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The Parti Québécois is urging the Quebec government to use the Constitutions notwithstanding clause to limit access to private English schools after the Supreme Court quashed part of the provinces language legislation.
Bill 104 had closed a loophole allowing children not eligible for the English-language public school system to gain access by first spending time in a private English school.
But last month, the loophole was reopened when the countrys highest court ordered Quebec to review and rewrite the law within a year and to review the parents' requests to send their children to English-language schools.
Students can only gain access to English public schools if their parents have received most of their education in Canadian English schools.
PQ culture critic Pierre Curzi said the best response to the quandary presented by the court is to restrict access to English private schools as well.
"It seems to be the only logical solution to the problem," Curzi said during a news conference Friday at the national assembly.
Bill 101, which became Quebecs main language law, should have gone further to block access to English education when it was initially drawn up, but Bill 104 was the solution, Curzi said.
Culture Minister Christine St-Pierre agreed something must be done.
While the ruling may have quashed part of the law, St-Pierre said the judges also recognized Quebecs need to control access to English schools.
"The ruling recognizes that some parents use this as a short cut to get into public schools," she said. "This is what we want to stop."
St-Pierre said the government is looking at its options, including the notwithstanding clause.
Use of the notwithstanding clause, which allows a legislature to declare a particular law beyond the reach of the Charter of Rights and a judicial review, has been controversial.
St-Pierre pointed to the government's use of the clause in 1989 to defend Law 178, which regulates the use of English on signs, was contested before the United Nations Human Rights Committee, she said.up
Quebecers’ attitudes toward immigrants have hardened slightly since 2007, when the Bouchard-Taylor commission started hearings across Quebec on the “reasonable accommodation” of cultural communities.
The survey by Léger Marketing for the Association for Canadian Studies found that 40 per cent of francophones view non-Christian immigrants as a threat to Quebec society, compared with 32 per cent in 2007. Thirty-two per cent of non-francophones said non-Christian immigrants threaten Quebec society, compared with 34 per cent in 2007.
“If you look at opinions at the start of the Bouchard-Taylor commission and 18 months later, basically, they haven’t changed,” said Jack Jedwab, executive director of the non-profit research institute.
“If the hearings were designed to change attitudes, that has not occurred,” he added.
Headed by sociologist Gérard Bouchard and philosopher Charles Taylor, the $3.7-million commission held hearings across Quebec on how far society should go to accommodate religious and cultural minorities. It received 900 briefs and heard from 3,423 participants in 22 regional forums.
Its report, made public one year ago Friday, made 37 recommendations, including abolishing prayers at municipal council meetings; increasing funding for community organizations that work with immigrants and initiatives to promote tolerance; providing language interpreters in health care; encouraging employers to allow time off for religious holidays; studying how to hire more minorities in the public service; and attracting immigrants to remote regions.
Rachad Antonius, a professor of sociology at the Université du Québec à Montréal, said it’s no surprise the commission failed to change Quebecers’ attitudes toward minorities.
“Focusing on cultural differences is the wrong approach,” Antonius said.
Cultural communities need to achieve economic equality by having access to education, social services and job opportunities, he said.
“If there is greater economic integration, that is what is going to change things,” he said.
The poll reveals persistent differences between younger and older Quebecers and between francophones and non-francophones on cultural and religious diversity.
For example, 56 per cent of respondents age 18 to 24 said Muslim girls should be allowed to wear hijabs in public schools, while only 30 per cent of those 55 and over approved of head scarves in school.
Sixty-three per cent of non-francophones said head scarves should be permitted in school compared with 32 per cent of French-speaking respondents.
Only 25 per cent of francophones said Quebec society should try harder to accept minority groups’ customs and traditions while 74 per cent of non-francophones said it should make more of an effort to do so.
The poll also found Quebecers split on an ethics and religion course introduced last year in schools across the province. A coalition of parents and Loyola High School, a private Catholic institution, are challenging the nondenominational course, which they say infringes parents’ rights to instill religious values in their children.
