Closed session, February 24-25, 1956
By Nikita S. Khrushchev
First Secretary, Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Comrades! In the report of the Central Committee of the party at the 20th Congress, in a
number of speeches by delegates to the Congress, as also formerly during the plenary CC/CPSU
[Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union] sessions, quite a lot has been
said about the cult of the individual and about its harmful consequences.
After Stalin's death the
Cental Committee of the party began to implement a policy of explaining concisely and
consistently that it is impermissible and foreign to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism to elevate
one person, to transform him into a superman possessing supernatural characteristics, akin to
those of a god. Such a man supposedly knows everything, sees everything, thinks for everyone,
can do anything, is infallible in his behavior. Such a belief about a man, and specifically about
Stalin, was cultivated among us for many years. The objective of the present report is not a
thorough evaluation of Stalin's life and activity.
Concerning Stalin's merits, an entirely
sufficient number of books, pamphlets and studies had already been written in his lifetime.
The role of Stalin in the preparation and execution of the Socialist Revolution, in the Civil War,
and in the fight for the construction of socialism in our country, is universally known. Everyone
knows this well. At present, we are concerned with a question which has immense importance
for the party now and for the future -- with how the cult of the person of Stalin has been
gradually growing, the cult which became at a certain specific stage the source of a whole
series of exceedingly serious and grave perversions of party principles, of party democracy, of
revolutionary legality.
Because of the fact that not all as yet realize fully the practical
consequences resulting from the cult of the individual, the great harm caused by the violation of
the principle of collective direction of the party and because of the accumulation of immense
and limitless power in the hands of one person, the Central Committee of the party considers it
absolutely necessary to make the material pertaining to this matter available to the 20th
Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Allow me first of ll to remind you how
severely the classics of Marxism-Leninism denounced every manifestation of the cult of the
individual.
In a letter to the German political worker, Wilhelm Bloss, Marx stated: "From my antipathy to
any cult of the individual, I never made public during the existence of the International the
numerous addresses from various countries which recognized my merits and which annoyed
me. I did not even reply to them, except sometimes to rebuke their authors. Engels and I first
joined the secret society of Communists on the condition that everything making for
superstitious worship of authority would be deleted from its statute.
Lassalle subsequently did
quite the opposite." Sometime later Engels wrote: "Both Marx and I have always been against
any public manifestation with regard to individuals, with the exception of cases when it had an
important purpose; and we most strongly opposed such manifestations which during our
lifetime concerned us personally."
The great modesty of the genius of the Revolution, Vladimir
Ilyich Lenin, is known. Lenin had always stressed the role of the people as the creator of
history, the directing and organizational role of the party as a living and creative organism, and
also the role of the Central Committee. Marxism does not negate the role of the leaders of the
working class in directing the revolutionary liberation movement.
While ascribing great
importance to the role of the leaders and organizers of the masses, Lenin at the same time
mercilessly stigmatized every manifestation of the cult of the individual, inexorably combated
the foreign-to-Marxism views about a "hero" and a "crowd," and countered all efforts to oppose
a "hero" to the masses and to the people.
Lenin taught that the party's strength depends on its indissoluble unity with the masses, on the
fact that behind the party follows the people -- workers, peasants and intelligentsia. "Only he
will win and retain the power," said Lenin, "who believes in the people, who submerges himself
in the fountain of the living creativeness of the people." Lenin spoke with pride about the
Bolshevik Communist party as the leader and teacher of the people: he called for the
presentation of all the most important questions before the opinion of knowledgeable workers,
before the opinion of their party; he said: "We believe in it, we see in it the wisdom, the honor,
and the conscience of our epoch."
Lenin resolutely stood against every attempt aimed at
belittling or weakening the directing role of the party in the structure of the Soviet state. He
worked out Bolshevik principles of party direction and norms of party life, stressing that the
guiding principle of party leadership is its collegiality. Already during the pre-Revolutionary
years, Lenin called the Central Committee of the party a collective of leaders and the guardian
and interpreter of party principles.
"During the period between congresses," pointed out Lenin,
"the Central Committee guards and interprets the principles of the party." Underlining the role
of the Central Committee of the party and its authority, Vladimir Ilyich pointed out: "Our
Central Committee constituted itself as a closely centralized and highly authoritative group."
During Lenin's life the Central Committee of the party was a real expression of collective
leadership of the party and of the nation.
Being a militant Marxist-revolutionist, always
unyielding in matters of principle, Lenin never imposed by force his views upon his co-workers.
He tried to convince; he patiently explained his opinions to others. Lenin always diligently
observed that the norms of party life were realized, that the party statute was enforced, that the
party congresses and the plenary sessions of the Central Committee took place at the proper
intervals.
In addition to the great accomplishments of V. I. Lenin for the victory of the working
class and of the working peasants, for the victory of our party and for the application of
the ideas of scientific Communism to life, his acute mind expressed itself also in this --
that he detected in Stalin in time those negative characteristics which resulted later in
grave consequences. Fearing the future fate of the party and of the Soviet nation, V. I.
Lenin made a completely correct characterization of Stalin, pointing out that it was
necessary to consider the question of transferring Stalin from the position of the
Secretary General because of the fact that Stalin is excessively rude, that he does not
have a proper attitude toward his comrades, that he is capricious and abuses his power.
In December 1922, in a letter to the Party Congress1, Vladimir Ilyich wrote: "After
taking over the position of Secretary General, Comrade Stalin accumulated in his hands
immeasurable power and I am not certain whether he will be always able to use this
power with the required care." This letter -- a political document of tremendous
importance, known in the party history as Lenin's "testament" -- was distributed among
the delegates to the 20th Party Congress. You have read it and will undoubtedly read it
again more than once.
You might reflect on Lenin's plain words, in which expression is
given to Vladimir Ilyich's anxiety concerning the party, the people, the state, and the
future direction of party policy.
Vladimir Ilyich said:"Stalin is excessively rude, and this defect, which can be freely tolerated in
our midst and in contacts among us Communists, becomes a defect which cannot be tolerated
in one holding the position of the Secretary General. Because of this, I propose that the
comrades consider the method by which Stalin would be removed from this position and by
which another man would be selected for it, a man who, above all, would differ from Stalin in
only one quality, namely, greater tolerance, greater loyalty, greater kindness and more
considerate attitude toward the comrades, a less capricious temper, etc."
This document of Lenin's was made known to the delegates at the 13th Party Congress. who
discussed the question of transferring Stalin from the position of Secretary General. The
delegates declared themselves in favor of retaining Stalin in this post, hoping that he would
heed the critical remarks of Vladimir Ilyich and would be able to overcome the defects which
caused Lenin serious anxiety. Comrades! The Party Congress should become acquainted with
two new documents, which confirm Stalin's character as already outlined by Vladimir Ilyich
Lenin in his "testament."
These documents are a letter from Nadezhda Konstantinovna
Krupskaya to [Leo B.] Kamenev, who was at that time head of the Political Bureau, and a
personal letter from Vladimir Ilyich Lenin to Stalin.
I will now read these documents:
"LEV BORISOVICH!
"Because of a short letter which I had written in words dictated to me by Vladimir Ilyich
by permission of the doctors, Stalin allowed himself yesterday an unusually rude
outburst directed at me. This is not my first day in the party. During all these 30 years I
have never heard from any comrade one word of rudeness. The business of the party and
of Ilyich are not less dear to me than to Stalin. I need at present the maximum of
self-control. What one can and what one cannot discuss with Ilyich I know better than
any doctor, because I know what makes him nervous and what does not, in any case I
know better than Stalin. I am turning to you and to Grigory [E. Zinoviev] as much closer
comrades of V. I. and I beg you to protect me from rude interference with my private
life and from vile invectives and threats. I have no doubt as to what will be the
unanimous decision of the Control Commission, with which Stalin sees fit to threaten
me; however, I have neither the strength nor the time to waste on this foolish quarrel.
And I am a living person and my nerves are strained to the utmost.
“N. KRUPSKAYA"
Nadezhda Konstantinovna wrote this letter on December 23, 1922. After two and a half
months, in March 1923, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin sent Stalin the following letter:
"TO COMRADE STALIN:
"COPIES FOR: KAMENEV AND ZINOVIEV.
"Dear Comrade Stalin!
"You permitted yourself a rude summons of my wife to the telephone and a rude
reprimand of her. Despite the fact that she told you that she agreed to forget what was
said, nevertheless Zinoviev and Kamenev heard about it from her. I have no intention to
forget so easily that which is being done against me; and I need not stress here that I
consider as directed against me that which is being done against my wife. I ask you,
therefore, that you weigh carefully whether you are agreeable to retracting your words
and apologizing or whether you prefer the severance of relations between us."
SINCERELY: LENIN"MARCH 5, 1923"
Comrades! I will not comment on these documents. They speak eloquently for themselves.
Since Stalin could behave in this manner during Lenin's life, could thus behave toward
Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya -- whom the party knows well and values highly as a
loyal friend of Lenin and as an active fighter for the cause of the party since its creation -- we
can easily imagine how Stalin treated other people. These negative characteristics of his
developed steadily and during the last years acquired an absolutely insufferable character.
As later events have proven, Lenin's anxiety was justified: In the first period after Lenin's death,
Stalin still paid attention to his advice, but later he began to disregard the serious admonitions
of Vladimir Ilyich.
When we analyze the practice of Stalin in regard to the direction of the party and of the country,
when we pause to consider everything which Stalin perpetrated, we must be convinced that
Lenin's fears were justified. The negative characteristics of Stalin, which, in Lenin's time, were
only incipient, transformed themselves during the last years into a grave abuse of power by
Stalin, which caused untold harm to our party.
We have to consider seriously and analyze correctly this matter in order that we may preclude
any possibility of a repetition in any form whatever of what took place during the life of Stalin,
who absolutely did not tolerate collegiality in leadership and in work, and who practiced brutal
violence, not only toward everything which opposed him, but also toward that which seemed, to
his capricious and despotic character, contrary to his concepts.
Stalin acted not through persuasion, explanation and patient cooperation with people, but by
imposing his concepts and demanding absolute submission to his opinion. Whoever opposed
this concept or tried to prove his viewpoint and the correctness of his position was doomed to
removal from the leading collective and to subsequent moral and physical annihilation. This
was especially true during the period following the 17th Party Congress, when many prominent
party leaders and rank-and-file party workers, honest and dedicated to the cause of
Communism, fell victim to Stalin's despotism.
We must affirm that the party had fought a serious fight against the Trotskyites, rightists and
bourgeois nationalists, and that it disarmed ideologically all the enemies of Leninism. This
ideological fight was carried on successfully, as a result of which the party became
strengthened and tempered. Here Stalin played a positive role.
The party led a great political-ideological struggle against those in its own ranks who proposed
anti-Leninist theses, who represented a political line hostile to the party and to the cause of
socialism. This was a stubborn and a difficult fight but a necessary one, because the political
line of both the Trotskyite-Zinovievite bloc and of the Bukharinites led actually toward the
restoration of capitalism and capitulation to the world bourgeoisie.
Let us consider for a
moment what would have happened if in 1928-1929 the political line of right deviation had
prevailed among us, or orientation toward "cotton-dress industrialization," or toward the kulak,
etc. We would not now have a powerful heavy industry, we would not have the kolkhozes, we
would find ourselves disarmed and weak in a capitalist encirclement.
It was for this reason that the party led an inexorable ideological fight and explained to all party
members and to the non-party masses the harm and the danger of the anti-Leninist proposals of
the Trotskyite opposition and the rightist opportunists. And this great work of explaining the
party line bore fruit; both the Trotskyites and the rightist opportunists were politically isolated;
the overwhelming party majority supported the Leninist line and the party was able to awaken
and organize the working masses to apply the Leninist party line and to build socialism.
Worth noting is the fact that, even during the progress of the furious ideological fight against
the Trotskyites, the Zinovievites, the Bukharinites and others, extreme repressive measures
were not used against them. The fight was on ideological grounds. But some years later, when
socialism in our country was fundamentally constructed, when the exploiting classes were
generally liquidated, when the Soviet social structure had radically changed, when the social
basis for political movements and groups hostile to the party had violently contracted, when the
ideological opponents of the party were long since defeated politically -- then the repression
directed against them began.
It was precisely during this period (1935-1937-1938) that the
practice of mass repression through the Government apparatus was born, first against the
enemies of Leninism -- Trotskyites, Zinovievites, Bukharinites, long since politically defeated
by the party -- and subsequently also against many honest Communists, against those party
cadres who had borne the heavy load of the Civil War and the first and most difficult years of
industrialization and collectivization, who actively fought against the Trotskyites and the
rightists for the Leninist party line.
Stalin originated the concept "enemy of the people." This term automatically rendered it
unnecessary that the ideological errors of a man or men engaged in a controversy be proven;
this term made possible the usage of the most cruel repression, violating all norms of
revolutionary legality, against anyone who in any way disagreed with Stalin, against those who
were only suspected of hostile intent, against those who had bad reputations. This concept
"enemy of the people" actually eliminated the possibility of any kind of ideological fight or the
making of one's views known on this or that issue, even those of a practical character. In the
main, and in actuality, the only proof of guilt used, against all norms of current legal science,
was the "confession" of the accused himself; and, as subsequent probing proved, "confessions"
were acquired through physical pressures against the accused.
This led to glaring violations of
revolutionary legality and to the fact that many entirely innocent persons, who in the past had
defended the party line, became victims.
We must assert that, in regard to those persons who in their time had opposed the party line,
there were often no sufficiently serious reasons for their physical annihilation. The formula
"enemy of the people" was specifically introduced for the purpose of physically annihilating
such individuals.
It is a fact that many persons who were later annihilated as enemies of the party and people had
worked with Lenin during his life. Some of these persons had made errors during Lenin's life,
but, despite this, Lenin benefited by their work; he corrected them and he did everything
possible to retain them in the ranks of the party; he induced them to follow him.
