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For those of you planning to immigrate to Canada, especially to Quebec, the issue of sovereignty and French Canadians, or Québecois, relationship with the rest of Canada may be of special interest.
This page contains the most recent news items on this topic. (Material attribution: Canada.com; The Canadian Press, The Gazette)

2009
(for previous news issues please use the form provided on welcome page)


CONTENTS
13.11.09---Block access to English private schools: PQ
22.05.09---More Quebecers see immigrants as threat: poll
09.03.09---Immigrants indispensable to Quebec workforce, CRÉ says
Text of letter to Sarkozy
14.01.09---Montreal's population one of the oldest in Quebec
01.01.09---Shooting the messenger (notes on religious accomodation in Quebec)


Block access to English private schools: PQ

Source: CBC News

Posted: 11/13/09 8:53PM

The Parti Québécois is urging the Quebec government to use the Constitutions notwithstanding clause to limit access to private English schools after the Supreme Court quashed part of the provinces language legislation.

Bill 104 had closed a loophole allowing children not eligible for the English-language public school system to gain access by first spending time in a private English school.

But last month, the loophole was reopened when the countrys highest court ordered Quebec to review and rewrite the law within a year and to review the parents' requests to send their children to English-language schools.

Students can only gain access to English public schools if their parents have received most of their education in Canadian English schools.

PQ culture critic Pierre Curzi said the best response to the quandary presented by the court is to restrict access to English private schools as well.

"It seems to be the only logical solution to the problem," Curzi said during a news conference Friday at the national assembly.

Bill 101, which became Quebecs main language law, should have gone further to block access to English education when it was initially drawn up, but Bill 104 was the solution, Curzi said.

Culture Minister Christine St-Pierre agreed something must be done.

While the ruling may have quashed part of the law, St-Pierre said the judges also recognized Quebecs need to control access to English schools.

"The ruling recognizes that some parents use this as a short cut to get into public schools," she said. "This is what we want to stop."

St-Pierre said the government is looking at its options, including the notwithstanding clause.

Use of the notwithstanding clause, which allows a legislature to declare a particular law beyond the reach of the Charter of Rights and a judicial review, has been controversial.

St-Pierre pointed to the government's use of the clause in 1989 to defend Law 178, which regulates the use of English on signs, was contested before the United Nations Human Rights Committee, she said.up


More Quebecers see immigrants as threat: poll
 
By Marian Scott
The Gazette
May 22, 2009

One year after a provincial report on the accommodation of cultural minorities, a majority of Quebecers still say newcomers should give up their cultural traditions and become more like everybody else, according to a new poll.

Quebecers’ attitudes toward immigrants have hardened slightly since 2007, when the Bouchard-Taylor commission started hearings across Quebec on the “reasonable accommodation” of cultural communities.

The survey by Léger Marketing for the Association for Canadian Studies found that 40 per cent of francophones view non-Christian immigrants as a threat to Quebec society, compared with 32 per cent in 2007. Thirty-two per cent of non-francophones said non-Christian immigrants threaten Quebec society, compared with 34 per cent in 2007.

“If you look at opinions at the start of the Bouchard-Taylor commission and 18 months later, basically, they haven’t changed,” said Jack Jedwab, executive director of the non-profit research institute.

“If the hearings were designed to change attitudes, that has not occurred,” he added.

Headed by sociologist Gérard Bouchard and philosopher Charles Taylor, the $3.7-million commission held hearings across Quebec on how far society should go to accommodate religious and cultural minorities. It received 900 briefs and heard from 3,423 participants in 22 regional forums.

Its report, made public one year ago Friday, made 37 recommendations, including abolishing prayers at municipal council meetings; increasing funding for community organizations that work with immigrants and initiatives to promote tolerance; providing language interpreters in health care; encouraging employers to allow time off for religious holidays; studying how to hire more minorities in the public service; and attracting immigrants to remote regions.

Rachad Antonius, a professor of sociology at the Université du Québec à Montréal, said it’s no surprise the commission failed to change Quebecers’ attitudes toward minorities.

“Focusing on cultural differences is the wrong approach,” Antonius said.

Cultural communities need to achieve economic equality by having access to education, social services and job opportunities, he said.

“If there is greater economic integration, that is what is going to change things,” he said.

The poll reveals persistent differences between younger and older Quebecers and between francophones and non-francophones on cultural and religious diversity.

For example, 56 per cent of respondents age 18 to 24 said Muslim girls should be allowed to wear hijabs in public schools, while only 30 per cent of those 55 and over approved of head scarves in school.