Half of francophones said the course was a good thing while 78 per cent of non-francophones gave it a thumbs up.
When asked their opinion of different religious groups, 88 per cent of French-speakers viewed Catholics favourably, 60 per cent viewed Jews favourably – down 12 percentage points from 2007 – and 40 per cent had a favourable opinion of Muslims (compared with 57 per cent in 2007). Among non-francophones, 92 per cent viewed Catholics with favour, 77 per cent had a positive opinion of Jews and 65 a good opinion of Muslims.
A national poll published this month by Maclean’s Magazine also revealed that many Canadians are biased against religious minorities, particularly in Quebec.
The survey by Angus Reid Strategies reported that 68 per cent of Quebecers view Islam negatively while 52 per cent of Canadians as a whole have a low opinion of the religion.
It found that 36 per cent of Quebecers view Judaism unfavourably, compared with 59 per cent of Ontarians.
The
Léger Marketing survey of 1,003 Quebecers was conducted by
online
questionnaire May 13-16. Results are considered accurate within 3.9
percentage points, 19 times out of 20.up
To attract and retain as many people from abroad as possible to work as doctors, engineers, computer technicians and daycare workers, local development body the Conference régionale des élus de Montréal unveiled its action plan on immigration and integration on Monday.
“Eighty per cent of the immigrants who come to Quebec choose to settle in the Montreal region, and 26 per cent of Montrealers are immigrants,” said CRE president and LaSalle borough mayor Manon Barbe. “The development of our region depends on the integration of immigrants.”
Among the projects announced was a program to retain temporary workers with specialized knowledge by making it easier to attain permanent resident status and doing more to retain university students who study here. At present, 20 per cent of bachelor’s students and 30 per cent of post-graduate students from abroad will stay in Montreal, whereas the number of PhD students in the United States who remain is closer to 60 per cent, said Université du Québec a Montreal vice-rector Guy Berthiaume. The goal is to get an extra 10 per cent of the 20,000 students who study here every year to remain.
Other programs will aid in the recognition of the training candidates obtained in their home countries, a major obstacle for many professionals, be they doctors or welders, who want to live here without having to repeat several years of schooling.
Immigration Minister Yolande James said Quebec is studying the "fastest ways" to get immigrants with specialized training into the market, adding that 55,000 immigrants, 60 per cent of them fluent in French, are expected to be admitted to the province in 2010. “We’re at a time where necessity is pushing everyone to work even harder on this than in the past.”
Brief unpaid internships to create contacts between the private sector and job candidates will be offered, and programs to aid students identified as young leaders in high schools and community groups will also be started.up
Compared with its off-island suburbs, the city of Montreal has an older population, more immigrants and more of its residents use public transit or bike or walk to work.
That's the demographic portrait that emerges from a report made public yesterday by Statistics Canada. Based on the 2006 census, the report also indicates droves of Montrealers continue to flee the island.
Four key areas were studied:
Age: Fifteen per cent of Montrealers are under 15 years old, compared with 21 per cent of residents of Terrebonne, for example, a suburb north of Laval popular with young families.
Montreal also has one of Quebec's oldest populations - 15.2 per cent of Montrealers are over 65; across Quebec, 14.3 per cent of the population is in that age group. Demerged Montreal Island suburbs have the highest proportion of over-65 residents in the Montreal region.
Immigrants: Immigration is the main reason Montreal and Quebec are growing, StatsCan said.
In Montreal, 30.8 per cent of residents were born outside of Canada, by far the biggest proportion of any Quebec city. Across the province, only 11. 5 of residents are foreign-born.
Montreal's biggest sources of immigrants: China, Algeria and France. Before 1996, Italy, Haiti and France were tops.
In Montreal, 59.7 of residents speak French most often at home. Of the rest, 48 per cent speak English; the most popular other languages: Spanish, Italian, Arabic and Chinese, each spoken by between seven and eight per cent of Montrealers.