In this connection the delegates to the Party Congress should familiarize themselves with an
unpublished note by V. I. Lenin directed to the Central Committee's Political Bureau in October
1920. Outlining the duties of the Control Commission, Lenin wrote that the commission should
be transformed into a real "organ of party and proletarian conscience."
"As a special duty of the Control Commission there is recommended a deep,
individualized relationship with, and sometimes even a type of therapy for, the
representatives of the so-called opposition -- those who have experienced a
psychological crisis because of failure in their Soviet or party career. An effort should
be made to quiet them, to explain the matter to them in a way used among comrades, to
find for them (avoiding the method of issuing orders) a task for which they are
psychologically fitted. Advice and rules relating to this matter are to be formulated by
the Central Committee's Organizational Bureau, etc."
Everyone knows how irreconcilable Lenin was with the ideological enemies of Marxism, with
those who deviated from the correct party line. At the same time, however, Lenin, as is evident
from the given document, in his practice of directing the party demanded the most intimate
party contact with people who had shown indecision or temporary non-conformity with the
party line, but whom it was possible to return to the party path. Lenin advised that such people
should be patiently educated without the application of extreme methods.
Lenin's wisdom in dealing with people was evident in his work with cadres.
An entirely different relationship with people characterized Stalin. Lenin's traits -- patient work
with people, stubborn and painstaking education of them, the ability to induce people to follow
him without using compulsion, but rather through the ideological influence on them of the
whole collective -- were entirely foreign to Stalin. He discarded the Leninist method of
convincing and educating, he abandoned the method of ideological struggle for that of
administrative violence, mass repressions and terror. He acted on an increasingly larger scale
and more stubbornly through punitive organs, at the same time often violating all existing
norms of morality and of Soviet laws.
Arbitrary behavior by one person encouraged and permitted arbitrariness in others. Mass arrests
and deportations of many thousands of people, execution without trial and without normal
investigation created conditions of insecurity, fear and even desperation.
This, of course, did not contribute toward unity of the party ranks and of all strata of working
people, but, on the contrary, brought about annihilation and the expulsion from the party of
workers who were loyal but inconvenient to Stalin.
Our party fought for the implementation of Lenin's plans for the construction of socialism. This
was an ideological fight. Had Leninist principles been observed during the course of this fight,
had the party's devotion to principles been skillfully combined with a keen and solicitous
concern for people, had they not been repelled and wasted but rather drawn to our side, we
certainly would not have had such a brutal violation of revolutionary legality and many
thousands of people would not have fallen victim to the method of terror.
Extraordinary
methods would then have been resorted to only against those people who had in fact committed
criminal acts against the Soviet system.
Let us recall some historical facts.
In the days before the October Revolution, two members of the Central Committee of the
Bolshevik party -- Kamenev and Zinoviev -- declared themselves against Lenin's plan for an
armed uprising.4 In addition, on October 18 they published in Menshevik newspaper, Novaya
Zhizn, a statement declaring that the Bolsheviks were making preparations for an uprising and
that they considered it adventuristic. Kamenev and Zinoviev thus disclosed to the enemy the
decision of the Central Committee to stage the uprising, and that the uprising had been
organized to take place within the very near future.
This was treason against the party and against the Revolution.
In this connection, V. I. Lenin
wrote: "Kamenev and Zinoviev revealed the decision of the Central Committee of their party on
the armed uprising to Rodzyanko5 and Kerensky6 ..." He put before the Central Committee the
question of Zinoviev's and Kamenev's expulsion from the party.
However, after the Great Socialist October Revolution, as is known, Zinoviev and Kamenev
were given leading positions. Lenin put them in positions in which they carried out most
responsible party tasks and participated actively in the work of the leading party and Soviet
organs. It is known that Zinoviev and Kamenev committed a number of other serious errors
during Lenin's life. In his "testament" Lenin warned that "Zinoviev's and Kamenev's October
episode was of course not an accident." But Lenin did not pose the question of their arrest and
certainly not their shooting.
Or, let us take the example of the Trotskyites. At present, after a sufficiently long historical
period, we can speak about the fight with the Trotskyites with complete calm and can analyze
this matter with sufficient objectivity. After all, around Trotsky were people whose origin
cannot by any means be traced to bourgeois society. Part of them belonged to the party
intelligentsia and a certain part were recruited from among the workers. We can name many
individuals who, in their time, joined the Trotskyites; however, these same individuals took an
active part in the workers' movement before the Revolution, during the Socialist October
Revolution itself, and also in the consolidation of the victory of this greatest of revolutions.
Many of them broke with Trotskyism and returned to Leninist positions. Was it necessary to
annihilate such people? We are deeply convinced that, had Lenin lived, such an extreme
method would not have been used against any of them.
Such are only a few historical facts. But can it be said that Lenin did not decide to use even the
most severe means against enemies of the Revolution when this was actually necessary? No; no
one can say this.
Vladimir Ilyich demanded uncompromising dealings with the enemies of the
Revolution and of the working class and when necessary resorted ruthlessly to such methods.
You will recall only V. I. Lenin's fight with the Socialist Revolutionary organizers of the
anti-Soviet uprising7, with the counterrevolutionary kulaks in 1918 and with others, when
Lenin without hesitation used the most extreme methods against the enemies. Lenin used such
methods, however, only against actual class enemies and not against those who blunder, who
err, and whom it was possible to lead through ideological influence and even retain in the
leadership. Lenin used severe methods only in the most necessary cases, when the exploiting
classes were still in existence and were vigorously opposing the Revolution, when the struggle
for survival was decidedly assuming the sharpest forms, even including a civil war.
Stalin, on the other hand, used extreme methods and mass repressions at a time when the
Revolution was already victorious, when the Soviet state was strengthened, when the exploiting
classes were already liquidated and socialist relations were rooted solidly in all phases of
national economy, when our party was politically consolidated and had strengthened itself both
numerically and ideologically.
It is clear that here Stalin showed in a whole series of cases his intolerance, his brutality and his
abuse of power. Instead of proving his political correctness and mobilizing the masses, he often
chose the path of repression and physical annihilation, not only against actual enemies, but also
against individuals who had not committed any crimes against the party and the Soviet
Government. Here we see no wisdom but only a demonstration of the brutal force which had
once so alarmed V. I. Lenin.
Lately, especially after the unmasking of the Beria gang, the Central Committee looked into a
series of matters fabricated by this gang8. This revealed a very ugly picture of brutal willfulness
connected with the incorrect behavior of Stalin. As facts prove, Stalin, using his unlimited
power, allowed himself many abuses, acting in the name of the Central Committee, not asking
for the opinion of the Committee members nor even of the members of the Central Committee's
Political Bureau; often he did not inform them about his personal decisions concerning very
important party and government matters.
Considering the question of the cult of an individual, we must first of all show everyone what
harm this caused to the interests of our party.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin had always stressed the party's role and significance in the direction of
the socialist government of workers and peasants; he saw in this the chief precondition for a
successful building of socialism in our country. Pointing to the great responsibility of the
Bolshevik party, as ruling party of the Soviet state, Lenin called for the most meticulous
observance of all norms of party life; he called for the realization of the principles of
collegiality in the direction of the party and the state.
Collegiality of leadership flows from the very nature of our party, a party built on the principles
of democratic centralism. "This means," said Lenin, "that all party matters are accomplished by
all party members -- directly or through representatives -- who, without any exceptions, are
subject to the same rules; in addition, all administrative members, all directing collegia, all
holders of party positions are elective, they must account for their activities and are recallable."
It is known that Lenin himself offered an example of the most careful observance of these
principles. There was no matter so important that Lenin himself decided it without asking for
advice and approval of the majority of the Central Committee members or of the members of
the Central Committee's Political Bureau.
In the most difficult period for our party and our
country, Lenin considered it necessary regularly to convoke congresses, party conferences and
plenary sessions of the Central Committee at which all the most important questions were
discussed and where resolutions, carefully worked out by the collective of leaders, were
approved.
We can recall, for an example, the year 1918 when the country was threatened by the attack of
the imperialistic interventionists. In this situation the 7th Party Congress was convened in order
to discuss a vitally important matter which could not be postponed -- the matter of peace.
In
1919, while the civil war was raging, the 8th Party Congress convened which adopted a new
party program, decided such important matters as the relationship with the peasant masses, the
organization of the Red Army, the leading role of the party in the work of the soviets, the
correction of the social composition of the party, and other matters. In 1920 the 9th Party
Congress was convened which laid down guiding principles pertaining to the party's work in the
sphere of economic construction. In 1921 the 10th Party Congress accepted Lenin's New
Economic Policy and the historical resolution called "About Party Unity."
During Lenin's life, party congresses were convened regularly; always, when a radical turn in
the development of the party and the country took place, Lenin considered it absolutely
necessary that the party discuss at length all the basic matters pertaining to internal and foreign
policy and to questions bearing on the development of party and government.
It is very characteristic that Lenin addressed to the Party Congress as the highest party organ his
last articles, letters and remarks9. During the period between congresses, the Central
Committee of the party, acting as the most authoritative leading collective, meticulously
observed the principles of the party and carried out its policy.
So it was during Lenin's life. Were our party's holy Leninist principles observed after the death
of Vladimir Ilyich?
Whereas, during the first few years after Lenin's death, party congresses and Central Committee
plenums took place more or less regularly, later, when Stalin began increasingly to abuse his
power, these principles were brutally violated. This was especially evident during the last 15
years of his life. Was it a normal situation when over 13 years elapsed between the 18th and
19th Party Congresses, years during which our party and our country had experienced so many
important events?
These events demanded categorically that the party should have passed
resolutions pertaining to the country's defense during the Patriotic War [World War II] and to
peacetime construction after the war. Even after the end of the war a Congress was not
convened for over seven years. Central Committee plenums were hardly ever called. It should
be sufficient to mention that during all the years of the Patriotic War not a single Central
Committee plenum took place.10 It is true that there was an attempt to call a Central
Committee plenum in October 1941, when Central Committee members from the whole
country were called to Moscow.
They waited two days for the opening of the plenum, but in
vain. Stalin did not even want to meet and talk to the Central Committee members. This fact
shows how demoralized Stalin was in the first months of the war and how haughtily and
disdainfully he treated the Central Committee members.
In practice, Stalin ignored the norms of party life and trampled on the Leninist principle of
collective party leadership.
Stalin's willfulness vis-à-vis the party and its Central Committee became fully evident after the
17th Party Congress which took place in 1934.
Having at its disposal numerous data showing brutal willfulness toward party cadres, the
Central Committee has created a party commission under the control of the Central Committee
Presidium; it was charged with investigating what made possible the mass repressions against
the majority of the Central Committee members and candidates elected at the 17th Congress of
the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
The commission has become acquainted with a large quantity of materials in the NKVD
archives and with other documents and has established many facts pertaining to the fabrication
of cases against Communists, to false accusations, to glaring abuses of socialist legality, which
resulted in the death of innocent people. It became apparent that many party, Soviet and
economic activists, who were branded in 1937-1938 as "enemies," were actually never enemies,
spies, wreckers, etc., but were always honest Communists; they were only so stigmatized and,
often, no longer able to bear barbaric tortures, they charged themselves (at the order of the
investigative judges -- falsifiers) with all kinds of grave and unlikely crimes.
The commission has presented to the Central Committee Presidium lengthy and documented
materials pertaining to mass repressions against the delegates to the 17th Party Congress and
against members of the Central Committee elected at that Congress. These materials have been
studied by the Presidium of the Central Committee.
It was determined that of the 139 members and candidates of the party's Central Committee
who were elected at the 17th Congress, 98 persons, i.e., 70 per cent, were arrested and shot
(mostly in 1937-1938). (Indignation in the hall.) What was the composition of the delegates to
the 17th Congress? It is known that 80 per cent of the voting participants of the 17th Congress
joined the party during the years of conspiracy before the Revolution and during the civil war;
this means before 1921.
By social origin the basic mass of the delegates to the Congress were
workers (60 per cent of the voting members).
For this reason, it was inconceivable that a congress so composed would have elected a Central
Committee a majority of whom would prove to be enemies of the party. The only reason why
70 per cent of Central Committee members and candidates elected at the 17th Congress were
branded as enemies of the party and of the people was because honest Communists were
slandered, accusations against them were fabricated, and revolutionary legality was gravely
undermined.
The same fate met not only the Central Committee members but also the majority of the
delegates to the 17th Party Congress. Of 1,966 delegates with either voting or advisory rights,
1,108 persons were arrested on charges of anti-revolutionary crimes, i.e., decidedly more than a
majority. This very fact shows how absurd, wild and contrary to common sense were the
charges of counterrevolutionary crimes made out, as we now see, against a majority of
participants at the 17th Party Congress.
We should recall that the 17th Party Congress is historically known as the Congress of Victors.
Delegates to the Congress were active participants in the building of our socialist state; many of
them suffered and fought for party interests during the pre-Revolutionary years in the
conspiracy and at the civil-war fronts; they fought their enemies valiantly and often nervelessly
looked into the face of death.
How, then, can we believe that such people could prove to be "two-faced" and had joined the
camps of the enemies of socialism during the era after the political liquidation of Zinovievites,
Trotskyites and rightists and after the great accomplishments of socialist construction? This was
the result of the abuse of power by Stalin, who began to use mass terror against the party
cadres.
What is the reason that mass repressions against activists increased more and more after the
17th Party Congress? It was because at that time Stalin had so elevated himself above the party
and above the nation that he ceased to consider either the Central Committee or the party.
While he still reckoned with the opinion of the collective before the 17th Congress, after the
complete political liquidation of the Trotskyites, Zinovievites and Bukharinites, when as a
result of that fight and socialist victories the party achieved unity, Stalin ceased to an ever
greater degree to consider the members of the party's Central Committee and even the members
of the Political Bureau. Stalin thought that now he could decide all things alone and all he
needed were statisticians; he treated all others in such a way that they could only listen to and
praise him.