Sixty-three per cent of non-francophones said head scarves should be permitted in school compared with 32 per cent of French-speaking respondents.

Only 25 per cent of francophones said Quebec society should try harder to accept minority groups’ customs and traditions while 74 per cent of non-francophones said it should make more of an effort to do so.

The poll also found Quebecers split on an ethics and religion course introduced last year in schools across the province. A coalition of parents and Loyola High School, a private Catholic institution, are challenging the nondenominational course, which they say infringes parents’ rights to instill religious values in their children.

Half of francophones said the course was a good thing while 78 per cent of non-francophones gave it a thumbs up.

When asked their opinion of different religious groups, 88 per cent of French-speakers viewed Catholics favourably, 60 per cent viewed Jews favourably – down 12 percentage points from 2007 – and 40 per cent had a favourable opinion of Muslims (compared with 57 per cent in 2007). Among non-francophones, 92 per cent viewed Catholics with favour, 77 per cent had a positive opinion of Jews and 65 a good opinion of Muslims.

A national poll published this month by Maclean’s Magazine also revealed that many Canadians are biased against religious minorities, particularly in Quebec.

The survey by Angus Reid Strategies reported that 68 per cent of Quebecers view Islam negatively while 52 per cent of Canadians as a whole have a low opinion of the religion.

It found that 36 per cent of Quebecers view Judaism unfavourably, compared with 59 per cent of Ontarians.

The Léger Marketing survey of 1,003 Quebecers was conducted by online questionnaire May 13-16. Results are considered accurate within 3.9 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.up


Immigrants indispensable to Quebec workforce, CRÉ says


In the face of an aging populace, low birth rate and looming labour shortage, immigrants have become one of Quebec’s most valued resources.

To attract and retain as many people from abroad as possible to work as doctors, engineers, computer technicians and daycare workers, local development body the Conference régionale des élus de Montréal unveiled its action plan on immigration and integration on Monday.

“Eighty per cent of the immigrants who come to Quebec choose to settle in the Montreal region, and 26 per cent of Montrealers are immigrants,” said CRE president and LaSalle borough mayor Manon Barbe. “The development of our region depends on the integration of immigrants.”

Among the projects announced was a program to retain temporary workers with specialized knowledge by making it easier to attain permanent resident status and doing more to retain university students who study here. At present, 20 per cent of bachelor’s students and 30 per cent of post-graduate students from abroad will stay in Montreal, whereas the number of PhD students in the United States who remain is closer to 60 per cent, said Université du Québec a Montreal vice-rector Guy Berthiaume. The goal is to get an extra 10 per cent of the 20,000 students who study here every year to remain.

Other programs will aid in the recognition of the training candidates obtained in their home countries, a major obstacle for many professionals, be they doctors or welders, who want to live here without having to repeat several years of schooling.

Immigration Minister Yolande James said Quebec is studying the "fastest ways" to get immigrants with specialized training into the market, adding that 55,000 immigrants, 60 per cent of them fluent in French, are expected to be admitted to the province in 2010. “We’re at a time where necessity is pushing everyone to work even harder on this than in the past.”

Brief unpaid internships to create contacts between the private sector and job candidates will be offered, and programs to aid students identified as young leaders in high schools and community groups will also be started.up


