History of Atlantic Village, New Derry

CHAPTER XVIII THE DERRY SETTLEMENT P. 116 The aflictions and daring deeds of the pioneers of the Derry settlement during the Revolution will illustrate the experience of other districts in the Westmoreland country. Derry was a long, triangular territory near the northern border of the county, bounded on the east by Chestnut Ridge, on the north by Conemaugh river, and on the southwest by Loyalhanna creek. Its first settlers wee from the Cumberland Valley, and were either natives of Derry, in Ireland, or their immediate descendants. The circumstances under which these pioneers went to the border show that they were bold and self-reliant. The time was a year or two prior to the purchase of the land from the Indians, and the settlers were trespassers. Yet they fearlessly penetrated the forest, built their cabins and hewed out their clearings, taking their chances of withstanding the savages on the one hand and the colonial authorities on the other. When the land office opened, in the spring of 1769, most of these Derry "squatters" were successful in obtaining warrants for their holdings. The leaders in this Derry settlement were Robert Barr, James Wilson, John Pomeroy, William Guthrie, John Shields, Samuel Craig and Richard Wallace. A few of their compatriots, among them Charles Campbell and George Findley, ventured to settle north of the Conemaugh river, in the valley of Blacklick creek, where they were in the most exposed situation in all the border region. . P. 117 The cabins of the Derry men were of logs, and, being furnished with loop-holes for rifles, were capable of stout defense against the Indians. Richard Wallace built on a hill near the Conemaugh, about a mile and a half south of the site of Blairsville. He erected a grist mill which ground the grain of the entire settlement. When Dunmore's war began, in the spring of 1774, he constructed a strong stockade around his house, which afforded a refuge for the neighborhood. This stockade became know as Fort Wallace. . About five and a half miles to the southwest, on a tributary of the Loyalhanna, settled Robert Barr and his sons, and when the Revolution began a stockade was constructed there, known as Fort Barr. A mile farther south, immediately overlooking the Loyalhanna, was the log house of john Shields, and it also was surrounded by a stockade. These three stockades were the strong places of the Derry settlement, frequently assailed but never overcome by the savages. Robert Barr's two sons-in-law, James Wilson and John Pomeroy, dwelt in isolated clearings between Fort Barr and fort Wallace. . The official records of Pennsylvania contain only occasional references to the perils of the Derry settlement during the revolution. Details of the adventures of the pioneers have been preserved in the family traditions, and some of these have been collected in print. These traditions are far from trustworthy, save as corroborated or corrected by contemporary records. Two events are sometimes mingled into one, circumstances are distorted or exaggerated, and dates are often far out of the way. The men who cleared the woods and fought the savages were either unlettered or too busy with deeds to find time for writing. The human memory is very fallible, and tradition is a fragile support for the historian; yet it serves to give life and color to the dull statements of official reports. . P. 118 It was in harvest time of 1777 that the Indians first raided the northern border of Westmoreland. North of the Kiskiminetas a few men were killed or captured, and the Blacklick settlers fled away to Fort Wallace with their wives and cattle. Among the fugitives were Randall Laughlin, whose horses escaped from the pasture at Fort Wallace and returned to the Blacklick farm. Laughlin determined to venture back after them, and was accompanied by four of his neighbors, Charles Campbell, a major of the militia; two brothers Gibson, and a man of the name of Dixon. In safety they reached Laughlin's cabin, and while resting there on Sept. 25, they were surprised and surrounded by a band of savages, probably Wyandots, led by a Frenchman. On the promise that their lives would be spared, the settlers surrendered. They were permitted to write a note, describing their capture, and to tack it on the cabin door. Then they were hurried away, through the wilderness, to Detroit. Rangers who went in search of the missing men, found the note on the door and within the cabin four printed proclamations, from Governor Hamilton, of Detroit, offering reward to all who would desert the American cause. Along the Blacklick valley the rangers discovered the scalped bodies of four settlers, whose lives had been the forfeit of their temerity. 