Immigrants in Montreal are more likely to be university-trained than non-immigrants.
Suburbs: Montreal is growing but at a slow rate.
Montreal's population grew by 5.2 per cent between 1986 and 2006 (to 1.6 million). Over that period, Laval grew by 30 per cent (to 369,000); Terrebonne by 99 per cent (to 95,000). Between 2001 and 2006, Montreal's population grew by 2.3 per cent, Laval's by 7.5 per cent, Terrebonne's by 18 per cent.
In Montreal, the boroughs that lost the most residents between 2001 and 2006 were the Plateau Mont Royal, Outremont, Rosemont-La Petite Patrie and Villeray-St. Michel-Park Extension. The boroughs that gained the most: Verdun, Pierrefonds-Roxboro, Anjou and St. Laurent.
Commuting: Just under half of Montrealers drive to
work, the lowest proportion of any Quebec city. Thirty-five per cent of
Montreal residents use public transit and 12 per cent either bike or
walk to work, the highest level in Quebec.
Commuting to work
Workers coming from (number) Montreal residents working in (number)
Laval (74,885) Laval (18,640)
Longueuil (39,485) Dorval (16,140)
Repentigny (17,150) Pointe Claire (10,325)
Terrebonne (16,750) Town of Mount Royal (10,005)
Brossard (16,565) Longueuil (8,845)
*Calculation based on the employed labour force of 15 years and over with a usual place of work.
Immigration (Montreal census metropolitan area)
Immigrants who arrived Immigrants since 1996 and before 1996 non-permanent residents
Total (481,955) Total (300,335)
Italy (13%) China and admin. area (8%)
Haiti (8%) Algeria (7%)
France (5%) France (7%)
Lebanon (5%) Morocco (6%)
Greece (4%) Romania (5%)
Population mobility
Exchanges resulting in gains Exchanges resulting in losses
Quebec (2,370) Laval (-21,990)
Saguenay (census division) (1,085) Vaudreuil-Soulanges (-9,150)
Francheville (725) Longueuil (-8,765)
Sherbrooke (575) Les Moulins (-6,715)
Lac St. Jean East (275) Roussillon (-5,995)
*Calculations based on the place of residence five years before, individuals age 5 and over, 20% sample.
Montreal's Census Metropolitan Area
The 65-and-over segment makes up 14.3% of Quebec's total population.up
There were the hearings. There was the final report. And there was the scoop.
Just before the Victoria Day weekend last May, I got my hands on more than 100 pages of the leaked final draft of the Bouchard-Taylor report into religious accommodations. Deciding to publish it was a no-brainer. It was a public document.
Through our coverage, Quebecers got a jump on the official story. Five days ahead of the report's official release, they saw quite clearly what commissioners Gérard Bouchard and Charles Taylor thought of things the entire province had been debating for months.
What I hadn't counted on was the backlash - against us.
The series took Quebec's political and journalistic elites by surprise that week. It provoked an outcry just about everywhere: in the National Assembly, on open-line talk shows, on 24-hour news channels, in blogs.
People blamed the commissioners for using antiquated vocabulary: "Canadiens français," for example, instead of the more politically correct "Québécois." People objected to the commissioners favouring more English-language training in French schools. They found the commissioners naïve at best and complacent at worst regarding the orthodoxies of Jews and Muslims.
But there was something else. The criticisms hurled at the content of the report were extended to the messenger, The Gazette. Some French-language media outlets floated the opinion that we anglos had twisted the meaning of the "real" report, that we had put too much emphasis on the responsibilities of the francophone majority more than the minorities, that we took pleasure in tearing a strip off "de souche" Quebecers who disapproved of accommodations.
Some said we should simply have waited for the official report to be released before publishing anything at all. One insider - professor Daniel Weinstock, a staunch ally of his mentor Taylor, who'd once taught him at McGill and Oxford - said The Gazette's version of the report was so "extremely distorted" that we must have been the victim of a hoax.