Text of letter to Sarkozy

Montréal, le 4 février 2009
Monsieur Nicolas Sarkozy
Président de la République française
Palais de l’Élysée
55, rue du faubourg Saint-Honoré
75008 Paris
France
Monsieur le Président,
Nous voulons réagir de deux façons aux propos que vous avez récemment tenus à
l’Élysée au sujet du Québec. D’abord, vous nous voyez ravis de constater que vous
trouvez trop timide la politique française antérieure qui parlait de « non indifférence »
pour qualifier l’intensité des rapports entre nos deux peuples. Vous préférez, dites-vous,
parler « d’amour » entre des nations frères faisant partie d’une même famille. Dans la
même veine, et cela vous surprendra peut-être de la part de deux leaders
indépendantistes, nous vous félicitons pour l’énergie que vous avez mise, et que vous
mettez encore, à assurer le succès de dossiers franco-québécois que nous appuyons
vivement : la reconnaissance réciproque des diplômes entre Français et Québécois, qui
permettra à nos professionnels d’oeuvrer et de voyager plus facilement de part et d’autre,
et le projet de libre-échange Canada-Union Européenne, dont le Québec est le principal
promoteur et serait, de ce côté-ci de l’Atlantique, le principal bénéficiaire.
Car contrairement à l’idée que vous semblez avoir de nous, les indépendantistes
québécois sont favorables à tout ce qui permet au Québec de s’ouvrir au monde. Vous
semblez l’ignorer, Monsieur le Président, car à l’Élysée, vous avez accompagné vos
remarques fraternelles de remontrances à certains de vos frères, affirmant au sujet des
indépendantistes québécois qu’ils n’adhèrent pas au « refus du sectarisme, de la division,
de l'enfermement sur soi-même, au refus de définir son identité par opposition féroce à
l'autre ».
De qui parlez-vous, Monsieur le Président? Des 49,4 % de Québécois, et donc de la forte
majorité de francophones, qui, le soir du 30 octobre 1995, ont voté Oui à la souveraineté
du Québec? Au 43 % qui, lors d’un sondage de la semaine dernière, ont réitéré ce choix?
Cela fait beaucoup de monde. La moitié de la famille, Monsieur le Président.
« Sectaires » ? « Féroces » ? les électeurs québécois qui ont élu en octobre 49 députés
indépendantistes, soit près des 2/3 de la députation québécoise à la Chambre des
communes à Ottawa et, en décembre dernier, 51 députés à Québec, formant ainsi
l’opposition officielle? « Adeptes de l’enfermement », les Québécois qui ont élu quatre
gouvernements souverainistes majoritaires au cours des 30 dernières années?
Nous ne pensions pas que le général de Gaulle nous appelait à l’enfermement sur
nous-mêmes lorsqu’il a souhaité, en juillet 1967, que « Vive le Québec libre! » Nous
jugeons toujours qu’il avait raison lorsqu’il a plus longuement expliqué ce qui suit en
novembre 1967 : « Que le Québec soit libre c'est, en effet, ce dont il s'agit. Cela aboutira
forcément, à mon avis, à l'avènement du Québec au rang d'un État souverain, maître de
son existence nationale, comme le sont par le monde tant et tant d'autres peuples, tant et
tant d'autres États, qui ne sont pas pourtant si valables, ni même si peuplés, que ne le
serait celui-là. » Nous ne pensons pas, non plus, que les nombreux hommes et femmes
politiques français, dont plusieurs ont joué et jouent un rôle éminent au sein de votre
formation politique, qui nous ont prodigué conseils et encouragements au cours des
années et encore aujourd’hui, veulent pousser le Québec au sectarisme.
Notre mouvement est fier d’avoir incarné au cours des années l’exact contraire de l’idée
que vous vous en faites. C’est ainsi que le fondateur de notre mouvement, René
Lévesque, s’est battu bec et ongles pour que le Québec puisse s’exprimer au sein de
l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, lorsque le gouvernement canadien le lui
refusait. On doit à son successeur Jacques Parizeau d’avoir, le premier, appuyé le projet
de libre-échange canado-américain, contre les partis pro-canadiens à l’origine trop frileux
pour s’y engager. La mobilisation de l’électorat souverainiste québécois en faveur de cet
accord en a assuré le succès lors d’une élection cruciale en 1988.
Ce sont des politiques économiques mises en oeuvre par des gouvernements du Parti
Québécois qui ont permis au Québec d’avoir une économie plus ouverte sur le monde que
celle de la plupart des pays occidentaux. Ce sont des politiques linguistiques introduites
par le Parti Québécois qui assurent désormais au sein de la majorité québécoise
l’intégration de vagues d’immigration successives, jouissant de politiques plus ouvertes
et plus généreuses que celles de la plupart des pays occidentaux.
C’est l’Assemblée nationale du Québec, sous la direction d’un président indépendantiste,