1 Major Campbell and his companions were taken to Quebec, where they were liberated on exchange in the fall of 1778. Dixon and one of the Gibsons died on shipboard during the voyage to Boston, but three others returned to the Westmoreland frontier, where Campbell subsequently attained high position. Several small parties of savages prowled through the Derry settlement during the autumn of 1777, stealing and killing live stock and burning deserted cabins. The settlers kept close in the three forts and suffered little personal injury. On November 1, Lieutenant Samuel Craig, who lived near Shield's fort, was riding toward Ligonier for salt, when he was waylaid and killed or captured at the western base of Chestnut Ridge. Rangers found his beautiful mare lying dead near the trail, with eight bullets in her, but not the slightest trace of the rider was ever discovered.2 P. 119 Three days after the taking of Craig, the Indians attacked Fort Wallace. The savages opened fire from the edge of the woods on one side of the fort, while on the other side a white man appeared, wading in the shallow water up the tail race of the mill and waving a red flag. His action was a mystery to the defenders of the stockade, but their curiosity did not restrain their triggers. As the flag bearer approached the palisade, he received a volley and fell dead with seven bullets in his body. In a bag suspended from a cord around his neck were found two proclamations like those left in Randall Laughlin's cabin on the Blacklick. He was one of Hamilton's emissaries from Detroit, and when he fell his savage followers glided away into the woods.3 The Indians did not leave the settlement. Major James Wilson, working about his farm, heard the firing of guns at the cabin of a neighbor. Wilson got his rifle and went to investigate. He found his neighbor's body, the head being severed and lying near. Wilson then hurried his wife and children to Fort Barr, and a party of the borderers, led by Robert Barr, was soon gathered to pursue the marauders. This party included two of the most experienced Indian trailers on the frontier, Major James Smith and Captain John Hinkston. The Indians were followed across the Kiskiminetas toward the Allegheny river, and were overtaken near Kittanning. A sharp conflict ensued, five of the savages were killed and the others were dispersed. The dead savages were scalped, and the ghastly trophies were sent to Philadelphia for reward.4 In the spring of 1778 the Indians came down again, across the Kiskiminetas and the Conemaugh. On April 28 a score of rangers, under the command of Captain Hopkins, who had gone out from Fort Wallace, were surprised by a superior force of savages in the forest and were defeated after a hard fight. Nine of the rangers were slain and their bodies left behind; Captain Hopkins was slightly wounded, and four Indians fell.5 P. 120 This is probably the combat in which Ebenezer Finley took part, described in Dr. Joseph Smith's "Old Redstone.6 Ebenezer was the son of the celebrated pioneer preacher, Rev. James Finley, and, according to the story related of him, was serving a tour at Fort Wallace as a member of a small militia company from the Monongahela valley. A horseman dashed into the fort, with an alarm that Indians were in the vicinity, that he had left tow men and a woman coming in through the woods afoot, and that they must be overtaken if not rapidly succored. Eighteen or twenty militiamen sallied forth, and, at a distance of about a mile and a half from the fort, fell into an Indian ambush. After the first exchange of shots, the militiamen retreated, and a running fight took place nearly to the gate of the fort. Many of the white men "were shot down or tomahawked." Finley fell behind while trying to prime his gun, and was in imminent danger of being overtaken. Putting forth extra effort, he succeeded in passing a comrade by striking the other man on the shoulder with his elbow, and a moment later this comrade was felled with a tomahawk. Thus young Finley saved himself by sacrificing the life of another, and the pious author would have it tat Finley escaped by the interposition of Providence. Rev. James Finley was I Philadelphia at the time, and at the very hour of the ambuscade was affected by a strong impression that his son was in danger. He betook himself to intense prayer, and after a short period was relieved by a feeling that the danger had passed. It was not until several weeks later that he learned the nature of his son's peril and the manner of his escape. P. 121 Certain family traditions of the Derry settlement relate to another bitter combat with the savages in the immediate neighborhood of Fort Wallace, at an uncertain period during the Revolution. This affair may have taken place during the summer of 1778, for it is known that desperate inroads were made by the Indians at that time into the northern precincts of Westmoreland.7 The story goes that signs of Indians were seen near Fort Barr, and the settlers throughout the southern part of Derry took refuge there. They were preparing to withstand