochpahellaii, to awake, to come to one's senses. Wochpiechquey, bladder. Wochtschuhatteu, full. Woh! oh! WOjaLlwe, Z., a chief; (ivejiaweit, he is a chief. This is the Word now in use in place of the older Word saketiza. A.) Wolanniall, feathers of a bird's tail. Won, this, this one. Woiiach-ulinscliall, tips of the fin-ers. Woiiacliquiwi, the top of anything. Wonachxitall, tops of the toes. Wonanno, cheek. Wotiatam, to be Weak, to be impotent, to faint, to be out of one's senses; (i@,oiiac-liq'teii. A.) Woiiatammoa-an, faintness. Woiiatamowi, Weak, impotent, fanciful, out of one s senses. Wonipakquihilleu, the leaves come out. Wonnessin, to forget. Wonnissowac,an, forgetfulness. Wonspi, Z., sap of trees. Wotsche anenk, by the Way. Wotschi, near by. Wotschuwiechen, full. Wottallauwin, to hunt by the Way. Wouchokquin, to cough; (wohoch'qiiin. A.) Wowoatam, experienced, skilful. Wowoatammoagan, Wisdom. Wowoatammowino, Wise man. Wsamgi,-,un, too big. Wsami, too much. Wsamiechen, too much. Wschachan, smooth, glossy. Wschacheu, slippery; smooth, glossy. Wschachihillan, to slip. Wschappan, thin. Wscheechachquall, chips, shavings. Wscheton, lip; (w'schej'toti. A.) Wschewinaxu, painful. Wschimuin, to fly, to run off, to escape. Wschummo, horn; pi., Wschitmovvall (arch., the usual Word is @vilawan, from Wil, head, head- gear. A.) Wsi-au, sunset; (vv'sigait. A.) Wsihotewa-an, -am, profit. .V 4D W8ihotin, to gain a Wager. Wsihuwen, to gain, to Win. Wsit, foot. Wsitak, handle. Wsuppi, sap of trees; (see Wonspi.) Wtakanachen, moderately Warm Wind. Wtakaneu, mild Weather. Wtakaquenimo, tough tree. Wtakeu, soft, tender; (pliable. A.) Wtakhammen, to divide. Wtakhattenamoa-an, softness, mildness. Wtaki-achen, it lies, soft. Wtakolsin, to save, to preserve. Wtaksu, soft, tender, supple. Wtankhitton, to loose. Wtappandewa-an, advice, counsel, information. Wtaspiwa-an, ascension. Wtauwachtojummenaniiik, in our midst. Wtawongellowa-an, loss, damnation. Wteoauwan, to follow somebody. Wtehim, strawberries. Wtel-iqtii. likewise, in like manner. so much so. Wtel-ixin, to be Worthy; (not in use. A.) Wtel-ixowa-an, Worthiness, merit. Wtellenahawanink, on the right hand;-Ii, towards the ri-ht hand. Wtellewunsowac,an, name. Wtelli, thus, so. Wtellsin, to be so, to do so. Wteltschenemen, to roll. Wtenk, after, behind; thereon, thereafter; lastly, at last; afterward;-untschi, thereupon, afterward. Wtitehan, to think, to conjecture; (now telitehan. A.) Wtscha-amique, in the earth. Wtscheet, sinew; (u'tsch-het. A.) Wtscheyunque, Within, inwardly. Wtschitschank, spirit. Wtschitschanquiwi, spiritual. Wtukauwatsch,achtowagan, kind treatment, kind usage. Wuhhala, Z., to protect. Wulacans, Z., a basin (a bowl. A.) Wulachen, to give up; (this Word means "a fair Wind;" probably an error for vi,ulachnummen, to loosen, to untie. A.) Wulachneu, a stream Without falls; (a pleasant, smooth stream; from anne, stream, and Wulit. A.) Wuladhakawanik, good physic. Wulaha, better. Wulahellan, to have somebody, to possess some one; (to put a person or thing in safe keeping. A. ) Wulakamike, Z, bottom land (lit., fine land, good land. A.) Wulakenimgussin, to be spoken Well of, to be praised. Wulakenimizussowa2an. the being praised. Wulakenindewa-an, good report of somebody. Wulakhelan, to take somebody in care. Wulaku, evening. Wulakuniwi, in the evening. Wulalooewagan, good Work. Wulalowe, black fox; (lit., beautiful tail; this may be an error for iv'halovves, bushy tail, Which is the present name of the animal. A.) Wulamallessin, to be Well, to be happy. Wulamallessohalid, he Who makes me happy. Wulamallessohaluwed, he Who makes one happy. WulamaRessohen, to make Well, to cause to