As the author of the articles, I was targeted personally. Invited to talk about my scoop live on RDI en direct, I was introduced by veteran host Simon Durivage this way: "Voilà le coupable!" ("Here's the guilty one!"). On his talk show on Radio-Canada's Première chaîne, Pierre Maisonneuve asked me outright: "What interest do you have in publishing right away ... even before the official version of the report comes out? ... To those who'll say it was an organized leak, how do you respond?" (A few weeks later, it was the hard- liners' turn. Two complaints against me and the paper were filed to the Quebec Press Council by the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal and something called the Ligue québécoise contre la francophobie canadienne. Their charges were taken up in many nationalist blogs.) It took a while for the tone to shift.
When the report was finally released, we were vindicated: the passages we had cited were reproduced word for word in the final document. It was there in black and white: There had been no Gazette spin. In the trade magazine Le Trente, Jean-François Parent wondered aloud why this newspaper had to "defend itself for publishing an exclusive ahead of time and on a matter of public interest, all the while exercising its journalistic judgment, as the end result demonstrated." In Le Devoir, political columnist Michel David wrote that his newspaper "would have summed up the report in the same way. ... The Gazette invented nothing." And André Pratte, who runs the editorial pages of La Presse, invited readers of his blog not to shoot the messenger: "You can agree or disagree with the approach proposed by Mr. Bouchard and Mr. Taylor. Either way, you should take it up with them, not The Gazette." Many months later, my controversial scoop was nominated for the Quebec Journalism Federation's Judith-Jasmin Prize, the craft's highest honour in this province. I didn't win, but being in the top three was recognition enough. Bottom line? We got it right, and that's all that counts.
- - -
What the report said
The Bouchard-Taylor report was 307 pages long, went by the title Building the Future: A Time for Reconciliation, and contained 37 recommendations. Among them: The crucifix should be removed from the National Assembly, Muslim students should be allowed to keep wearing the head scarf in school; and city councils should be barred from reciting the Lord's Prayer at their meetings. But it also said it would be "absurd" to take down the cross on Mount Royal or remove any from the facades of old buildings long converted to secular use. By the same token, religious groups should refrain from making unreasonable demands for special treatment; for example, a female patient shouldn't be allowed to refuse care from a male doctor just because he is male, and parents shouldn't have a right to demand that boys and girls be segregated at a public swimming pool. There were other recommendations, too: Judges and cops should not be allowed to wear religious symbols; the government should produce "a multidenominational calendar" of religious holidays; and it should also "step up measures" to recognize skills and diplomas of immigrant workers, boost funding for immigrant women trying to make ends meet, and adopt a new policy of two "basic texts" that define "an open secular state" and "typically Quebec-style interculturalism." The report also emphasizes that French should be better taught in schools as well as in special classes for new immigrants - and so, too, should English.
What has happened since
The Charest government's first response was symbolic: It immediately brought a motion, adopted unanimously by all parties, not to remove the crucifix from the National Assembly, saying it represented Quebecers' "attachment to our religious and historic heritage." The motion also reaffirmed the promotion of the French language, "the history, culture and values of the Quebec nation in a spirit of openness and reciprocity" - words from the report itself. There have been substantial developments since then. In October, Quebec's human-rights commission launched a toll-free advice line on accommodation for employers and administrators. Shortly before the government called an election, Immigration Minister Yolande James announced other measures. Among them: Funding will be boosted to groups that support immigrants and promote interculturalism or diversity; immigrants will get free French courses before they leave their home country and, once here, will get a free seminar on adapting to life in Quebec; immigrants who are having trouble finding work will get more help; and there will be a new publicity campaign attacking racism and discrimination and educating employers about the importance of hiring immigrants. But the most controversial wasn't the commission's idea at all; it was the government's. Starting in January, James said, immigrants applying to come to Quebec will first have to sign a declaration that they respect certain "common values" of Quebec society, including the primacy of French, the equal rights of men and woman, and the separation of church and state.up