an attack, when brisk firing was heard in the direction of fort Wallace. Major James Wilson, at the head of about forty men, promptly set out from Barr's to the relief of the other post. They arrived within sight of fort Wallace, which they found heavily besieged, but as soon as Wilson's company appeared, the savages turned upon it and assailed it in overwhelming force. The principal conflict took place on a bridge over a deep gully, about 500 yards from the fort. Several Indians were there slain and others were thrown over the bridge; but Wilson's party was forced to retreat and fought desperately all the way back to Fort Barr. During this retreat two of Robert Barr's sons, Alexander and Robert, were killed, but their bodies were saved from the scalping knife. All others gained the stockade in safety, and the Indians soon afterward disappeared from the settlement.8 P. 122 No record has been found of further Indian attacks on the Derry district until the spring of 1781. On the first day of April, while Colonel John Pmeroy and at least three hired men were at work in a field, they were fired upon by Indians and one of the men was killed. Pomeroy fled to his cabin, while the two hired men ran for Fort Barr, about a mile away. Only one of them reached the fort, where he related what had occurred. Very few men were in the fort, but James Wilson and James Barr mounted horses and rode away to Pomeroy's assistance. From a hilltop near the house they saw several Indians skulking about Pomeroy's barn, but no sound came from the cabin. Wilson called out, "Pomeroy, are you alive?" From the cabin came the lusty response, "Yes, come on and we'll kill all the rascals yet." Wilson and Barr left heir horses, made a dash for the dwelling and entered it unharmed. There they found that the owner and his wife Hannah had been making a gallant defense for nearly three hours. They had hidden their children under the heavy oak floor and had betaken themselves to the loft, from whose port holes Pomeroy had been firing. He had two good rifles, and, while he was handling one, Hannah loaded the other, taking, meanwhile, frequent liberal pinches of snuff. Upon the arrival of Wilson and Barr, the Indians, who were few in number, ran into the woods. The children were drawn from their hiding place and Pomeroy's family was conducted, without molestation, to Fort Barr.9 On the following day Colonel Archibald Lochry, the county lieutenant, arrived in the settlement with a company of militia and visited Pomeroy's farm. The dwelling had been broken open by the Indians, and nearly all the contents carried away. In the field the body of the scalped laborer was found and buried. A second hired man, who had fled, was never found.10 Copyright 2004 Edgar W. Hassler Old Westmoreland II Site: http://www.geocities.com/lydick_1999/History/o2w.html WALLACE'S FORT. From the best information at present obtainable, Wallace's Fort was erected probably as early as 1774. It contained about half an acre of ground, and had a good blockhouse within the enclosure. In case of an actual attack by the Indians, the women and children were placed in the lower story, while the men proceeded above, and used their rifles from the portholes in the walls. The Fort was erected on the farm of Richard Wallace, who was one of the first settlers of that part of Derry township in Westmoreland county, which lay between the old Forbes road and the Conemaugh river. John Pomroy, James Wilson, William Barr, Alexander Barr and William Guthrie belonged to this settlement. This fort was the place of resort and refuge for the inhabitants of the frontier lying north of the Old Road and east of Hannastown and Fort Hand, all through the Revolution; and particularly for those who lived along the Conemaugh river and north of that as far as settlements were made. In that direction there was no other fort and no place of harborage worth speaking of; so that in the more perilous times the people gathered together there while it was dangerous to be abroad. (1.) At some periods, particularly during the open part of 1777 and 1778 and 1780 and ‘81 that frontier, for the most part, was deserted. Arms and ammunition were kept here; it was a designated place for the supply of salt; and it was an objective point for the rangers. It thus was an attractive spot for the savages. In their incursions they came in mostly from beyond the Allegheny river, crossing it either above or below Fort Crawford, and frequently following the old Kittanning Path and the path which led down the Ligonier Valley (2.) Some idea of the condition of affairs here in 1777 may be had from the Journal of Fort Preservation (Ligonier). * * * On the 4th of May, 1778, Col. John Piper, of Bedford, writes to President Wharton: "In the county of Westmoreland, at a little fort called Fort Wallace, within some sixteen or twenty miles from Fort Ligonier, there were nine men killed and one