After the criminal murder of Sergei M. Kirov, mass repressions and brutal acts of
violation of socialist legality began. On the evening of December 1, 1934 on Stalin's
initiative (without the approval of the Political Bureau -- which was passed two days
later, casually), the Secretary of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee,
Yenukidze11, signed the following directive:
"1. Investigative agencies are directed to speed up the cases of those accused of the
preparation or execution of acts of terror.
2. Judicial organs are directed not to hold up the execution of death sentences pertaining
to crimes of this category in order to consider the possibility of pardon, because the
Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR does not consider as
possible the receiving of petitions of this sort.
3. The organs of the Commissariat of Internal Affairs are directed to execute the death
sentences against criminals of the above-mentioned category immediately after the
passage of sentences."
This directive became the basis for mass acts of abuse against socialist legality. During many of
the fabricated court cases, the accused were charged with "the preparation" of terroristic acts;
this deprived them of any possibility that their cases might be re-examined, even when they
stated before the court that their "confessions" were secured by force, and when, in a
convincing manner, they disproved the accusations against them.
It must be asserted that to this day the circumstances surrounding Kirov's murder hide many
things which are inexplicable and mysterious and demand a most careful examination. There
are reasons for the suspicion that the killer of Kirov, Nikolayev12, was assisted by someone
from among the people whose duty it was to protect the person of Kirov.
A month and a half before the killing, Nikolayev was arrested on the grounds of suspicious
behavior but he was released and not even searched. It is an unusually suspicious circumstance
that when the Chekist assigned to protect Kirov was being brought for an interrogation, on
December 2, 1934, he was killed in a car "accident" in which no other occupants of the car
were harmed.l3 After the murder of Kirov, top functionaries of the Leningrad NKVD were
given very light sentences, but in 1937 they were shot. We can assume that they were shot in
order to cover the traces of the organizers of Kirov's killing.
Mass repressions grew tremendously from the end of 1936 after a telegram from Stalin and
[Andrei] Zhdanov, dated from Sochi on September 25, 1936, was addressed to Kaganovich,
Molotov and other members of the Political Bureau. The content of the telegram was as
follows:
"We deem it absolutely necessary and urgent that Comrade Yezhov be nominated to the
post of People's Commissar for Internal Affairs. Yagoda has definitely proved himself to
be incapable of unmasking the Trotskyite-Zinovievite bloc. The OGPU is four years
behind in this matter. This is noted by all party workers and by the majority of the
representatives of the NKVD."
Strictly speaking, we should stress that Stalin did not meet with and, therefore, could not know
the opinion of party workers.
This Stalinist formulation that the "NKVD is four years behind" in applying mass repression
and that there is a necessity for "catching up" with the neglected work directly pushed the
NKVD workers on the path of mass arrests and executions.
We should state that this formulation was also forced on the February-March plenary session of
the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in 1937. The plenary
resolution approved it on the basis of Yezhov's report, "Lessons flowing from the harmful
activity, diversion and espionage of the Japanese-German-Trotskyite agents," stating:
"The plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)
considers that all facts revealed during the investigation into the matter of an anti-Soviet
Trotskyite center and of its followers in the provinces show that the People's
Commissariat of Internal Affairs has fallen behind at least four years in the attempt to
unmask these most inexorable enemies of the people.l6
The mass repressions at this time were made under the slogan of a fight against the Trotskyites.
Did the Trotskyites at this time actually constitute such a danger to our party and to the Soviet
state? We should recall that in 1927, on the eve of the 15th Party Congress, only some 4,000
votes were cast for the Trotskyite-Zinovievite opposition while there were 724,000 for the party
line. During the 10 years which passed between the 15th Party Congress and the
February-March Central Committee plenum, Trotskyism was completely disarmed; many
former Trotskyites had changed their former views and worked in the various sectors building
socialism.
It is clear that in the situation of socialist victory there was no basis for mass terror in
the country.
Stalin's report at the February-March Central Committee plenum in 1937, "Deficiencies of party
work and methods for the liquidation of the Trotskyites and of other two-facers," contained an
attempt at theoretical justification of the mass terror policy under the pretext that as we march
forward toward socialism class war must allegedly sharpen. Stalin asserted that both history and
Lenin taught him this.
Actually Lenin taught that the application of revolutionary violence is necessitated by the
resistance of the exploiting classes, and this referred to the era when the exploiting classes
existed and were powerful. As soon as the nation's political situation had improved, when in
January 1920 the Red Army took Rostov and thus won a most important victory over [White
commander Anton] Denikin, Lenin instructed [Cheka chief Felix] Dzerzhinsky to stop mass
terror and to abolish the death penalty. Lenin justified this important political move of the
Soviet state in the following manner in his report at the session of the All-Union Central
Executive Committee on February 2, 1920:
"We were forced to use terror because of the terror practiced by the Entente, when
strong world powers threw their hordes against us, not avoiding any type of conduct. We
would not have lasted two days had we not answered these attempts of officers and
White Guardists in a merciless fashion; this meant the use of terror, but this was forced
upon us by the terrorist methods of the Entente.
"But as soon as we attained a decisive victory, even before the end of the war,
immediately after taking Rostov, we gave up the use of the death penalty and thus
proved that we intend to execute our own program in the manner that we promised. We
say that the application of violence flows out of the decision to smother the exploiters,
the big landowners and the capitalists; as soon as this was accomplished we gave up the
use of all extraordinary methods. We have proved this in practice."
Stalin deviated from these clear and plain precepts of Lenin. Stalin put the party and the NKVD
up to the use of mass terror when the exploiting classes had been liquidated in our country and
when there were no serious reasons for the use of extraordinary mass terror.
This terror was actually directed not at the remnants of the defeated exploiting classes but
against the honest workers of the party and of the Soviet state; against them were made lying,
slanderous and absurd accusations concerning "two-facedness," "espionage," "sabotage,"
preparation of fictitious "plots," etc.
At the February-March Central Committee plenum in 1937 many members actually questioned
the rightness of the established course regarding mass repressions under the pretext of
combating "two-facedness."
Comrade Postyshev18 most ably expressed these doubts. He said:
"I have philosophized that the severe years of fighting have passed. Party members who
have lost their backbones have broken down or have joined the camp of the enemy;
healthy elements have fought for the party. These were the years of industrialization and
collectivization. I never thought it possible that after this severe era had passed Karpov
and people like him would find themselves in the camp of the enemy. (Karpov was a
worker in the Ukrainian Central Committee whom Postyshev knew well.) And now,
according to the testimony, it appears that Karpov was recruited in 1934 by the
Trotskyites. I personally do not believe that in 1934 an honest party member who had
trod the long road of unrelenting fight against enemies for the party and for socialism
would now be in the camp of the enemies. I do not believe it.... I cannot imagine how it
would be possible to travel with the party during the difficult years and then, in 1934,
join the Trotskyites. It is an odd thing...."
Using Stalin's formulation, namely, that the closer we are to socialism the more enemies we
will have, and using the resolution of the February-March Central Committee plenum passed on
the basis of Yezhov's report, the provocateurs who had infiltrated the state-security organs
together with conscienceless careerists began to protect with the party name the mass terror
against party cadres, cadres of the Soviet state and the ordinary Soviet citizens. It should suffice
to say that the number of arrests based on charges of counterrevolutionary crimes had grown ten
times between 1936 and 1937.
It is known that brutal willfulness was practiced against leading party workers. The party
statute, approved at the 17th Party Congress, was based on Leninist principles expressed at the
10th Party Congress. It stated that, in order to apply an extreme method such as exclusion from
the party against a Central Committee member, against a Central Committee candidate and
against a member of the Party Control Commission, "it is necessary to call a Central Committee
plenum and to invite to the plenum all Central Committee candidate members and all members
of the Party Control Commission"; only if two-thirds of the members of such a general
assembly of responsible party leaders find it necessary, only then can a Central Committee
member or candidate be expelled.
The majority of the Central Committee members and candidates elected at the 17th Congress
and arrested in 1937-1938 were expelled from the party illegally through the brutal abuse of the
party statute, because the question of their expulsion was never studied at the Central
Committee plenum.
Now, when the cases of some of these so-called "spies" and "saboteurs" were examined, it was
found that all their cases were fabricated. Confessions of guilt of many arrested and charged
with enemy activity were gained with the help of cruel and inhuman tortures.
At the same time, Stalin, as we have been informed by members of the Political Bureau of that
time, did not show them the statements of many accused political activists when they retracted
their confessions before the military tribunal and asked for an objective examination of their
cases. There were many such declarations, and Stalin doubtless knew of them.
The Central Committee considers it absolutely necessary to inform the Congress of many such
fabricated "cases" against the members of the party's Central Committee elected at the 17th
Party Congress.
An example of vile provocation, of odious falsification and of criminal violation of
revolutionary legality is the case of the former candidate for the Central Committee Political
Bureau, one of the most eminent workers of the party and of the Soviet Government, Comrade
Eikhe2O, who was a party member since 1905.
Comrade Eikhe was arrested on April 29, 1938 on the basis of slanderous materials, without the
sanction of the Prosecutor of the USSR, which was finally received 15 months after the arrest.
Investigation of Eikhe's case was made in a manner which most brutally violated Soviet legality
and was accompanied by willfulness and falsification.
Eikhe was forced under torture to sign ahead of time a protocol of his confession prepared by
the investigative judges, in which he and several other eminent party workers were accused of
anti-Soviet activity.
On October 1, 1939 Eikhe sent his declaration to Stalin in which he categorically denied his
guilt and asked for an examination of his case. In the declaration he wrote: "There is no more
bitter misery than to sit in the jail of a government for which I have always fought."
A second declaration of Eikhe has been preserved which he sent to Stalin on October 27, 1939;
in it he cited facts very convincingly and countered the slanderous accusations made against
him, arguing that this provocatory accusation was on the one hand the work of real Trotskyites
whose arrests he had sanctioned as First Secretary of the West Siberian Krai [Territory] Party
Committee and who conspired in order to take revenge on him, and, on the other hand, the
result of the base falsification of materials by the investigative judges.
Eikhe wrote in his declaration:
"... On October 25 of this year I was informed that the investigation in my case has been
concluded and I was given access to the materials of this investigation. Had I been guilty
of only one hundredth of the crimes with which I am charged, I would not have dared to
send you this pre-execution declaration; however, I have not been guilty of even one of
the things with which I am charged and my heart is clean of even the shadow of
baseness. I have never in my life told you a word of falsehood, and now, finding my two
feet in the grave, I am also not lying. My whole case is a typical example of
provocation, slander and violation of the elementary basis of revolutionary legality....
"... The confessions which were made part of my file are not only absurd but contain
some slander toward the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party
(Bolsheviks) and toward the Council of People's Commissars, because correct
resolutions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)
and of the Council of People's Commissars which were not made on my initiative and
without my participation are presented as hostile acts of counterrevolutionary
organizations made at my suggestion.
"I am now alluding to the most disgraceful part of my life and to my really grave guilt
against the party and against you. This is my confession of counterrevolutionary
activity.... The case is as follows: Not being able to suffer the tortures to which I was
submitted by Ushakov and Nikolayev21 and especially by the first one who utilized the
knowledge that my broken ribs have not properly mended and have caused me great
pain, I have been forced to accuse myself and others.
"The majority of my confession has been suggested or dictated by Ushakov, and the
remainder is my reconstruction of NKVD materials from Western Siberia for which I
assumed all responsibility. If some part of the story which Ushakov fabricated and
which I signed did not properly hang together, I was forced to sign another variation.
The same thing was done to Rukhimovich22, who was at first designated as a member
of the reserve net and whose name later was removed without telling me anything about
it; the same was also done with the leader of the reserve net, supposedly created by
Bukharin in 1935. At first I wrote my name in and then I was instructed to insert
Mezhlauk23. There were other similar incidents
"... I am asking and begging you that you again examine my case, and this not for the
purpose of sparing me but in order to unmask the vile provocation which, like a snake,
wound itself around many persons in a great degree due to my meanness and criminal
slander. I have never betrayed you or the party. I know that I perish because of vile and
mean work of the enemies of the party and of the people, who fabricated the
provocation against me."
It would appear that such an important declaration was worth an examination by the Central
Committee. This, however, was not done, and the declaration was transmitted to Beria while
the terrible maltreatment of the Political Bureau candidate, Comrade Eikhe, continued.
On February 2, 1940 Eikhe was brought before the court. Here he did not confess any guilt and
said as follows:
"In all the so-called confessions of mine there is not one letter written by me with the
exception of my signatures under the protocols, which were forced from me. I have
made my confession under pressure from the investigative judge, who from the time of
my arrest tormented me. After that I began to write all this nonsense.... The most
important thing for me is to tell the court, the party and Stalin that I am not guilty. I
have never been guilty of any conspiracy. I will die believing in the truth of party policy
as I have believed in it during my whole life."
On February 4 Eikhe was shot.
It has been definitely established now that Eikhe's case was fabricated; he has been
posthumously rehabilitated.
Comrade Rudzutak24, candidate-member of the Political Bureau, member of the party since
1905, who spent 10 years in a Tsarist hard-labor camp, completely retracted in court the
confession which was forced from him. The protocol of the session of the Collegium of the
Supreme Military Court contains the following statement by Rudzutak:
"... The only plea which he places before the court is that the Central Committee of the
All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) be informed that there is in the NKVD an as
yet not liquidated center which is craftily manufacturing cases, which forces innocent
persons to confess; there is no opportunity to prove one's non-participation in crimes to
which the confessions of various persons testify. The investigative methods are such that
they force people to lie and to slander entirely innocent persons in addition to those who
already stand accused. He asks the Court that he be allowed to inform the Central
Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) about all this in writing. He
assures the Court that he personally had never any evil designs in regard to the policy of
our party because he had always agreed with the party policy pertaining to all spheres of
economic and cultural activity."