qui a organisé la Conférence des parlementaires des Amériques, contre le voeu du
gouvernement canadien et malgré les obstacles qu’il lui a opposés. Les exemples sont
nombreux.
Nous ne savons pas d’où vous est venue l’idée que nous réclamons de vous que vous
détestiez le Canada. Malgré nos différends importants avec nos voisins, nous respectons
ce pays, ses valeurs et sa population. Nous pensons que l’indépendance du Québec
mettrait un terme aux rancoeurs et aux débats épuisants qui jalonnent l’histoire de notre
présence dans le Canada. Dans l’argumentaire que nous distribuons largement, nous
affirmons à tous que « le Canada et le Québec seront de bons partenaires au sein de la
communauté internationale. Souverain, le Québec discutera de pays à pays avec le
Canada et les chicanes fédérales-provinciales seront choses du passé. Nos deux nations
sont destinées à collaborer, histoire et géographie obligent. »
Vous n’êtes pas sans savoir que les Nations-Unies ont accueilli, depuis 1980, pas moins
de 38 nouveaux pays. Chacun a choisi de parler de sa propre voix, plutôt que de
prolonger sa présence au sein d’un pays plus large qui n’était pas le sien. Loin de
condamner leur arrivée, de leur faire des remontrances sur l’enfermement, la France les a
accompagnés, les a reconnus. C’est ce que les Québécois attendent d’elle.
Mais nous devons à la vérité de vous faire savoir que jamais un chef d’État étranger n’a
autant manqué de respect aux plus de deux millions de Québécois qui se sont prononcés
pour la souveraineté. Plusieurs chefs d’État et de gouvernement, surtout du monde
anglophone, ont publiquement souhaité le maintien d’un Canada uni, vantant, comme
l’avait fait le président Bill Clinton en 1995, la qualité des rapports entre son pays et le
Canada. D’ailleurs, George Bush père avait affirmé en 1990 que notre cas était parmi
ceux où « il faut rester courageusement assis en coulisses ». Aucun n’a utilisé envers le
mouvement indépendantiste les épithètes pour tout dire méprisantes que vous employez.
Mais puisque vous parlez d’enfermement, Monsieur le Président, laissez-nous vous
éclairer davantage. Vous avez affirmé lors de votre passage en octobre que le Canada,
« par son fédéralisme, a décliné un message de respect de la diversité et d’ouverture ».
Savez-vous que depuis maintenant plus d’un quart de siècle, le Québec est gouverné par
une constitution canadienne qui lui a été imposée contre sa volonté, qui restreint son
autonomie en matière d’éducation, de langue et de culture, qui n’a pas été soumise à un
référendum et qu’aucun premier ministre québécois, depuis René Lévesque jusqu’à Jean
Charest, n’accepte de signer? Savez-vous qu’aucune réparation de cette situation
inacceptable n’est envisagée ou envisageable? La France accepterait-elle de rester dans
l’Union Européenne si le reste de l’Europe lui imposait un nouveau traité réduisant
unilatéralement sa souveraineté sur des questions identitaires, sans même la consulter par
référendum? Nous n’osons imaginer quelle serait votre réaction si une telle injustice était
infligée à votre nation.
Enfermement encore : nous savons désormais qu’au soir du référendum de 1995, si une
majorité de Québécois avaient démocratiquement voté en faveur de la souveraineté du
Québec, le premier ministre canadien Jean Chrétien aurait refusé de reconnaître ce choix.
C’est ce qu’il a avoué depuis, même s’il avait déclaré cinq jours auparavant, dans une
adresse solennelle à la nation, qu’un choix pour le Oui serait « irréversible ». Toute honte
bue, le premier ministre canadien maintient que, même en votant majoritairement pour la
souveraineté, le Québec n’aurait pu quitter le Canada. Nous savons cependant que,
simultanément, votre prédécesseur, le président Jacques Chirac, aurait reconnu la
décision politique des Québécois, se rangeant ainsi du côté de la démocratie et
l’accompagnant dans son choix. Plusieurs pays francophones auraient fait de même et
nous savons que la démocratie l’aurait emporté.
Il est vrai, Monsieur le Président, que les Québécois ne seront pas appelés à revoter sur
cette question dans l’avenir immédiat. Cependant, puisque rien de fondamental n’est
résolu dans les rapports Québec-Canada, il n’est pas impossible que cela survienne
pendant que vous présidez aux destinées de la France. Il n’est pas impossible que la
démocratie québécoise ait besoin de l’appui de tous ses amis, de tous ses frères.
Dans cette hypothèse, il vous reviendra de décider si vous souhaitez laisser, ou non, la
marque d’un président qui, à un moment crucial, a su répondre avec une réelle fraternité
à l’appel de l’Histoire.
Pauline Marois                                   Gilles Duceppe
Chef du Parti Québécois                    Chef du Bloc Québécois
Chef de l’opposition officielleup