man, their captain, wounded last week, the party of Indians was very numerous, so that between Indians and the still more savage Tories, these backward counties are in real distress." (3) It is probable this affair was the same which is spoken of in a letter from Col. Lochry to President Wharton, of date May 13th, 1778, in which is this paragraph: "On the 28th April, the Indians came into the settlement at and about Wallace's Fort, attacked 20 of our men which were reconnoitering the woods, and killed 9 of our men and wounded Capt. Hopkins slightly, and we lost nine guns" (4) "From the time of the return of Brodhead from his expedition against the Seneca Indians to the end of the year (1779), a good degree of quietude existed along the northern frontier. Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford were evacuated The principal points garrisoned were Wheeling Holliday's Cove (in what is now Hancock county, W Va), and Fort McIntosh, down the Ohio, Fort Pitt, at Pittsburgh, and Fort Hand, Fort Wallace and Hannastown, on the northern frontier, the two last mentioned were occupied by the ranging companies of Captains Irwin and Campbell (Thomas), whose terms of service expired during the ensuing winter. Meanwhile, Captain Moorhead's independent company, which, for nearly three years, had been doing duty on the frontiers of Westmoreland county, was removed to Fort Pitt, and made a part of the Eighth regiment." (5.) Wallace's Fort is connected with the controversy between Col. Brodhead and Col. Lochry about the disposition of the two companies of militia under Capt. Erwin and Capt. Campbell, in the latter part of 1779. Brodhead ordered these companies to Fort Pitt upon the evacuation of Fort Armstrong (Kittanning), and Fort Crawford; but Lochry thereupon ordered them elsewhere for the immediate protection of the settlements over which he had command. Capt. Erwin was stationed at Hannastown and Capt. Campbell was ordered to Fort Wallace, upon which, he was arrested by Brodhead for disobeying his orders. Campbell addressed a letter to the Council, of which the following is a copy: "To the Honorable Members in Council, I Beeg Leav to present a true Copy of a Letter to Col. Brodhead, Which I am aristed for, and giv som Reasons for the Warmth Expressed in my Leter. Being ordered by Col. Loughry to March my Company to fort Wallis, I then applied to Col. Brodhead for horses and provision to transport my Company to my New post. Was Refused Supplies of every kind; Likeways teen of My Men being inlisted into the 6 Pennsylvania Regt., Before the terms of their inlistments are expired. Now Wher the Discharged from My Company, the wher also Detained, and Not Sufered to March with the Company; therefore I submit My Celf to this Honourable bord." (6.) It would appear that this fort, however, was maintained for the most part by the exertions and through the care of the surrounding inhabitants, and that the men who were kept there in the capacity of a garrison were for the most part volunteers or rangers called out for special emergencies. There is, therefore, not frequent mention made of this place in the civil or military records extant; but interest in it has been kept up by contributions of a very respectable character, which, for the most part, are founded upon direct tradition and which are corroborated by many authentic circumstances. It is true that these accounts sometimes are mistaken in the matter of dates, associating incidents of indisputable occurrence with periods of time different from the actual fact. Wherever we have changed these accounts in this particular it is where we have been warranted in doing so. The following is on the authority of Rev. William Cunningham: (7.) "The Indians generally made their incursions in the fall of the year. During harvest time, also, they often became very troublesome. They lurked in the woods, and cut off the unsuspecting settler when he least apprehended danger. They plowed, they reaped, rifle in hand. Major Wilson used to relate how he stood with his rifle, in his cabin door, while his wife brought water from the spring. "On certain occasions, the 'signs' of Indians had been seen in the woods, for several days, and it was supposed that Barr's Fort would be attacked the following morning. This fort (Barr's) stood about a mile north of New Derry. While they expected an attack there, they were much surprised to hear firing at Wallace's Fort, about five miles distant. Great anxiety was felt by those at Barr's Fort for their friends at Wallace's. Major Wilson with others volunteered to go to their aid. Leaving therefore a barely sufficient force at Barr's to protect the fort, and to keep the women in heart, they started. The firing continued all the time as they approached. "When they reached Wallace's, the little party within were engaged in hot conflict with a large number of Indians, who had made an early attack