This declaration of Rudzutak was ignored, despite the fact that Rudzutak was in his time the
chief of the Central Control Commission, which was called into being in accordance with
Lenin's concept for the purpose of fighting for party unity. In this manner fell the chief of this
highly authoritative party organ, a victim of brutal willfulness; he was not even called before
the Central Committee's Political Bureau because Stalin did not want to talk to him.
Sentence
was pronounced on him in 20 minutes and he was shot.
After careful examination of the case in 1955, it was established that the accusation against
Rudzutak was false and that it was based on slanderous materials. Rudzutak has been
rehabilitated posthumously.
The way in which the former NKVD workers manufactured various fictitious "anti-Soviet
centers" and "blocs" with the help of provocatory methods is seen from the confession of
Comrade Rozenblum, party member since 1906, who was arrested in 1937 by the Leningrad
NKVD.
During the examination in 1955 of the Komarov case25 Rozenblum revealed the following fact:
When Rozenblum was arrested in 1937, he was subjected to terrible torture during which he
was ordered to confess false information concerning himself and other persons. He was then
brought to the office of Zakovsky26, who offered him freedom on condition that he make
before the court a false confession fabricated in 1937 by the NKVD concerning "sabotage,
espionage and diversion in a terroristic center in Leningrad." (Movement in the hall.) With
unbelievable cynicism, Zakovsky told about the vile "mechanism" for the crafty creation of
fabricated "anti-Soviet plots."
"In order to illustrate it to me," stated Rozenblum, "Zakovsky gave me several possible variants
of the organization of this center and of its branches. After he detailed the organization to me,
Zakovsky told me that the NKVD would prepare the case of this center, remarking that the trial
would be public. Before the court were to be brought 4 or 5 members of this center: Chudov27,
Ugarov28, Smorodin29, Pozern30, Shaposhnikova31 (Chudov's wife) and others together with
2 or 3 members from the branches of this center....
"... The case of the Leningrad center has to be built solidly, and for this reason witnesses
are needed. Social origin (of course, in the past) and the party standing of the witness
will play more than a small role.
"'You, yourself,' said Zakovsky, 'will not need to invent anything. The NKVD will
prepare for you a ready outline for every branch of the center; you will have to study it
carefully and to remember well all questions and answers which the Court might ask.
This case will be ready in four-five months, or perhaps a half year. During all this time
you will be preparing yourself so that you will not compromise the investigation and
yourself. Your future will depend on how the trial goes and on its results. If you begin to
lie and to testify falsely, blame yourself. If you manage to endure it, you will save your
head and we will feed and clothe you at the Government's cost until your death.'"
This is the kind of vile things which were then practiced.
Even more widely was the falsification of cases practiced in the provinces. The NKVD
headquarters of the Sverdlov Oblast "discovered" the so-called "Ural uprising staff" -- an organ
of the bloc of rightists, Trotskyites, Socialist Revolutionaries, church leaders -- whose chief
supposedly was the Secretary of the Sverdlov Oblast Party Committee and member of the
Central Committee, All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Kabakov32, who had been a
party member since 1914.
The investigative materials of that time show that in almost all krais,
oblasts [provinces] and republics there supposedly existed "rightist Trotskyite, espionage-terror
and diversionary-sabotage organizations and centers" and that the heads of such organizations
as a rule -- for no known reason -- were first secretaries of oblast or republic Communist party
committees or central committees.
Many thousands of honest and innocent Communists have died as a result of this monstrous
falsification of such "cases," as a result of the fact that all kinds of slanderous "confessions"
were accepted, and as a result of the practice of forcing accusations against oneself and others.
In the same manner were fabricated the "cases" against eminent party and state workers --
Kossior33, Chubar34, Postyshev, Kosarev35 and others.
In those years repressions on a mass scale were applied which were based on nothing tangible
and which resulted in heavy cadre losses to the party.
The vicious practice was condoned of having the NKVD prepare lists of persons whose cases
were under the jurisdiction of the Military Collegium and whose sentences were prepared in
advance.
Yezhov would send these lists to Stalin personally for his approval of the proposed
punishment. In 1937-1938, 383 such lists containing the names of many thousands of party,
Soviet, Komsomol, Army and economic workers were sent to Stalin. He approved these lists.
A large part of these cases are being reviewed now and a great part of them are being voided
because they were baseless and falsified. Suffice it to say that from 1954 to the present time the
Military Collegium of the Supreme Court has rehabilitated 7,679 persons, many of whom were
rehabilitated posthumously.
Mass arrests of party, Soviet, economic and military workers caused tremendous harm to our
country and to the cause of socialist advancement.
Mass repressions had a negative influence on the moral-political condition of the party, created
a situation of uncertainty, contributed to the spreading of unhealthy suspicion, and sowed
distrust among Communists. All sorts of slanderers and careerists were active.
Resolutions of the January plenum of the Central Committee, All-Union Communist Party
(Bolsheviks), in 1938 had brought some measure of improvement to the party organizations.
However, widespread repression also existed in 1938.36
Only because our party has at its disposal such great moral-political strength was it possible for
it to survive the difficult events in 1937-1938 and to educate new cadres. There is, however, no
doubt that our march forward toward socialism and toward the preparation of the country's
defense would have been much more successful were it not for the tremendous loss in the
cadres suffered as a result of the baseless and false mass repressions in 1937-1938.
We are justly accusing Yezhov for the degenerate practices of 1937. But we have to answer
these questions:
Could Yezhov have arrested Kossior, for instance, without the knowledge of Stalin? Was there
an exchange of opinions or a Political Bureau decision concerning this?
No, there was not, as there was none regarding other cases of this type. Could Yezhov have
decided such important matters as the fate of such eminent party figures? No, it would be a
display of naiveté to consider this the work of Yezhov alone. It is clear that these matters were
decided by Stalin, and that without his orders and his sanction Yezhov could not have done this.
We have examined the cases and have rehabilitated Kossior, Rudzutak, Postyshev, Kosarev and
others. For what causes were they arrested and sentenced? The review of evidence shows that
there was no reason for this. They, like many others, were arrested without the prosecutor's
knowledge.
In such a situation, there is no need for any sanction, for what sort of a sanction could there be
when Stalin decided everything? He was the chief prosecutor in these cases. Stalin not only
agreed to, but on his own initiative issued, arrest orders. We must say this so that the delegates
to the Congress can clearly undertake and themselves assess this and draw the proper
conclusions.
Facts prove that many abuses were made on Stalin's orders without reckoning with any norms
of party and Soviet legality. Stalin was a very distrustful man, sickly suspicious; we know this
from our work with him. He could look at a man and say: "Why are your eyes so shifty today?"
or "Why are you turning so much today and avoiding to look me directly in the eyes?"
The
sickly suspicion created in him a general distrust even toward eminent party workers whom he
had known for years. Everywhere and in everything he saw "enemies," "two-facers" and "spies."
Possessing unlimited power, he indulged in great willfulness and choked a person morally and
physically. A situation was created where one could not express one's own will.
When Stalin said that one or another should be arrested, it was necessary to accept on faith that
he was an "enemy of the people." Meanwhile, Beria's gang, which ran the organs of state
security, outdid itself in proving the guilt of the arrested and the truth of materials which it
falsified. And what proofs were offered? The confessions of the arrested, and the investigative
judges accepted these "confessions."
And how is it possible that a person confesses to crimes
which he has not committed? Only in one way -- because of application of physical methods of
pressuring him, tortures, bringing him to a state of unconsciousness, deprivation of his
judgment, taking away of his human dignity. In this manner were "confessions" acquired.
When the wave of mass arrests began to recede in 1939, and the leaders of territorial party
organizations began to accuse the NKVD workers of using methods of physical pressure on the
arrested, Stalin dispatched a coded telegram on January 20, 1939 to the committee secretaries
of oblasts and krais, to the central committees of republic Communist parties, to the People's
Commissars of Internal Affairs and to the heads of NKVD organizations.
This telegram stated:
"The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) explains that
the application of methods of physical pressure in NKVD practice is permissible from
1937 on37 in accordance with permission of the Central Committee of the All-Union
Communist Party (Bolsheviks) ... It is known that all bourgeois intelligence services use
methods of physical influence against the representatives of the socialist proletariat and
that they use them in their most scandalous forms.
"The question arises as to why the socialist intelligence service should be more
humanitarian against the mad agents of the bourgeoisie, against the deadly enemies of
the working class and of the kolkhoz workers. The Central Committee of the All-Union
Communist Party (Bolsheviks) considers that physical pressure should still be used
obligatorily, as an exception applicable to known and obstinate enemies of the people,
as a method both justifiable and appropriate."
Thus, Stalin had sanctioned in the name of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist
Party (Bolsheviks) the most brutal violation of socialist legality, torture and oppression, which
led as we have seen to the slandering and self-accusation of innocent people.
Not long ago -- only several days before the present Congress -- we called to the Central
Committee Presidium session and interrogated the investigative judge Rodos38, who in his time
investigated and interrogated Kossior, Chubar and Kosarev. He is a vile person, with the brain
of a bird, and morally completely degenerate. And it was this man who was deciding the fate of
prominent party workers; he was making judgments also concerning the politics in these
matters, because, having established their "crime," he provided therewith materials from which
important political implications could be drawn.
The question arises whether a man with such an intellect could alone make the investigation in
a manner to prove the guilt of people such as Kossior and others. No, he could not have done it
without proper directives. At the Central Committee Presidium session he told us: "I was told
that Kossior and Chubar were people's enemies and for this reason I, as an investigative judge,
had to make them confess that they are enemies."
He would do this only through long tortures, which he did, receiving detailed instructions from
Beria. We must say that at the Central Committee Presidium session he cynically declared: "I
thought that I was executing the orders of the party." In this manner, Stalin's orders concerning
the use of methods of physical pressure against the arrested were in practice executed.
These and many other facts show that all norms of correct party solution of problems were
invalidated and everything was dependent upon the willfulness of one man.
The power accumulated in the hands of one person, Stalin, led to serious consequences during
the Great Patriotic War.
When we look at many of our novels, films and historical "scientific studies," the role of Stalin
in the Patriotic War appears to be entirely improbable. Stalin had foreseen everything. The
Soviet Army, on the basis of a strategic plan prepared by Stalin long before, used the tactics of
so-called "active defense," i.e., tactics which, as we know, allowed the Germans to come up to
Moscow and Stalingrad. Using such tactics, the Soviet Army, supposedly thanks only to Stalin's
genius, turned to the offensive and subdued the enemy. The epic victory gained through the
armed might of the land of the Soviets, through our heroic people, is ascribed in this type of
novel, film and "scientific study"39 as being completely due to the strategic genius of Stalin.
We have to analyze this matter carefully because it has a tremendous significance not only from
the historical, but especially from the political, educational and practical point of view. What
are the facts of this matter?
Before the war, our press and all our political-educational work was characterized by its
bragging tone: When an enemy violates the holy Soviet soil, then for every blow of the enemy
we will answer with three blows, and we will battle the enemy on his soil and we will win
without much harm to ourselves. But these positive statements were not based in all areas on
concrete facts, which would actually guarantee the immunity of our borders.
During the war and after the war, Stalin put forward the thesis that the tragedy which our nation
experienced in the first part of the war was the result of the "unexpected" attack of the Germans
against the Soviet Union. But, comrades, this is completely untrue. As soon as Hitler came to
power in Germany he assigned to himself the task of liquidating Communism.
The fascists
were saying this openly; they did not hide their plans.
In order to attain this aggressive end, all sorts of pacts and blocs were created, such as the
famous Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis. Many facts from the prewar period clearly showed that Hitler
was going all out to begin a war against the Soviet state, and that he had concentrated large
armed units, together with armored units, near the Soviet borders.
Documents which have now been published show that by April 3, 1941 Churchill, through his
Ambassador to the USSR, Cripps, personally warned Stalin that the Germans had begun
regrouping their armed units with the intent of attacking the Soviet Union.
It is self-evident that Churchill did not do this at all because of his friendly feeling toward the
Soviet nation. He had in this his own imperialistic goals -- to bring Germany and the USSR into
a bloody war and thereby to strengthen the position of the British Empire.
Just the same, Churchill affirmed in his writings that he sought to "warn Stalin and call his
attention to the danger which threatened him." Churchill stressed this repeatedly in his
dispatches of April 18 and on the following days. However, Stalin took no heed of these
warnings. What is more, Stalin ordered that no credence be given to information of this sort, in
order not to provoke the initiation of military operations.
We must assert that information of this sort concerning the threat of German armed invasion of
Soviet territory was coming in also from our own military and diplomatic sources; however,
because the leadership was conditioned against such information, such data was dispatched
with fear and assessed with reservation.
Thus, for instance, information sent from Berlin on May 6, 1941 by the Soviet military attaché,
Captain Vorontsov, stated: "Soviet citizen Bozer ... communicated to the deputy naval attaché
that, according to a statement of a certain German officer from Hitler's headquarters, Germany
is preparing to invade the USSR on May 14 through Finland, the Baltic countries and Latvia. At
the same time Moscow and Leningrad will be heavily raided and paratroopers landed in border
cities...."
In his report of May 22, 1941, the deputy military attaché in Berlin, Khlopov, communicated
that "...the attack of the German Army is reportedly scheduled for June 15, but it is possible that
it may begin in the first days of June..."
A cable from our London Embassy dated June 18, 1941 stated: "As of now Cripps is deeply
convinced of the inevitability of armed conflict between Germany and the USSR, which will
begin not later than the middle of June. According to Cripps, the Germans have presently
concentrated 147 divisions (including air force and service units) along the Soviet borders...."
Despite these particularly grave warnings40, the necessary steps were not taken to prepare the
country properly for defense and to prevent it from being caught unawares.
Did we have time and the capabilities for such preparations? Yes, we had the time and
capabilities. Our industry was already so developed that it was capable of supplying fully the
Soviet Army with everything that it needed. This is proven by the fact that, although during the
war we lost almost half of our industry and important industrial and food-production areas as
the result of enemy occupation of the Ukraine, Northern Caucasus and other western parts of
the country, the Soviet nation was still able to organize the production of military equipment in
the eastern parts of the country, install there equipment taken from the western industrial areas,
and to supply our armed forces with everything which was necessary to destroy the enemy.