Montreal's population one of the oldest in Quebec

StatsCan report offers demographic portrait of city
 

Compared with its off-island suburbs, the city of Montreal has an older population, more immigrants and more of its residents use public transit or bike or walk to work.

That's the demographic portrait that emerges from a report made public yesterday by Statistics Canada. Based on the 2006 census, the report also indicates droves of Montrealers continue to flee the island.

Four key areas were studied:

Age: Fifteen per cent of Montrealers are under 15 years old, compared with 21 per cent of residents of Terrebonne, for example, a suburb north of Laval popular with young families.

Montreal also has one of Quebec's oldest populations - 15.2 per cent of Montrealers are over 65; across Quebec, 14.3 per cent of the population is in that age group. Demerged Montreal Island suburbs have the highest proportion of over-65 residents in the Montreal region.

Immigrants: Immigration is the main reason Montreal and Quebec are growing, StatsCan said.

In Montreal, 30.8 per cent of residents were born outside of Canada, by far the biggest proportion of any Quebec city. Across the province, only 11. 5 of residents are foreign-born.

Montreal's biggest sources of immigrants: China, Algeria and France. Before 1996, Italy, Haiti and France were tops.

In Montreal, 59.7 of residents speak French most often at home. Of the rest, 48 per cent speak English; the most popular other languages: Spanish, Italian, Arabic and Chinese, each spoken by between seven and eight per cent of Montrealers.

Immigrants in Montreal are more likely to be university-trained than non-immigrants.

Suburbs: Montreal is growing but at a slow rate.

Montreal's population grew by 5.2 per cent between 1986 and 2006 (to 1.6 million). Over that period, Laval grew by 30 per cent (to 369,000); Terrebonne by 99 per cent (to 95,000). Between 2001 and 2006, Montreal's population grew by 2.3 per cent, Laval's by 7.5 per cent, Terrebonne's by 18 per cent.

In Montreal, the boroughs that lost the most residents between 2001 and 2006 were the Plateau Mont Royal, Outremont, Rosemont-La Petite Patrie and Villeray-St. Michel-Park Extension. The boroughs that gained the most: Verdun, Pierrefonds-Roxboro, Anjou and St. Laurent.

Commuting: Just under half of Montrealers drive to work, the lowest proportion of any Quebec city. Thirty-five per cent of Montreal residents use public transit and 12 per cent either bike or walk to work, the highest level in Quebec.

Commuting to work

Workers coming from (number) Montreal residents working in (number)

Laval (74,885) Laval (18,640)

Longueuil (39,485) Dorval (16,140)

Repentigny (17,150) Pointe Claire (10,325)

Terrebonne (16,750) Town of Mount Royal (10,005)

Brossard (16,565) Longueuil (8,845)

*Calculation based on the employed labour force of 15 years and over with a usual place of work.

Immigration (Montreal census metropolitan area)

Immigrants who arrived Immigrants since 1996 and before 1996 non-permanent residents

Total (481,955) Total (300,335)

Italy (13%) China and admin. area (8%)

Haiti (8%) Algeria (7%)

France (5%) France (7%)

Lebanon (5%) Morocco (6%)

Greece (4%) Romania (5%)

Population mobility

Exchanges resulting in gains Exchanges resulting in losses

Quebec (2,370) Laval (-21,990)

Saguenay (census division) (1,085) Vaudreuil-Soulanges (-9,150)

Francheville (725) Longueuil (-8,765)

Sherbrooke (575) Les Moulins (-6,715)

Lac St. Jean East (275) Roussillon (-5,995)

*Calculations based on the place of residence five years before, individuals age 5 and over, 20% sample.

Montreal's Census Metropolitan Area

The 65-and-over segment makes up 14.3% of Quebec's total population.up


Shooting the messenger (notes on religious accomodation in Quebec)
Our series took Quebec's political and journalistic elites by surprise and provoked an outcry just about everywhere
 

There were the hearings. There was the final report. And there was the scoop.

Just before the Victoria Day weekend last May, I got my hands on more than 100 pages of the leaked final draft of the Bouchard-Taylor report into religious accommodations. Deciding to publish it was a no-brainer. It was a public document.

Through our coverage, Quebecers got a jump on the official story. Five days ahead of the report's official release, they saw quite clearly what commissioners Gérard Bouchard and Charles Taylor thought of things the entire province had been debating for months.

What I hadn't counted on was the backlash - against us.

The series took Quebec's political and journalistic elites by surprise that week. It provoked an outcry just about everywhere: in the National Assembly, on open-line talk shows, on 24-hour news channels, in blogs.

People blamed the commissioners for using antiquated vocabulary: "Canadiens français," for example, instead of the more politically correct "Québécois." People objected to the commissioners favouring more English-language training in French schools. They found the commissioners naïve at best and complacent at worst regarding the orthodoxies of Jews and Muslims.