be happy. Wulamallessuw@ Well, happy. Wulamallsin, to be Well, to be happy. Wulamat, fine ground. Wulamehelleu, it goes Well, it goes gently. Wulamhittamen, to believe. Wulamhittamoewagan, faith, belief; (rather, the proof or testimony. A.) Wulamissowe, a little While ago; (out of use. A.) Wulamoc, he speaks truly; true. Wulamocan, Z., a calabash, a gourd (formerly used for the rattles in ceremonies. A.) Wulamoe, long ago; (out of use; chiihnne is the present term. A.) Wulamoehen, to convince of the truth. Wulamoeii, truly. Wulamoeju, true, right. Wulamoen, to keep one's promise. Wulamoewagan, truth. Wulamoewaganit, he Who is truth. Wulamoewaptonamik, true Word, true saying. Wulampton, to tie Well. Wulamquoam, Z., to dream ndelungwam, I dream, etc. (to dream good things. A.) Wulamsittamen, to believe What is said. Wulandeu, fine day, Warm Weather, fine, clear Weather. Wulangundin, to be at peace With one another. Wulantowagan, grace; (having a good spirit; Wulit and manitto. A.) Wulapamukquot, clear, Well to be seen. Wulapan, fme morning. Wulapeju, just, upright, honorable. Wulapejuwagan, uprightness. Wulapendamen, to enjoy a benefit. Wulapensohalan, to bless somebody. Wulapensowagan, blessing; (lit., the things Which We enjoy, prosperity, blessings. A.) Wulaptonachgat, fine Word, good news. Wulaptonaelchukquonk, he speaks a good Word for us, he advocates our cause. Wulaptonaltin, to speak good to each other, to be reconciled to one another. Wulaptonamik, good tiding. Wulaptonen, to speak favorably. Wulaque, yesterday. Wulaquik, evening. Wulaquike, this evening. Wulaskat, good pasture. Wulatachkat, fine linen. Wulatenamen, to be happy; (wulah'tenamin. A.) Wulatenamoagan, happiness. Wulatenamuwi, happy. Wulaton, to save, to put up. Wulatschahan, to use somebody Well. Wulatschimolsin, to treat friendly, to discourse in a friendly manner. Wulatschimolsowagan, treaty of peace. Wulattauwoapin, to have good sight. Wulattauwoapuwagan, good sight. Wulauchsowagan, good conduct, good behavior. Wuleleman, to take or consider somebody to be. Wulelemelendam, to Wonder, to admire. Wulelemi, Wonderful; (not in use. A.) Wulelemfleu, it is Wonderful. Wuleleminaquot, it seems Wonderful. Wulelendam, to be glad, to rejoice, to be joyful, to be merry. Wulelendamoagan, jov. Wulelendamowaptonamik, Word of rejoicing, glad tiding, gospel. Wulelendamuwi, joyful, merry. Wulelensin, to be proud, to be haughty, to be high- minded (welelensin. A.) Wulelensowagan, pride, high-mindedness. Wulenensin, to dress; (not in use; Wulakko, to have a handsome dress; Waweesho, to dress carefully. A.) Wulenschgansit, toe; (wuleshawesit. A.) Wulensin, Z., attire, dress, omament (decoration rather than dress. A.) Wulhaflan, to keep somebody, to take care of some one. Wuli, there, yonder; (out of use; at present nellak. A.) Wuliachpin, to be in a good place. Wuliechen, it is good, it is Well done. Wuliechenummen, to take down; (this means to split into splinters; the proper form Wuniechenum- men. A.) Wuliechsin, to speak plainly, to pronounce Well. Wuliechtagun, he makes good again. Wuliechtschessu, hollow, rotten; (out of use. A.) Wuligatschis, pretty tittle paw. Wuligischgu, fine day. Wulihan, to do somebody good. Wulihilleu, it is good; (more exactly, it functions properly, it Works Well. A.) Wulik, the good; handsome, pretty. Wuliken, it grows Well, it thrives Well. Wulilaweman, to comfort, to give satisfaction. Wulilawemkewagan, our comfort. Wulilawendewagan, comfort. Wulileu, good news, it is a good time. Wulilissin, to be good, to behave Well. Wulilissowagan, goodness, kindness. WulUissu, good kind. Wulinamen, he likes it, it pleases him; (arch., A.) Wulinaquot, it