Had our industry been mobilized properly and in time to supply the Army with the necessary
matériel, our wartime losses would have been decidedly smaller. Such mobilization had not
been, however, started in time. And already in the first days of the war it became evident that
our Army was badly armed, that we did not have enough artillery, tanks and planes to throw the
enemy back.
Soviet science and technology produced excellent models of tanks and artillery pieces before
the war. But mass production of all this was not organized, and, as a matter of fact, we started
to modernize our military equipment only on the eve of the war. As a result, at the time of the
enemy's invasion of the Soviet land we did not have sufficient quantities either of old
machinery which was no longer used for armament production or of new machinery which we
had planned to introduce into armament production.
The situation with anti-aircraft artillery was especially bad; we did not organize the production
of anti-tank ammunition.
Many fortified regions had proven to be indefensible as soon as they
were attacked, because the old arms had been withdrawn and new ones were not yet available
there.
This pertained, alas, not only to tanks, artillery and planes. At the outbreak of the war we did
not even have sufficient numbers of rifles to arm the mobilized manpower. I recall that in those
days I telephoned to Comrade Malenkov from Kiev and told him, "People have volunteered for
the new Army and demand arms. You must send us arms."
Malenkov answered me, "We cannot send you arms. We are sending all our rifles to Leningrad
and you have to arm yourselves."
Such was the armament situation.
In this connection we cannot forget, for instance, the following fact: Shortly before the invasion
of the Soviet Union by the Hitlerite army, Kirponos, who was chief of the Kiev Special Military
District (he was later killed at the front), wrote to Stalin that the German armies were at the
Bug River, were preparing for an attack and in the very near future would probably start their
offensive. In this connection, Kirponos proposed that a strong defense be organized, that
300,000 people be evacuated from the border areas and that several strong points be organized
there: anti-tank ditches, trenches for the soldiers, etc.
Moscow answered this proposition with the assertion that this would be a provocation, that no
preparatory defensive work should be undertaken at the borders, that the Germans were not to
be given any pretext for the initiation of military action against us. Thus, our borders were
insufficiently prepared to repel the enemy.
When the fascist armies had actually invaded Soviet territory and military operations began,
Moscow issued the order that the German fire was not to be returned.
Why? It was because
Stalin, despite evident facts, thought that the war had not yet started, that this was only a
provocative action on the part of several undisciplined sections of the German Army, and that
our reaction might serve as a reason for the Germans to begin the war.
The following fact is also known: On the eve of the invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union
by the Hitlerite army, a certain German citizen crossed our border and stated that the German
armies had received orders to start the offensive against the Soviet Union on the night of June
22 at 3 o'clock. Stalin was informed about this immediately, but even this warning was ignored.
As you see, everything was ignored: warnings of certain Army commanders, declarations of
deserters from the enemy army, and even the open hostility of the enemy. Is this an example of
the alertness of the chief of the party and of the state at this particularly significant historical
moment?
And what were the results of this carefree attitude, this disregard of clear facts? The result was
that already in the first hours and days the enemy had destroyed in our border regions a large
part of our Air Force, artillery and other military equipment; he annihilated large numbers of
our military cadres and disorganized our military leadership; consequently we could not prevent
the enemy from marching deep into the country.
Very grievous consequences, especially in reference to the beginning of the war, followed
Stalin's annihilation of many military commanders and political workers during 1937-1941
because of his suspiciousness and through slanderous accusations.
During these years
repressions were instituted against certain parts of military cadres beginning literally at the
company and battalion commander level and extending to the higher military centers; during
this time the cadre of leaders who had gained military experience in Spain and in the Far East
was almost completely liquidated.
The policy of large-scale repression against the military cadres led also to undermined military
discipline, because for several years officers of all ranks and even soldiers in the party and
Komsomol cells were taught to "unmask" their superiors as hidden enemies. (Movement in the
hall.) It is natural that this caused a negative influence on the state of military discipline in the
first war period.
And, as you know, we had before the war excellent military cadres which were unquestionably
loyal to the party and to the Fatherland. Suffice it to say that those of them who managed to
survive, despite severe tortures to which they were subjected in the prisons, have from the first
war days shown themselves real patriots and heroically fought for the glory of the Fatherland; I
have here in mind such comrades as Rokossovsky (who, as you know, had been jailed),
Gorbatov, Maretskov (who is a delegate at the present Congress)42, Podlas (he was an excellent
commander who perished at the front), and many, many others. However, many such
commanders perished in camps and jails and the Army saw them no more.
All this brought about the situation which existed at the beginning of the war and which was the
great threat to our Fatherland. It would be incorrect to forget that, after the first severe disaster
and defeat at the front, Stalin thought that this was the end. In one of his speeches in those days
he said: "All that which Lenin created we have lost forever."
After this Stalin for a long time actually did not direct the military operations and ceased to do
anything whatever. He returned to active leadership only when some members of the Political
Bureau visited him and told him that it was necessary to take certain steps immediately in order
to improve the situation at the front.
Therefore, the threatening danger which hung over our Fatherland in the first period of the war
was largely due to the faulty methods of directing the nation and the party by Stalin himself.
However, we speak not only about the moment when the war began, which led to serious
disorganization of our Army and brought us severe losses.
Even after the war began, the
nervousness and hysteria which Stalin demonstrated, interfering with actual military operation,
caused our Army serious damage.
Stalin was very far from an understanding of the real situation which was developing at the
front. This was natural because, during the whole Patriotic War, he never visited any section of
the front or any liberated city except for one short ride on the Mozhaisk highway during a
stabilized situation at the front.
To this incident were dedicated many literary works full of
fantasies of all sorts and so many paintings. Simultaneously, Stalin was interfering with
operations and issuing orders which did not take into consideration the real situation at a given
section of the front and which could not help but result in huge personnel losses.
I will allow myself in this connection to bring out one characteristic fact which illustrates how
Stalin directed operations at the fronts. There is present at this Congress Marshal Bagramian43,
who was once the chief of operations in the headquarters of the southwestern front and who can
corroborate what I will tell you.
When there developed an exceptionally serious situation for our Army in 1942 in the Kharkov
region, we had correctly decided to drop an operation whose objective was to encircle Kharkov,
because the real situation at that time would have threatened our Army with fatal consequences
if this operation were continued.
We communicated this to Stalin, stating that the situation demanded changes in operational
plans so that the enemy would be prevented from liquidating a sizable concentration of our
Army.
Contrary to common sense, Stalin rejected our suggestion and issued the order to continue the
operation aimed at the encirclement of Kharkov, despite the fact that at this time many Army
concentrations were themselves actually threatened with encirclement and liquidation.
I telephoned to Vasilevsky44 and begged him: "Alexander Mikhailovich, take a map" --
Vasilevsky is present here -- "and show Comrade Stalin the situation which has developed."
We
should note that Stalin planned operations on a globe. (Animation in the hall.) Yes, comrades,
he used to take the globe and trace the front line on it. I said to Comrade Vasilevsky:
"Show
him the situation on a map; in the present situation we cannot continue the operation which was
planned. The old decision must be changed for the good of the cause."
Vasilevsky replied, saying that Stalin had already studied this problem and that he, Vasilevsky,
would not see Stalin further concerning this matter, because the latter didn't want to hear any
arguments on the subject of this operation.
After my talk with Vasilevsky, I telephoned to Stalin at his villa. But Stalin did not answer the
telephone and Malenkov was at the receiver.
I told Comrade Malenkov that I was calling from
the front and that I wanted to speak personally to Stalin. Stalin informed me through Malenkov
that I should speak with Malenkov. I stated for the second time that I wished to inform Stalin
personally about the grave situation which had arisen for us at the front. But Stalin did not
consider it convenient to raise the phone and again stated that I should speak to him through
Malenkov, although he was only a few steps from the telephone.
After "listening" in this manner to our plea, Stalin said: "Let everything remain as it is!"
And what was the result of this? The worst that we had expected. The Germans surrounded our
Army concentrations and consequently we lost hundreds of thousands of our soldiers. This is
Stalin's military "genius"; this is what it cost us.
On one occasion after the war, during a meeting of Stalin with members of the Political Bureau,
Anastas Ivanovich Mikoyan mentioned that Khrushchev must have been right when he
telephoned concerning the Kharkov operation and that it was unfortunate that his suggestion
had not been accepted.
You should have seen Stalin's fury! How could it be admitted that he, Stalin, had not been right!
He is after all a "genius," and a genius cannot help but be right! Everyone can err, but Stalin
considered that he never erred, that he was always right. He never acknowledged to anyone that
he made any mistake, large or small, despite the fact that he made not a few mistakes in the
matter of theory and in his practical activity. After the Party Congress we shall probably have to
re-evaluate many wartime military operations and to present them in their true light.
The tactics on which Stalin insisted without knowing the essence of the conduct of battle
operations cost us much blood until we succeeded in stopping the opponent and going over to
the offensive.
The military know that already by the end of 1941, instead of great operational maneuvers
flanking the opponent and penetrating behind his back, Stalin demanded incessant frontal
attacks and the capture of one village after another.
Because of this, we paid with great losses -- until our generals, on whose shoulders rested the
whole weight of conducting the war, succeeded in changing the situation and shifting to
flexible-maneuver operations, which immediately brought serious changes at the front
favorable to us.
All the more shameful was the fact that, after our great victory over the enemy which cost us so
much, Stalin began to downgrade many of the commanders who contributed so much to the
victory over the enemy, because Stalin excluded every possibility that services rendered at the
front should be credited to anyone but himself.
Stalin was very much interested in the assessment of Comrade Zhukov as a military leader. He
asked me often for my opinion of Zhukov. I told him then, "I have known Zhukov for a long
time; he is a good general and a good military leader."
After the war Stalin began to tell all kinds of nonsense about Zhukov, among others the
following, "You praised Zhukov, but he does not deserve it. It is said that before each operation
at the front Zhukov used to behave as follows: He used to take a handful of earth, smell it and
say, 'We can begin the attack,' or the opposite, 'The planned operation cannot be carried out.'" I
stated at that time, "Comrade Stalin, I do not know who invented this, but it is not true."
It is possible that Stalin himself invented these things for the purpose of minimizing the role
and military talents of Marshal Zhukov.
In this connection, Stalin very energetically popularized himself as a great leader; in various
ways he tried to inculcate in the people the version that all victories gained by the Soviet nation
during the Great Patriotic War were due to the courage, daring and genius of Stalin and of no
one else. Exactly like Kuzma Kryuchkov he put one dress on seven people at the same time.
In the same vein, let us take, for instance, our historical and military films and some literary
creations; they make us feel sick. Their true objective is the propagation of the theme of
praising Stalin as a military genius. Let us recall the film, The Fall of Berlin.46 Here only Stalin
acts; he issues orders in the hall in which there are many empty chairs and only one man
approached him and reports something to him -- that is Poskrebyshev47, his loyal shield-bearer.
And where is the military command? Where is the Political Bureau? Where is the Government?
What are they doing and with what are they engaged? There is nothing about them in the film.
Stalin acts for everybody, he does not reckon with anyone; he asks no one for advice.
Everything is shown to the nation in this false light. Why? In order to surround Stalin with
glory, contrary to the facts and contrary to historical truth.
The question arises: And where are the military, on whose shoulders rested the burden of the
war? They are not in the film; with Stalin in, no room was left for them.
Not Stalin, but the party as a whole, the Soviet Government, our heroic Army, its talented
leaders and brave soldiers, the whole Soviet nation -- these are the ones who assured the victory
in the Great Patriotic War.
The Central Committee members, ministers, our economic leaders, leaders of Soviet culture,
directors of territorial-party and Soviet organizations, engineers, and technicians -- every one of
them in his own place of work generously gave of his strength and knowledge toward ensuring
victory over the enemy.
Exceptional heroism was shown by our hard core -- surrounded by glory is our whole working
class, our kolkhoz peasantry, the Soviet intelligentsia, who under the leadership of party
organizations overcame untold hardships and bearing the hardships of war, devoted all their
strength to the cause of the defense of the Fatherland.
Great and brave deeds during the war were accomplished by our Soviet women who bore on
their backs the heavy load of production work in the factories, on the kolkhozes, and in various
economic and cultural sectors; many women participated directly in the Great Patriotic War at
the fronts; our brave youth contributed immeasurably at the front and at home to the defense of
the Soviet Fatherland and to the annihilation of the enemy.
Immortal are the services of the Soviet soldiers, of our commanders and political workers of all
ranks; after the loss of a considerable part of the Army in the first war months they did not lose
their heads and were able to reorganize during the progress of combat; they created and
toughened during the progress of the war a strong and heroic Army and not only stood off
pressures of the strong and cunning enemy but also smashed him.
The magnificent and heroic deeds of hundreds of millions of people of the East and of the West
during the fight against the threat of fascist subjugation which loomed before us will live
centuries and millennia in the memory of thankful humanity.
The main role and the main credit for the victorious ending of the war belongs to our
Communist party, to the armed forces of the Soviet Union, and to the tens of millions of Soviet
people raised by the party.
Comrades, let us reach for some other facts. The Soviet Union is justly considered as a model
of a multinational state because we have in practice assured the equality and friendship of all
nations which live in our great Fatherland.
All the more monstrous are the acts whose initiator was Stalin and which are rude violations of
the basic Leninist principles of the nationality policy of the Soviet state. We refer to the mass
deportations from their native places of whole nations, together with all Communists and
Komsomols without any exception; this deportation action was not dictated by any military
considerations.
Thus, already at the end of 1943, when there occurred a permanent breakthrough at the fronts of
the Great Patriotic War benefiting the Soviet Union, a decision was taken and executed
concerning the deportation of all the Karachai from the lands on which they lived.