But there was something else. The criticisms hurled at the content of the report were extended to the messenger, The Gazette. Some French-language media outlets floated the opinion that we anglos had twisted the meaning of the "real" report, that we had put too much emphasis on the responsibilities of the francophone majority more than the minorities, that we took pleasure in tearing a strip off "de souche" Quebecers who disapproved of accommodations.

Some said we should simply have waited for the official report to be released before publishing anything at all. One insider - professor Daniel Weinstock, a staunch ally of his mentor Taylor, who'd once taught him at McGill and Oxford - said The Gazette's version of the report was so "extremely distorted" that we must have been the victim of a hoax.

As the author of the articles, I was targeted personally. Invited to talk about my scoop live on RDI en direct, I was introduced by veteran host Simon Durivage this way: "Voilà le coupable!" ("Here's the guilty one!"). On his talk show on Radio-Canada's Première chaîne, Pierre Maisonneuve asked me outright: "What interest do you have in publishing right away ... even before the official version of the report comes out? ... To those who'll say it was an organized leak, how do you respond?" (A few weeks later, it was the hard- liners' turn. Two complaints against me and the paper were filed to the Quebec Press Council by the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal and something called the Ligue québécoise contre la francophobie canadienne. Their charges were taken up in many nationalist blogs.) It took a while for the tone to shift.

When the report was finally released, we were vindicated: the passages we had cited were reproduced word for word in the final document. It was there in black and white: There had been no Gazette spin. In the trade magazine Le Trente, Jean-François Parent wondered aloud why this newspaper had to "defend itself for publishing an exclusive ahead of time and on a matter of public interest, all the while exercising its journalistic judgment, as the end result demonstrated." In Le Devoir, political columnist Michel David wrote that his newspaper "would have summed up the report in the same way. ... The Gazette invented nothing." And André Pratte, who runs the editorial pages of La Presse, invited readers of his blog not to shoot the messenger: "You can agree or disagree with the approach proposed by Mr. Bouchard and Mr. Taylor. Either way, you should take it up with them, not The Gazette." Many months later, my controversial scoop was nominated for the Quebec Journalism Federation's Judith-Jasmin Prize, the craft's highest honour in this province. I didn't win, but being in the top three was recognition enough. Bottom line? We got it right, and that's all that counts.

- - -

What the report said

The Bouchard-Taylor report was 307 pages long, went by the title Building the Future: A Time for Reconciliation, and contained 37 recommendations. Among them: The crucifix should be removed from the National Assembly, Muslim students should be allowed to keep wearing the head scarf in school; and city councils should be barred from reciting the Lord's Prayer at their meetings. But it also said it would be "absurd" to take down the cross on Mount Royal or remove any from the facades of old buildings long converted to secular use. By the same token, religious groups should refrain from making unreasonable demands for special treatment; for example, a female patient shouldn't be allowed to refuse care from a male doctor just because he is male, and parents shouldn't have a right to demand that boys and girls be segregated at a public swimming pool. There were other recommendations, too: Judges and cops should not be allowed to wear religious symbols; the government should produce "a multidenominational calendar" of religious holidays; and it should also "step up measures" to recognize skills and diplomas of immigrant workers, boost funding for immigrant women trying to make ends meet, and adopt a new policy of two "basic texts" that define "an open secular state" and "typically Quebec-style interculturalism." The report also emphasizes that French should be better taught in schools as well as in special classes for new immigrants - and so, too, should English.

What has happened since

The Charest government's first response was symbolic: It immediately brought a motion, adopted unanimously by all parties, not to remove the crucifix from the National Assembly, saying it represented Quebecers' "attachment to our religious and historic heritage." The motion also reaffirmed the promotion of the French language, "the history, culture and values of the Quebec nation in a spirit of openness and reciprocity" - words from the report itself. There have been substantial developments since then. In October, Quebec's human-rights commission launched a toll-free advice line on accommodation for employers and administrators. Shortly before the government called an election, Immigration Minister Yolande James announced other measures. Among them: Funding will be boosted to groups that support immigrants and promote interculturalism or diversity; immigrants will get free French courses before they leave their home country and, once here, will get a free seminar on adapting to life in Quebec; immigrants who are having trouble finding work will get more help; and there will be a new publicity campaign attacking racism and discrimination and educating employers about the importance of hiring immigrants. But the most controversial wasn't the commission's idea at all; it was the government's. Starting in January, James said, immigrants applying to come to Quebec will first have to sign a declaration that they respect certain "common values" of Quebec society, including the primacy of French, the equal rights of men and woman, and the separation of church and state.up