on the fort. The enemy no sooner perceived Wilson and his company than they turned upon them. There was formerly a bridge over the ravine, which is about 500 yards above the fort. Wilson, with a few of his party, had crossed this. Being compelled to retreat, he found the Indians had taken possession of the bridge. Here he was engaged hand-to-hand with them. He knocked several of them off, and thus prepared the way for himself and his friends. "He then took his position near a large oak, on the bank beyond, and plied his rifle with deadly effect on them. But the Indians were too numerous for the little band, and they were compelled to retreat. They kept up a retreating fire all the way to Barr's Fort. About a mile from Wallace's, [Alexander?] Barr was killed. When they had nearly reached the fort, Robert Barr also fell. He was engaged with several Indians, fighting manfully with the butt of his gun. Major Wilson shot one of the Indians, who fell dead on Barr. The next instant a tomahawk was buried in Barr's skull. "Shortly after this an alarm was again given of the approach of Indians. All in the vicinity of Wallace's Fort fled to it. Major Wilson happened to be among them. A man named Reddick when seeking the fort, was attacked by a party who had concealed themselves under the bridge afore mentioned, but he was fortunate to make good his escape to the fort. It was supposed that the Indians were few in number, and Major Wilson, with characteristic bravery, proposed to attack them with a small party. "Taking some six or eight men, he pursued, and in a short time came up with them. They were found lying in the grass, on the top of what is known as Culbertson's Hill, about a mile from the fort, on the farm now belonging to John Stouffer. The Indians immediately fired. The band of Indians was much larger than they supposed, and Wilson and his party, with the Indians in pursuit, made for the fort. "Loading and firing as they ran, they supposed they had killed several, but never certainly ascertained. These are a few of the many instances which occurred around the old fort, and give us some idea of the scenes through which the settlers of the regions were called to pass." In a biographical sketch of the Rev. James Finley, by the Rev. Joseph Smith, D. D., published in Old Redstone, mention is made of this fort. (8.) It would appear that in 1772 Mr. Finley came over the mountains for his ministrations here. This was his third trip, and he brought with him his son Ebenezer, then a lad of fourteen years of age, whom he placed on a farm that he had purchased in Fayette county, in the bounds of Dunlap's creek congregation. "This son, about three or four years after, had a perilous adventure with the Indians at Fort Wallace. This place is supposed to have been in or near the bounds of Salem congregation, not far from the Kiskiminetas. Young Finley had gone from Dunlap's creek on a short tour of militia duty to this, then, frontier settlement, in place of Samuel Finley, who then lived with him, though not a relative. While this young man was in the fort, tidings were brought by a man on horseback in breathless haste, that Indians had made their appearance at a little distance; that he had left two men and a woman on foot trying to make their way to the fort; and that, unless immediately rescued or protected they would be lost. Some 18 or 20 men, and, along with them, young Finley, started immediately for their rescue. About a mile and a half from the fort, they came unexpectedly upon a considerable force of savages. They were, for a while, in the midst of them. A sharp fire began immediately, and a zig-zag, running fight took place. Our people making their way back toward the fort, numbers of them were shot down or tomahawked. Finley's gun would not "go off." He stopped for a moment to pick his flint, and fell behind. An Indian was seen leveling his gun at him, but was fortunately shot down at the moment. Being fleet of foot, he soon was abreast of one of his companions; and, in passing round the root of a tree, by a quick motion of his elbow against his companion's shoulder, succeeded in passing him, when, the next moment, his comrade sunk under the stroke of a tomahawk. A Mr. Moore, seeing Finley's imminent danger from a bridge on which he stood, stopped, and by his well directed fire, again protected him, and enabled him to pass the bridge. At last, after several doublings and turnings, the Indians being sometimes both in the rear and ahead of him, he reached the fort in safety." (9) In a sketch of the life of Randall Laughlin, the particulars of which were obtained from his immediate family, we learn that he came to this country from Ireland when a young man, probably about the year 1770, that he arrived in this section prior to the Revolutionary War; purchased the improvement right to a large tract of land lying partly in Blacklick and partly in Centre townships (Indiana county), on which a small quantity of ground had been cleared; that he remained for a while, built a cabin and otherwise increased his improvement; after which he returned to Franklin county, where he had formerly lived a short time. "Some time in the winter of 1777, he was married, and the next spring came back to his farm, intending to remain here permanently. But he was sadly disappointed. Some time in the spring or summer, owing to the presence of hostile Indians in the neighborhood who were prowling about in all directions, but more especially in the north, he with his wife went to Wallace's Fort, a short distance south of Blairsville, where a number of persons were congregated. "During their stay at Wallace's, the farmers went out occasionally to the different farms in small parties, always armed with their rifles, and prepared to meet the savage foe. His horses having strayed away from the fort, and supposing that they had returned to the farm, Laughlin, accompanied by Charles Campbell, Dixon, John Gibson and his brother went in search of them. "While the party were in Laughlin's cabin preparing some dinner, they were surrounded by a number of Indians led by a Frenchman, and summoned to surrender, the leader telling them if they would submit none of them should be injured, but in case they resisted, their bodies should be burned up with the cabin. After consultation, it was resolved to surrender. They were permitted to write a statement on the cabin door, of what had happened, and assure their friends that they all expected to escape death, and return home again. (10.) The captives were next marched off, well guarded by the Indians. They were taken to Detroit by way of Sandusky and thence to Montreal, thence to Quebec. After being exchanged, Laughlin, Charles Campbell and John Gibson returned to their homes, but two of their companions died on the way. Charles Campbell, who is spoken of above, was Colonel Charles Campbell, a very prominent officer of the rangers; he was a sub-lieutenant of the county at the time, and later, succeeded Edward Cook as the county lieutenant. In later life he was well known as Gen. Campbell. These men were taken prisoners at the time when the British Gov. of Detroit, Hamilton, was by the Tory agents and renegade whites, scattering proclamations and offering inducements to all those who should leave the service of the colonies and join that of the King. At the time Campbell was taken, these proclamations were found at the cabin in which the above party were captured. Col. Campbell kept a journal of his travels during the period of his captivity, which was lately in existence. From it, it seems, they began their journey on Thursday, the 25th of Sept., 1777, and on the 14th of Sept., 1778, they came in sight of Cape Ann, and got into Boston Harbor that night. From Boston, Campbell traveled to Pennsylvania, sometimes afoot and sometimes riding in a vehicle, being about six weeks on the route. Various accounts have been told of Richard Wallace, identified with this fort, touching his captivity among the Indians. The most of these are traceable to verbal representations; and while in substance, the published ones are mainly correct, yet they differ in the time in which the capture should have occurred. It is altogether probable that it had its origin in the following state of facts: When Colonel Lochry, Lieutenant of the county, led out a company to join Gen. Clark in the summer of 1781, in his expedition against Detroit, as contemplated, Lochry's s command were assailed, surprised and surrounded when they had landed at the mouth of a small creek on the Ohio river, to this day called Lochry's creek. Lochry's force were all either killed or taken prisoners. Richard Wallace accompanied him as Quartermaster to his command. In a memorial directed to President Moore, endorsed July 3d, 1782, subscribed by Isaac Anderson, Lieut. of Capt. Shearer's company of rangers, and Richard Wallace, late Quartermaster to Col. Lochry, it was represented that "they had the misfortune to be made prisoners by the Indians on the 24th of August last and carried to Montreal, and there kept in close confinement till the 26th of May last, when they were so fortunate as to make their escape, and after a long and fatiguing march through the wilderness, they got to the city [Philadelphia] yesterday at 3 o'clock." They further represented that they were then destitute of money and clothes, without which they could not get home, wherefore they prayed the Governor and Council to take their case into consideration, and order them their pay from the time they were made prisoners to then; saying that they were under the command of Col. Lochry when taken, and that they had a list of these, both officers and privates, who were then prisoners of that party, together with such information as was in their power. (11.) Col. Lochry to Col. Brodhead, April 