In the same period, at the end of December 1943, the same lot befell the whole population of
the Autonomous Kalmyk Republic. In March 1944, all the Chechen and Ingush peoples were
deported and the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic was liquidated. In April 1944, all
Balkars were deported to faraway places from the territory of the Kabardino-Balkar
Autonomous Republic and the Republic itself was renamed the Autonomous Kabardian
Republic.
The Ukrainians avoided meeting this fate only because there were too many of them and there
was no place to which to deport them. Otherwise, he would have deported them also.
Not only a Marxist-Leninist but also no man of common sense can grasp how it is possible to
make whole nations responsible for inimical activity, including women, children, old people,
Communists and Komsomols, to use mass repression against them, and to expose them to
misery and suffering for the hostile acts of individual persons or groups of persons.
After the conclusion of the Patriotic War, the Soviet nation stressed with pride the magnificent
victories gained thr
ough great sacrifices and tremendous efforts. The country experienced a
period of political enthusiasm. The party came out of the war even more united; in the fire of
the war, party cadres were tempered and hardened. Under such conditions nobody could have
even thought of the possibility of some plot in the party.
And it was precisely at this time that the so-called "Leningrad affair" was born. As we have now
proven, this case was fabricated. Those who innocently lost their lives included Comrades
Voznesensky, Kuznetsov, Rodionov, Popkov, and others.
As is known, Voznesensky and Kuznetsov were talented and eminent leaders. Once they stood
very close to Stalin. It is sufficient to mention that Stalin made Voznesensky first deputy to the
chairman of the Council of Ministers and Kuznetsov was elected Secretary of the Central
Committee. The very fact that Stalin entrusted Kuznetsov with the supervision of the
state-security organs shows the trust which he enjoyed.
How did it happen that these persons were branded as enemies of the people and liquidated?
Facts prove that the "Leningrad affair" is also the result of willfulness which Stalin exercised
against party cadres. Had a normal situation existed in the party's Central Committee and in the
Central Committee Political Bureau, affairs of this nature would have been examined there in
accordance with party practice, and all pertinent facts assessed; as a result, such an affair as
well as others would not have happened.
We must state that, after the war, the situation became even more complicated. Stalin became
even more capricious, irritable and brutal; in particular his suspicion grew. His persecution
mania reached unbelievable dimensions. Many workers were becoming enemies before his very
eyes. After the war, Stalin separated himself from the collective even more. Everything was
decided by him alone without any consideration for anyone or anything.
This unbelievable suspicion was cleverly taken advantage of by the abject provocateur and vile
enemy, Beria, who had murdered thousands of Communists and loyal Soviet people. The
elevation of Voznesensky and Kuznetsov alarmed Beria. As we have now proven, it had been
precisely Beria who had "suggested" to Stalin the fabrication by him and by his confidants of
materials in the form of declarations and anonymous letters, and in the form of various rumors
and talks.
The party's Central Committee has examined this so-called "Leningrad affair"; persons who
innocently suffered are now rehabilitated and honor has been restored to the glorious Leningrad
party organization. Abakumov50 and others who had fabricated this affair were brought before
a court; their trial took place in Leningrad and they received what they deserved.
The question arises: Why is it that we see the truth of this affair only now, and why did we not
do something earlier, during Stalin's life, in order to prevent the loss of innocent lives? It was
because Stalin personally supervised the "Leningrad affair," and the majority of the Political
Bureau members did not, at that time, know all of the circumstances in these matters and could
not therefore intervene.
When Stalin received certain material from Beria and Abakumov, without examining these
slanderous materials he ordered an investigation of the "affair" of Voznesensky and Kuznetsov.
With this, their fate was sealed.
Instructive in the same way is the case of the Mingrelian nationalist organization which
supposedly existed in Georgia.51 As is known, resolutions by the Central Committee,
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, were made concerning this case in November 1951 and
in March 1952. These resolutions were made without prior discussion with the Political Bureau.
Stalin had personally dictated them.
They made serious accusations against many loyal
Communists. On the basis of falsified documents, it was proven that there existed in Georgia a
supposedly nationalistic organization whose objective was the liquidation of the Soviet power
in that republic with the help of imperialist powers.
In this connection, a number of responsible party and Soviet workers were arrested in Georgia.
As was later proven, this was a slander directed against the Georgian party organization.
We know that there have been at times manifestations of local bourgeois nationalism in
Georgia as in several other republics. The question arises: Could it be possible that, in the
period during which the resolutions referred to above were made, nationalist tendencies grew so
much that there was a danger of Georgia's leaving the Soviet Union and joining Turkey?
This is, of course, nonsense. It is impossible to imagine how such assumptions could enter
anyone's mind. Everyone knows how Georgia has developed economically and culturally under
Soviet rule.
Industrial production of the Georgian Republic is 27 times greater than it was before the
Revolution. Many new industries have arisen in Georgia which did not exist there before the
Revolution: iron smelting, an oil industry, a machine-construction industry, etc. Illiteracy has
long since been liquidated, which, in pre-Revolutionary Georgia, included 78 per cent of the
population.
Could the Georgians, comparing the situation in their republic with the hard situation of the
working masses in Turkey, be aspiring to join Turkey? In 1955, Georgia produced 18 times as
much steel per person as Turkey. Georgia produces 9 times as much electrical energy per
person as Turkey. According to the available 1950 census, 65 per cent of Turkey's total
population are illiterate, and, of the women, 80 per cent are illiterate. Georgia has 19
institutions of higher learning which have about 39,000 students; this is 8 times more than in
Turkey (for each 1,000 inhabitants). The prosperity of the working people has grown
tremendously in Georgia under Soviet rule.
It is clear that, as the economy and culture develop, and as the socialist consciousness of the
working masses in Georgia grows, the source from which bourgeois nationalism draws its
strength evaporates.
As it developed, there was no nationalistic organization in Georgia. Thousands of innocent
people fell victim to willfulness and lawlessness. All of this happened under the "genial"
leadership of Stalin, "the great son of the Georgian nation," as Georgians like to refer to Stalin.
The willfulness of Stalin showed itself not only in decisions concerning the internal life of the
country but also in the international relations of the Soviet Union.
The July plenum of the Central Committee studied in detail the reasons for the development of
conflict with Yugoslavia. It was a shameful role which Stalin played here. The "Yugoslav
affair" contained no problems which could not have been solved through party discussions
among comrades. There was no significant basis for the development of this "affair"; it was
completely possible to have prevented the rupture of relations with that country. This does not
mean, however, that the Yugoslav leaders did not make mistakes or did not have shortcomings.
But these mistakes and shortcomings were magnified in a monstrous manner by Stalin, which
resulted in a break of relations with a friendly country.
I recall the first days when the conflict between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia began
artificially to be blown up. Once, when I came from Kiev to Moscow, I was invited to visit
Stalin, who, pointing to the copy of a letter lately sent to Tito, asked me, "Have you read this?"
Not waiting for my reply, he answered, "I will shake my little finger -- and there will be no
more Tito. He will fall."
We have dearly paid for this "shaking of the little finger." This statement reflected Stalin's
mania for greatness, but he acted just that way: "I will shake my little finger -- and there will be
no Kossior"; "I will shake my little finger once more and Postyshev and Chubar will be no
more"; "I will shake my little finger again -- and Voznesensky, Kuznetsov and many others will
disappear."
But this did not happen to Tito. No matter how much or how little Stalin shook, not only his
little finger but everything else that he could shake, Tito did not fall. Why? The reason was that,
in this case of disagreement with the Yugoslav comrades, Tito had behind him a state and a
people who had gone through a severe school of fighting for liberty and independence, a people
which gave support to its leaders.
You see to what Stalin's mania for greatness led. He had completely lost consciousness of
reality; he demonstrated his suspicion and haughtiness not only in relation to individuals in the
USSR, but in relation to whole parties and nations.
We have carefully examined the case of Yugoslavia and have found a proper solution which is
approved by the peoples of the Soviet Union and of Yugoslavia as well as by the working
masses of all the people's democracies and by all progressive humanity. The liquidation of the
abnormal relationship with Yugoslavia was done in the interest of the whole camp of socialism,
in the interest of strengthening peace in the whole world.
Let us also recall the "affair of the doctor-plotters." (Animation in the hall.) Actually there was
no "affair" outside of the declaration of the woman doctor Timashuk, who was probably
influenced or ordered by someone (after all, she was an unofficial collaborator of the organs of
state security) to write Stalin a letter in which she declared that doctors were applying
supposedly improper methods of medical treatment.
Such a letter was sufficient for Stalin to reach an immediate conclusion that there are
doctor-plotters in the Soviet Union.52 He issued orders to arrest a group of eminent Soviet
medical specialists. He personally issued advice on the conduct of the investigation and the
method of interrogation of the arrested persons. He said that the academician Vinogradov
should be put in chains, another one should be beaten.
Present at this Congress as a delegate is
the former Minister of State Security, Comrade Ignatiev. Stalin told him curtly, "If you do not
obtain confessions from the doctors we will shorten you by a head."
Stalin personally called the investigative judge, gave him instructions, advised him on which
investigative methods should be used; these methods were simple -- beat, beat and, once again,
beat.
Shortly after the doctors were arrested, we members of the Political Bureau received protocols
with the doctors' confessions of guilt. After distributing these protocols, Stalin told us, "You are
blind like young kittens; what will happen without me? The country will perish because you do
not know how to recognize enemies."
The case was so presented that no one could verify the facts on which the investigation was
based. There was no possibility of trying to verify facts by contacting those who had made the
confessions of guilt.
We felt, however, that the case of the arrested doctors was questionable. We knew some of
these people personally because they had once treated us. When we examined this "case" after
Stalin's death, we found it to be fabricated from beginning to end.
This ignominious "case" was set up by Stalin; he did not, however, have the time in which to
bring it to an end (as he conceived that end), and for this reason the doctors are still alive. Now
all have been rehabilitated; they are working in the same places they were working before; they
treat top individuals, not excluding members of the Government; they have our full confidence;
and they execute their duties honestly, as they did before.
In organizing the various dirty and shameful cases, a very base role was played by the rabid
enemy of our party, an agent of a foreign intelligence service -- Beria, who had stolen into
Stalin's confidence. In what way could this provocateur gain such a position in the party and in
the state, so as to become the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet
Union and a member of the Central Committee Political Bureau? It has now been established
that this villain had climbed up the Government ladder over an untold number of corpses.
Were there any signs that Beria was an enemy of the party? Yes, there were. Already in 1937, at
a Central Committee plenum, former People's Commissar of Health53 Kaminsky said that
Beria worked for the Mussavat intelligence service.54 But the Central Committee plenum had
barely concluded when Kaminsky was arrested and then shot. Had Stalin examined Kaminsky's
statement? No, because Stalin believed in Beria, and that was enough for him. And when Stalin
believed in anyone or anything, then no one could say anything which was contrary to his
opinion; anyone who would dare to express opposition would have met the same fate as
Kaminsky.
There were other signs, also. The declaration which Comrade Snegov made to the party's
Central Committee is interesting. (Parenthetically speaking, he was also rehabilitated not long
ago, after 17 years in prison camps.)
In this declaration, Snegov writes:
"In connection with the proposed rehabilitation of the former Central Committee
member, Kartvelishvili-Lavrentiev56, I have entrusted to the hands of the representative
of the Committee of State Security a detailed deposition concerning Beria's role in the
disposition of the Kartvelishvili case and concerning the criminal motives by which
Beria was guided."
In my opinion, it is indispensable to recall an important fact pertaining to this case and to
communicate it to the Central Committee, because I did not consider it as proper to include in
the investigation documents.
On October 30, 1931, at the session of the Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee,
All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Karivelishvili, secretary of the Transcaucasian Krai
Committee, made a report. All members of the executive of the Krai Committee were present;
of them I alone am alive.
On October 30, 1931, at the session of the Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee,
All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Karivelishvili, secretary of the Transcaucasian Krai
Committee, made a report. All members of the executive of the Krai Committee were present;
of them I alone am alive.
During this session, J. V. Stalin made a motion at the end of his speech concerning the
organization of the secretariat of the Transcaucasian Krai Committee composed of the
following: first secretary, Kartvelishvili; second secretary, Beria (it was then, for the first time
in the party's history, that Beria's name was mentioned as a candidate for a party position).
Kartvelishvili answered that he knew Beria well and for that reason refused categorically to
work together with him. Stalin proposed then that this matter be left open and that it be solved
in the process of the work itself.
Two days later a decision was arrived at that Beria would
receive the party post and that Kartvelishvili would be deported from the Transcaucasus.
This fact can be confirmed by Comrades Mikoyan and Kaganovich, who were present at that
session.
The long, unfriendly relations between Kartvelishvili and Beria were widely known; they date
back to the time when Comrade Sergo [Ordzhonikidze] was active in the Transcaucasus;
Kartvelishvili was the closest assistant of Sergo. The unfriendly relationship impelled Beria to
fabricate a "case" against Kartvelishvili. It is a characteristic thing that in this "case"
Kartvelishvili was charged with a terroristic act against Beria.
The indictment in the Beria case contains a discussion of his crimes. Some things should,
however, be recalled, especially since it is possible that not all delegates to the Congress have
read this document. I wish to recall Beria's bestial disposition of the cases of Kedrov57,
Golubev, and Golubev's adopted mother, Baturina -- persons who wished to inform the Central
Committee concerning Beria's treacherous activity. They were shot without any trial and the
sentence was passed ex post facto, after the execution.
Here is what the old Communist, Comrade Kedrov, wrote to the Central Committee through
Comrade Andreyev (Comrade Andreyev was then a Central Committee secretary):
"I am calling to you for help from a gloomy cell of the Lefortovsky prison. Let my cry of
horror reach your ears; do not remain deaf, take me under your protection; please, help
remove the nightmare of interrogations and show that this is all a mistake.