looks Well. Wulinaxin, to appear Well, to look fine. Wulineichquot, it is plainly visible. Wulinemen, to see very Well. Wulipendamen, to hear Wefl,. to understand Well. Wulipommissin, good Walkinle. Wulipoquot, it has a fine taste. Wulisso, good, handsome, fine, pretty. Wulissowagan, fineness, prettiness, beauty. Wulistammen, to believe. Wulistammoe.wagan, faith, belief. Wulit, good, right, handsome, pretty; Well. Wulitehasu, Well hewn, Well cut, Well squared; (wulih'tehasil A.) Wulitehemen, to hew WeB. Wuliton, to make Well. -, - Wuliweuchsin, to know Well. Wuliwiechinen, to rest Well. Wuliwoatam, to know Well, to be of good under- standing. WuHamoc, Z., ancient. Wuloamisowe, lately, some days ago. Wulongachsis, a.man's'cousin; (out of use; it is from Wulonquan, Wing. A.) Wulonquan, Wing. Wulonquoam, to drea'm something good. Wulo-i@@,t-a,@u,w.o?@apin, to look over, to look beyond. Wulowin'queheHan',-'t-o overlook, to take no notice Wulumhigiec n, to squat down. Wulummac@dappin, to sit; (especially on the. ground With the legs in front. A.) Wulumqueu or Wulumquot, a round hill. Wunachgin, thou hand I! Wunachk, his hand; his arm; (it means either. A.) Wunachqualoje, a sharp point; (the extreme end. A.) Wunachquim, an acom. Wunajumawall, he carries him. Wunalan, to fetch somebody; (not in use; at pre- sent peschwan, means to bring some one. A.) Wunattochton, to inquire, to search after. Wunattonamak, his son-in-law; (or her; proper form is vi,unattonomakwalt A.) Wundaman, to show to somebody: to declare unto some one. Wundanglen, to die for some cause. Wundangunsin, to pray for. Wundanunxin, to be angry at, to be angry for some- thing. Wundaptonen, to speak of. Wundchen, the Wind comes from thence. Wundchenneu, West, Westerly; (out of use; the present Word is elochsichgat, When the sun disappears. A.) Wundchennewunk, Westward. Wundelemuin, to boast, to look upon as an honor; (rather, to put trust or confidence; it is from Wuntschi, from; to rely upon What We expect from another. A.) Wundelendamoagan, boasting, glorying in. Wundenasik, Where it is to be got from. Wundeu, it boils. Wundpeu, it leaks, it drops, it boils over; (kundpeau, it oozes out; Wungiku, it leaks. A.) Wundsowagan, misfortune; (not now used. A.) Wundschun, the Wind comes from a particular quarter. Wundsummen, Z., to cook (properly, to boil some- thing. A.) Wunenachgistawan, to hearken to somebody. Wunentsitawoaganit, his appearing. Wunipachgihilleu, it buds, it sprouts. Wunipak, leaf; (see Combach.) Wunita, he can, he is able; (he knows how. A.) Wunitaton, he can do it; (he knows how to do it. A.) Wunspak, Z., juice ouice extracted by pressure; from wuiztschi, ie., that Which comesfrom. A.) Wuntschi, of, on account of, from, therefore. Wuntschijeyju, Where he belongs to, from Whence he is. Wuntschiman, to call somebody hither. Wunutschi, he began. Wuschgink, eye, face, sight. Wuschginquiwi, face to face. Wuskamamquot, new feeling. Wuskchum, young creature, young beast. Wuskelenape, young person. Wusken, anew, latterly. Wuskhaxen, a new shoe. WuskL new. Wuskijeyju, it is new. Wuskiochqueu, young Woman. Wuttoney, beard. Wundamawachtowagan, declaration, message. Wewoatamoewapn, Wisdom. Wawangundowapn, salutation. X Y Yabtschi, Z., yet. YanewL Z., always. Yapeechen, H., along the bank (rather, along the edge of the Water. A.) Yapewi, Z., on the river bank (on the edge of the Water. A.). Yucke, Z., now; gischquik, to-day;-untschi, here, petschi, till now; (yuch. A.) Yukefla, 0 that! Yuni, H., this, this one. Yu undach, Z., on this side (yuh Windach. A.). Z Zelozelos, cricket; (tschelo'tschelos, an imitative Word. A.)

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