"I suffer innocently. Please believe me. Time will testify to the truth. I am not an agent
provocateur of the Tsarist Okhrana; I am not a spy, I am not a member of an anti-Soviet
organization of which I am being accused on the basis of denunciations. I am also not
guilty of any other crimes against the party and the Government. I am an old Bolshevik,
free of any stain; I have honestly fought for almost 40 years in the ranks of the party for
the good and prosperity of the nation....
"... Today I, a 62-year-old man, am being threatened by the investigative judges with
more severe, cruel and degrading methods of physical pressure. They (the judges) are no
longer capable of becoming aware of their error and of recognizing that their handling
of my case is illegal and impermissible. They try to justify their actions by picturing me
as a hardened and raving enemy and are demanding increased repressions. But let the
party know that I am innocent and that there is nothing which can turn a loyal son of the
party into an enemy, even right up to his last dying breath.
"But I have no way out. I cannot divert from myself the hastily approaching new and
powerful blows.
"Everything, however, has its limits. My torture has reached the extreme. My health is
broken, my strength and my energy are waning, the end is drawing near. To die in a
Soviet prison, branded as a vile traitor to the Fatherland -- what can be more monstrous
for an honest man? And how monstrous all this is! Unsurpassed bitterness and pain grips
my heart. No! No! This will not happen; this cannot be, I cry. Neither the party, nor the
Soviet Government, nor the People's Commissar, L. P. Beria, will permit this cruel,
irreparable injustice. I am firmly certain that, given a quiet, objective examination,
without any foul rantings, without any anger and without the fearful tortures, it would be
easy to prove the baselessness of the charges. I believe deeply that truth and justice will
triumph. I believe. I believe."
The old Bolshevik, Comrade Kedrov, was found innocent by the Military Collegium. But,
despite this, he was shot at Beria's order.
Beria also handled cruelly the family of Comrade Ordzhonikidze. Why? Because
Ordzhonikidze had tried to prevent Beria from realizing his shameful plans. Beria had cleared
from his way all persons who could possibly interfere with him. Ordzhonikidze was always an
opponent of Beria, which he told to Stalin. Instead of examining this affair and taking
appropriate steps, Stalin allowed the liquidation of Ordzhonikidze's brother and brought
Ordzhonikidze himself to such a state that he was forced to shoot himself.
Beria was unmasked by the party's Central Committee shortly after Stalin's death. As a result of
the particularly detailed legal proceedings, it was established that Beria had committed
monstrous crimes and Beria was shot
.
The question arises why Beria, who had liquidated tens of thousands of the party and Soviet
workers, was not unmasked during Stalin's life. He was not unmasked earlier because he had
utilized very skillfully Stalin's weaknesses; feeding him with suspicions, he assisted Stalin in
everything and acted with his support.
Comrades: The cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size chiefly because Stalin
himself, using all conceivable methods, supported the glorification of his own person. This is
supported by numerous facts. One of the most characteristic examples of Stalin's
self-glorification and of his lack of even elementary modesty is the edition of his Short
Biography, which was published in 1948.
This book is an expression of the most dissolute flattery, an example of making a man into a
godhead, of transforming him into an infallible sage, "the greatest leader, sublime strategist of
all times and nations." Finally, no other words could be found with which to lift Stalin up to the
heavens.
We need not give here examples of the loathesome adulation filling this book. All we need to
add is that they all were approved and edited by Stalin personally and some of them were added
in his own handwriting to the draft text of the book.
What did Stalin consider essential to write into this book? Did he want to cool the ardor of his
flatterers who were composing his Short Biography? No! He marked the very places where he
thought that the praise of his services was insufficient.
Here are some examples characterizing
Stalin's activity, added in Stalin's own hand:
"In this fight against the skeptics and capitulators, the Trotskyites, Zinovievites,
Bukharinites and Kamenevites, there was definitely welded together, after Lenin's death,
that leading core of the party... that upheld the great banner of Lenin, rallied the party
behind Lenin's behests, and brought the Soviet people into the broad road of
industrializing the country and collectivizing the rural economy. The leader of this core
and the guiding force of the party and the state was Comrade Stalin."
Thus writes Stalin himself! Then he adds:
"Although he performed his task as leader of the party and the people with consummate
skill and enjoyed the unreserved support of the entire Soviet people, Stalin never
allowed his work to be marred by the slightest hint of vanity, conceit or self-adulation."
Where and when could a leader so praise himself? Is this worthy of a leader of the
Marxist-Leninist type? No. Precisely against this did Marx and Engels take such a strong
position. This also was always sharply condemned by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.
In the draft text of his book appeared the following sentence: "Stalin is the Lenin of today."
This sentence appeared to Stalin to be too weak, so, in his own handwriting, he changed it to
read: "Stalin is the worthy continuer of Lenin's work, or, as it is said in our party, Stalin is the
Lenin of today." You see how well it is said, not by the nation but by Stalin himself.
It is possible to give many such self-praising appraisals written into the draft text of that book in
Stalin's hand. Especially generously does he endow himself with praises pertaining to his
military genius, to his talent for strategy.
I will cite one more insertion made by Stalin concerning the theme of the Stalinist military
genius. "The advanced Soviet science of war received further development," he writes, "at
Comrade Stalin's hands. Comrade Stalin elaborated the theory of the permanently operating
factors that decide the issue of wars, of active defense and the laws of counteroffensive and
offensive, of the cooperation of all services and arms in modern warfare, of the role of big tank
masses and air forces in modern war, and of the artillery as the most formidable of the armed
services. At the various stages of the war Stalin's genius found the correct solutions that took
account of all the circumstances of the situation."
And, further, writes Stalin: "Stalin's military mastership was displayed both in defense and
offense. Comrade Stalin's genius enabled him to divine the enemy's plans and defeat them. The
battles in which Comrade Stalin directed the Soviet armies are brilliant examples of operational
military skill."
In this manner was Stalin praised as a strategist. Who did this? Stalin himself, not in his role as
a strategist but in the role of an author-editor, one of the main creators of his self-adulatory
biography. Such, comrades, are the facts. We should rather say shameful facts.
And one additional fact from the same Short Biography of Stalin. As is known, The Short
Course of the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was written by a
commission of the party Central Committee.
This book, parenthetically, was also permeated with the cult of the individual and was written
by a designated group of authors. This fact was reflected in the following formulation on the
proof copy of the Short Biography of Stalin: "A commission of the Central Committee,
All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), under the direction of Comrade Stalin and with his
most active personal participation, has prepared a Short Course of the History of the All-Union
Communist Party (Bolsheviks)."
But even this phrase did not satisfy Stalin: The following sentence replaced it in the final
version of the Short Biography: "In 1938 appeared the book, History of the All-Union
Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Short Course, written by Comrade Stalin and approved by a
commission of the Central Committee, All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)." Can one add
anything more?
As you see, a surprising metamorphosis changed the work created by a group into a book
written by Stalin. It is not necessary to state how and why this metamorphosis took place.
A pertinent question comes to our mind: If Stalin is the author of this book, why did he need to
praise the person of Stalin so much and to transform the whole post-October historical period of
our glorious Communist party solely into an action of "the Stalin genius"?
Did this book properly reflect the efforts of the party in the socialist transformation of the
country, in the construction of socialist society, in the industrialization and collectivization of
the country, and also other steps taken by the party which undeviatingly traveled the path
outlined by Lenin? This book speaks principally about Stalin, about his speeches, about his
reports. Everything without the smallest exception is tied to his name.
And when Stalin himself asserts that he himself wrote the Short Course of the History of the
All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), this calls at least for amazement. Can a
Marxist-Leninist thus write about himself, praising his own person to the heavens?
Or let us take the matter of the Stalin Prizes. (Movement in the hall.) Not even the Tsars created
prizes which they named after themselves.
Stalin recognized as the best a text of the national anthem of the Soviet Union which contains
not a word about the Communist party; it contains, however, the following unprecedented
praise of Stalin: "Stalin brought us up in loyalty to the people. He inspired us to great toil and
acts."
In these lines of the anthem, the whole educational, directional and inspirational activity of the
great Leninist party is ascribed to Stalin. This is, of course, a clear deviation from
Marxism-Leninism, a clear debasing and belittling of the role of the party. We should add for
your information that the Presidium of the Central Committee has already passed a resolution
concerning the composition of a new text of the anthem. which will reflect the role of the
people and the role of the party.
And was it without Stalin's knowledge that many of the largest enterprises and towns were
named after him? Was it without his knowledge that Stalin monuments were erected in the
whole country -- these "memorials to the living"? It is a fact that Stalin himself had signed on
July 2, 1951 a resolution of the USSR Council of Ministers concerning the erection on the
Volga-Don Canal of an impressive monument to Stalin; on September 4 of the same year he
issued an order making 33 tons of copper available for the construction of this impressive
monument.
Anyone who has visited the Stalingrad area must have seen the huge statue which is being built
there, and that on a site which hardly any people frequent. Huge sums were spent to build it at a
time when people of this area had lived since the war in huts. Consider, yourself, was Stalin
right when he wrote in his biography that "...he did not allow in himself... even a shadow of
conceit, pride, or self-adoration"?
At the same time Stalin gave proofs of his lack of respect for Lenin's memory. It is not a
coincidence that, despite the decision taken over 30 years ago to build a Palace of Soviets as a
monument to Vladimir Ilyich, this palace was not built, its construction was always postponed
and the project allowed to lapse.
We cannot forget to recall the Soviet Government resolution of August 14, 1925 concerning
"the founding of Lenin prizes for educational work." This resolution was published in the press,
but until this day there are no Lenin prizes. This, too, should be corrected.
During Stalin's life -- thanks to known methods which I have mentioned, and quoting facts, for
instance. from the Short Biography of Stalin -- all events were explained as if Lenin played only
a secondary role, even during the October Socialist Revolution. In many films and in many
literary works the figure of Lenin was incorrectly presented and inadmissibly depreciated.
Stalin loved to see the film, The Unforgettable Year of 1919,60 in which he was shown on the
steps of an armored train and where he was practically vanquishing the foe with his own saber.
Let Klimenti Yefremovich, our dear friend, find the necessary courage and write the truth about
Stalin; after all, he knows how Stalin had fought. It will be difficult for Comrade Voroshilov to
undertake this, but it would be good if he did it. Everyone will approve of it, both the people
and the party. Even his grandsons will thank him.61
And speaking about the events of the October Revolution and about the Civil War, the
impression was created that Stalin always played the main role, as if everywhere and always
Stalin had suggested to Lenin what to do and how to do it. However, this is slander of Lenin.
I will probably not sin against the truth when I say that 99 per cent of the persons present here
heard and knew very little about Stalin before the year 1924, while Lenin was known to all; he
was known to the whole party, to the whole nation, from the children up to the graybeards.
All this has to be thoroughly revised so that history, literature and the fine arts properly reflect
V. I. Lenin's role and the great deeds of our Communist party and of the Soviet people -- the
creative people.
Comrades! The cult of the individual has caused the employment of faulty principles in party
work and in economic activity; it brought about rude violation of internal party and Soviet
democracy, sterile administration, deviations of all sorts, covering up the shortcomings and
varnishing of reality. Our nation gave birth to many flatterers and specialists in false optimism
and deceit.
We should also not forget that, due to the numerous arrests of party, Soviet and economic
leaders, many workers began to work uncertainly, showed overcautiousness, feared all which
was new, feared their own shadows and began to show less initiative in their work.
Take, for instance, party and Soviet resolutions. They were prepared in a routine manner, often
without considering the concrete situation. This went so far that party workers, even during the
smallest sessions, read their speeches. All this produced the danger of formalizing the party and
Soviet work and of bureaucratizing the whole apparatus.
Stalin's reluctance to consider life's realities and the fact that he was not aware of the real state
of affairs in the provinces can be illustrated by his direction of agriculture.
All those who interested themselves even a little in the national situation saw the difficult
situation in agriculture, but Stalin never even noted it. Did we tell Stalin about this? Yes, we
told him, but he did not support us. Why? Because Stalin never traveled anywhere, did not meet
city and kolkhoz workers; he did not know the actual situation in the provinces.
He knew the country and agriculture only from films. And these films had dressed up and
beautified the existing situation in agriculture. Many films so pictured kolkhoz life that the
tables were bending from the weight of turkeys and geese. Evidently, Stalin thought that it was
actually so.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin looked at life differently; he was always close to the people; he used to
receive peasant delegates and often spoke at factory gatherings; he used to visit villages and
talk with the peasants.
Stalin separated himself from the people and never went anywhere. This lasted ten years. The
last time he visited a village was in January 1928, when he visited Siberia in connection with
grain deliveries. How then could he have known the situation in the provinces?
And when he was once told during a discussion that our situation on the land was a difficult one
and that the situation of cattle breeding and meat production was especially bad, a commission
was formed which was charged with the preparation of a resolution called "Means toward
further development of animal breeding in kolkhozes and sovkhozes." We worked out this
project.
Of course, our proposals of that time did not contain all possibilities, but we did chart ways in
which animal breeding on kolkhozes and sovkhozes would be raised. We had proposed then to
raise the prices of such products in order to create material incentives for the kolkhoz, MTS
[machine-tractor station] and sovkhoz workers in the development of cattle breeding.
But our
project was not accepted and in February 1953 was laid aside entirely.
What is more, while reviewing this project Stalin proposed that the taxes paid by the kolkhozes
and by the kolkhoz workers should be raised by 40 billion rubles; according to him the peasants
are well off and the kolkhoz worker would need to sell only one more chicken to pay his tax in
full.
Imagine what this meant. Certainly, 40 billion rubles is a sum which the kolkhoz workers did
not realize for all the products which they sold to the Government. In 1952, for instance, the
kolkhozes and the kolkhoz workers received 26,280 million rubles for all their products
delivered and sold to the Government.
Did Stalin's position, then, rest on data of any sort whatever? Of course not. In such cases facts
and figures did not interest him. If Stalin said anything, it meant it was so -- after all, he was a
"genius," and a genius does not need to count, he only needs to look and can immediately tell
how it should be. When he expresses his opinion, everyone has to repeat it and to admire his
wisdom.
But how much wisdom was contained in the proposal to raise the agricultural tax by 40 billion
rubles? None, absolutely none, because the proposal was not based on an actual assessment of
the situation but on the fantastic ideas of a person divorced from reality.
We are currently beginning slowly to work our way out of a difficult agricultural situation. The
speeches of the delegates to the Twentieth Congress please us all; we are glad that many
delegates deliver speeches, that there are conditions for the fulfillment of the sixth Five-Year
Plan for animal husbandry, not during the period of five years, but within two to three years.
We are certain that the commitments of the new Five-Year Plan will be accomplished
successfully.
Comrades! If we sharply criticize today the cult of the individual which was so widespread
during Stalin's life and if we speak about the many negative phenomena generated by this cult
which is so alien to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, various persons may ask: How could it be?
Stalin headed the party and the country for 30 years and many victories were gained during his
lifetime.
Can we deny this? In my opinion, the question can be asked in this manner only by
those who are blinded and hopelessly hypnotized by the cult of the individual, only by those
who do not understand the essence of the revolution and of the Soviet state, only by those who
do not understand, in a Leninist manner, the role of the party and of the nation in the
development of the Soviet society.
The Socialist Revolution was attained by the working class and by the poor peasantry with the
partial support of middle-class peasants. It was attained by the people under the leadership of
the Bolshevik Party. Lenin's great service consisted of the fact that he created a militant party of
the working class, but he was armed with Marxist understanding of the laws of social
development and with the science of proletarian victory in the fight with capitalism, and he
steeled this party in the crucible of revolutionary struggle of the masses of the people.
During this fight the party consistently defended the interests of the people, became its
experienced leader, and led the working masses to power, to the creation of the first socialist
state. You remember well the wise words of Lenin that the Soviet state is strong because of the
awareness of the masses that history is created by the millions and tens of millions of people.
Our historical victories were attained thanks to the organizational work of the party, to the
many provincial organizations, and to the self-sacrificing work of our great nation. These
victories are the result of the great drive and activity of the nation and of the party as a whole;
they are not at all the fruit of the leadership of Stalin, as the situation was pictured during the
period of the cult of the individual.
If we are to consider this matter as Marxists and as Leninists, then we have to state
unequivocally that the leadership practice which came into being during the last years of
Stalin's life became a serious obstacle in the path of Soviet social development. Stalin often
failed for months to take up some unusually important problems, concerning the life of the
party and of the state, whose solution could not be postponed. During Stalin's leadership our
peaceful relations with other nations were often threatened, because one-man decisions could
cause, and often did cause, great complications.
In the last years, when we managed to free ourselves of the harmful practice of the cult of the
individual and took several proper steps in the sphere of internal and external policies, everyone
saw how activity grew before their very eyes, how the creative activity of the broad working
masses developed, how favorably all this acted upon the development of economy and of
culture.
Some comrades may ask us: Where were the members of the Political Bureau of the Central
Committee? Why did they not assert themselves against the cult of the individual in time? And
why is this being done only now?
First of all, we have to consider the fact that the members of the Political Bureau viewed these
matters in a different way at different times.
Initially, many of them backed Stalin actively
because Stalin was one of the strongest Marxists and his logic, his strength and his will greatly
influenced the cadres and party work.
It is known that Stalin, after Lenin's death, especially during the first years, actively fought for
Leninism against the enemies of Leninist theory and against those who deviated.
Beginning
with Leninist theory, the party, with its Central Committee at the head, started on a great scale
the work of socialist industrialization of the country, agricultural collectivization and the
cultural revolution.
At that time Stalin gained great popularity, sympathy and support. The party had to fight those
who attempted to lead the country away from the correct Leninist path; it had to fight
Trotskyites, Zinovievites and rightists, and the bourgeois nationalists. This fight was
indispensable.
Later, however, Stalin, abusing his power more and more, began to fight eminent party and
Government leaders and to use terroristic methods against honest Soviet people. As we have
already shown, Stalin thus handled such eminent party and Government leaders as Kossior,
Rudzutak, Eikhe, Postyshev and many others.
Attempts to oppose groundless suspicions and charges resulted in the opponent falling victim of
the repression. This characterized the fall of Comrade Postyshev.
In one of his speeches Stalin expressed his dissatisfaction with Postyshev and asked him, "What
are you actually?"
Postyshev answered clearly, "I am a Bolshevik, Comrade Stalin, a Bolshevik."
This assertion was at first considered to show a lack of respect for Stalin; later it was
considered a harmful act and consequently resulted in Postyshev's annihilation and branding
without any reason as a "people's enemy."63
In the situation which then prevailed I have talked often with Nikolai Alexandrovich Bulganin;
once when we two were traveling in a car, he said, "It has happened sometimes that a man goes
to Stalin on his invitation as a friend.
And, when he sits with Stalin, he does not know where he
will be sent next -- home or to jail."
It is clear that such conditions put every member of the Political Bureau in a very difficult
situation. And, when we also consider the fact that in the last years the Central Committee
plenary sessions were not convened64 and that the sessions of the Political Bureau occurred
only occasionally, from time to time, then we will understand how difficult it was for any
member of the Political Bureau to take a stand against one or another unjust or improper
procedure, against serious errors and shortcomings in the practices of leadership.
As we have already shown, many decisions were taken either by one person or in a roundabout
way, without collective discussion. The sad fate of Political Bureau member Comrade
Voznesensky, who fell victim to Stalin's repressions, is known to all. It is a characteristic thing
that the decision to remove him from the Political Bureau was never discussed but was reached
in a devious fashion. In the same way came the decision concerning the removal of Kuznetsov
and Rodionov from their posts.65
The importance of the Central Committee's Political Bureau was reduced and its work was
disorganized by the creation within the Political Bureau of various commissions -- the so-called
"quintets," "sextets," "septets" and "novenaries." Here is, for instance, a resolution of the
Political Bureau of October 3, 1946:
Stalin's Proposal:
The Political Bureau Commission for Foreign Affairs ('Sextet')66 is to concern itself
in the future, in addition to foreign affairs, also with matters of internal
construction and domestic policy.
The Sextet is to add to its roster the Chairman of the State Commission of Economic
Planning of the USSR, Comrade Voznesensky, and is to be known as a Septet.
Signed: Secretary of the Central Committee, J. Stalin.
What a terminology of a card player! (Laughter in the hall.) It is clear that the creation within
the Political Bureau of this type of commissions -- "quintets," "sextets," "septets" and
"novenaries" -- was against the principle of collective leadership. The result of this was that
some members of the Political Bureau were in this way kept away from participation in
reaching the most important state matters.
One of the oldest members of our party, Klimenti Yefremovich Voroshilov, found himself in an
almost impossible situation.
For several years he was actually deprived of the right of
participation in Political Bureau sessions. Stalin forbade him to attend the Political Bureau
sessions and to receive documents. When the Political Bureau was in session and Comrade
Voroshilov heard about it, he telephoned each time and asked whether he would be allowed to
attend. Sometimes Stalin permitted it, but always showed his dissatisfaction.
Because of his extreme suspicion, Stalin toyed also with the absurd and ridiculous suspicion
that Voroshilov was an English agent. (Laughter in the hall.) It's true -- an English agent. A
special tapping crevice was installed in his home to listen to what was said there.
By unilateral decision, Stalin had also separated one other man from the work of the Political
Bureau -- Andrei Andreyevich Andreyev68. This was one of the most unbridled acts of
willfulness.
Let us consider the first Central Committee plenum after the 19th Party Congress when Stalin,
in his talk at the plenum, characterized Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov and Anastas
Ivanovich Mikoyan and suggested that these old workers of our party were guilty of some
baseless charges. It is not excluded that had Stalin remained at the helm for another several
months, Comrades Molotov and Mikoyan would probably have not delivered any speeches at
this Congress.
Stalin evidently had plans to finish off the old members of the Political Bureau. He often stated
that Political Bureau members should be replaced by new ones.
His proposal, after the 19th Congress, concerning the election of 25 persons to the Central
Committee Presidium, was aimed at the removal of the old Political Bureau members and the
bringing in of less experienced persons so that these would extol him in all sorts of ways.
We can assume that this was also a design for the future annihilation of the old Political Bureau
members and, in this way, a cover for all shameful acts of Stalin, acts which we are now
considering.
Comrades! In order not to repeat errors of the past, the Central Committee has declared itself
resolutely against the cult of the individual. We consider that Stalin was excessively extolled.
However, in the past Stalin doubtless performed great services to the party, to the working class
and to the international workers' movement.
This question is complicated by the fact that all this which we have just discussed was done
during Stalin's life under his leadership and with his concurrence; here Stalin was convinced
that this was necessary for the defense of the interests of the working classes against the
plotting of enemies and against the attack of the imperialist camp.
He saw this from the position of the interest of the working class, of the interest of the laboring
people, of the interest of the victory of socialism and communism. We cannot say that these
were the deeds of a giddy despot. He considered that this should be done in the interest of the
party, of the working masses, in the name of the defense of the revolution's gains. In this lies the
whole tragedy!
Comrades! Lenin had often stressed that modesty is an absolutely integral part of a real
Bolshevik. Lenin himself was the living personification of the greatest modesty. We cannot say
that we have been following this Leninist example in all respects.
It is enough to point out that many towns, factories and industrial enterprises, kolkhozes and
sovkhozes, Soviet institutions and cultural institutions have been referred to by us with a title if
I may express it so -- of private property of the names of these or those Government or party
leaders who were still active and in good health. Many of us participated in the action of
assigning our names to various towns, rayons, enterprises and kolkhozes. We must correct this.
This should be done calmly and slowly.
The Central Committee will discuss this matter and
consider it carefully in order to prevent errors and excesses. I can remember how the Ukraine
learned about Kossior's arrest. The Kiev radio used to start its programs thus: "This is Radio (in
the name of) Kossior." When one day the programs began without naming Kossior, everyone
was quite certain that something had happened to Kossior, that he probably had been arrested.
Thus, if today we begin to remove the signs everywhere and to change names, people will think
that these comrades in whose honor the given enterprises, kolkhozes or cities are named also
met some bad fate and that they have also been arrested.
How is the authority and the importance of this or that leader judged? On the basis of how
many towns, industrial enterprises and factories, kolkhozes and sovkhozes carry his name. Is it
not about time that we eliminate this "private property" and "nationalize" the factories, the
industrial enterprises, the kolkhozes and the sovkhozes? (Laughter, applause, voices: "That is
right.") This will benefit our cause. After all, the cult of the individual is manifested also in this
way.
We should, in all seriousness, consider the question of the cult of the individual. We cannot let
this matter get out of the party, especially not to the press. It is for this reason that we are
considering it here at a closed Congress session. We should know the limits; we should not give
ammunition to the enemy; we should not wash our dirty linen before their eyes. I think that the
delegates to the Congress will understand and assess properly all these proposals.
Comrades! We must abolish the cult of the individual decisively, once and for all; we must
draw the proper conclusions concerning both ideological-theoretical and practical work. It is
necessary for this purpose:
First, in a Bolshevik manner to condemn and to eradicate the cult of the individual as alien to
Marxism-Leninism and not consonant with the principles of party leadership and the norms of
party life, and to fight inexorably all attempts at bringing back this practice in one form or
another.
To return to and actually practice in all our ideological work the most important theses of
Marxist-Leninist science about the people as the creator of history and as the creator of all
material and spiritual good of humanity, about the decisive role of the Marxist party in the
revolutionary fight for the transformation of society, about the victory of communism.
In this connection we will be forced to do much work in order to examine critically from the
Marxist-Leninist viewpoint and to correct the widely spread erroneous views connected with
the cult of the individual in the sphere of history, philosophy, economy and of other sciences, as
well as in literature and the fine arts. It is especially necessary that in the immediate future we
compile a serious textbook of the history of our party which will be edited in accordance with
scientific Marxist objectivism, a textbook of the history of Soviet society, a book pertaining to
the events of the Civil War and the Great Patriotic War.
Secondly, to continue systematically and consistently the work done by the party's Central
Committee during the last years, a work characterized by minute observation in all party
organizations, from the bottom to the top, of the Leninist principles of party leadership,
characterized, above all, by the main principle of collective leadership. characterized by the
observance of the norms of party life described in the statutes of our party, and, finally,
characterized by the wide practice of criticism and self-criticism.
Thirdly, to restore completely the Leninist principles of Soviet socialist democracy, expressed
in the Constitution of the Soviet Union, to fight willfulness of individuals abusing their power.
The evil caused by acts violating revolutionary socialist legality which have accumulated
during a long time as a result of the negative influence of the cult of the individual has to be
completely corrected.
Comrades! The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has manifested with
a new strength the unshakable unity of our party, its cohesiveness around the Central
Committee, its resolute will to accomplish the great task of building communism.
And the fact that we present in all their ramifications the basic problems of overcoming the cult
of the individual which is alien to Marxism-Leninism, as well as the problem of liquidating its
burdensome consequences, is an evidence of the great moral and political strength of our party.
We are absolutely certain that our party, armed with the historical resolutions of the 20th
Congress. will lead the Soviet people along the Leninist path to new successes, to new victories.
Long live the victorious banner of our party -- Leninism!
A NOTER QUE KROUTCHEV NE DIT RIEN DANS CE DISCOURS DES CRIMES DE LENINE OU SEMBLE LES EXCUSER. IL NE DIT RIEN NON PLUS DU NOMBRE DES VICTIMES DE STALINE QUI SE COMPTENT EN MILLIONS. IL S'AGISSAIT SIMPLEMENT ET UNE FOIS DE PLUS D'ASSEOIR SON POUVOIR SUR LES MASSES HORRIFIEES SANS POUR AUTANT LES DEGOUTER A JAMAIS DU COMMUNISME.
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