2d, 1781: "I am just returned from burying a man killed and scalped by the Indians at Col. Pomroy's house, one other man is missing and all Pomroy's effects carried off. I have been attempting to get some militia to cover our frontier until some other succor arrives, which I hope will be soon. I am afraid from the disposition of the people you have little to expect from us." He here refers to the prospect of raising the volunteers for a projected expedition against the Indians. (12.) The fort was still used when circumstances demanded. After the peace of 1783 it was rarely resorted to. It fell gradually into decay until the stockade walls, the monuments of troublous times in which they were built, had finally disappeared. Not a vestige now remains. "This fort was a stockade enclosing half an acre or more. It stood on the hill a little west of the brick house, now occupied by Samuel Dixon and covered the mill and spring of water west of the brick house. The stockade on the side next the mill (for there was a flouring mill there then about where the present one stands) was about 60 yards distant, and on the high ground above McGee's run, which propels the mill. The mill and spring were both within rifle-range of the fort." (13.) The site of Wallace's fort with regard to present surroundings, was on a rising ground running northward and southward, on something of an abrupt bank, the second rise above McGee's run, about a mile south from the Conemaugh, and one and a half miles from Blairsville. The spring which was enclosed within the stockade walls is still there. There is a mill on the old mill site of Wallace's Mill, which was within a stone's throw of the fort. The present farm house, occupied by W. T. McFarland, whose wife, the daughter of Samuel Barr, dec'd, is the owner of the premises, is about one hundred yards north of the old fort. Notes to Fort Wallace. (1.) St. Clair in his letter to Gov. Penn, June 12th, 1774 ,referred to elsewhere says that "All that great country between that Road (Forbes Road) and that River (Allegheny), being totally abandoned, except a few who are associated with the people who murdered the Indian (Joseph Wipey), and are shut up in a small Fort on Connymack (Conemaugh), equally afraid of the Indians and officers of Justice." * * * * There can he no doubt that he means Wallace's Fort. "It became necessary to erect defences against Indian hostility, and two forts, as they were called, were built; one at Barr's, called Barrs Fort, on the farm occupied by Wm. Gibson (now Calvin Gilson); the other at Wallace's, called Wallace's Fort. They were stockades similar to those ordinarily erected against the Indians, and about five miles apart. After their erection, guard was kept in each, and in prospect of danger, the women and children were placed there for protection." [Greensburg Herald. Contribution by Richard McCabe, Esq.] (2.) Some cabins were fitted temporarily as places of defence. It is said that George Findley's cabin, north of the Conemaugh, was so fitted. [Hist. Indiana Co.] (3.) Arch., vi. 469. (4.) Arch., vi, 495. (5.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 46. (6.) Arch., viii, 36. Arch., viii, 106. (7.) Hist. of the Cunningham family. Mr. Cunningham drew largely upon the contributions which were furnished to various journals, at different times, some of these as early as 1810,—by Richard B. McCabe. Esq., and Jonathan Bow, Esq. Indiana Register, 1859)—both excellent authorities. He also made use of the traditionary accounts furnished him from the family of the Wallaces, and others with whom he was related. Major (at a later period frequently called Colonel), James Wilson, was one of the most conspicuous leaders in that section during the Indians troubles before and during the Revolution. (8.) Old Redstone; or, Historical Sketches of Western Presbyterianism, its Early Ministers, its Perilous Times, and its First Records, by J0s. Smith, D. D., Phila.: 1854, p. 284. (9.) The narrative continues: "But the most extraordinary part of this matter remains to be told. Mr. Finley, the father, then at home, east of the mountains, 300 miles off, had, as he thought, one day, a strange and unaccountable impression that his son was in imminent danger of some kind, but no distinct conception of its nature or cause. He betook himself to intense and agonizing prayer for his son; continued in this exercise for some time; felt at length relieved and comforted, as though the danger was passed. It was altogether to himself an extraordinary thing; such as he had never before experienced. He made a note of the time. A few weeks afterward, he received from his son, upon his return to his father's, an account of his narrow escape from death. The time precisely corresponded with the time of Mr. Finley's strange experience. This is the substance of the statement we have received. Its accuracy, in its most essential features, may be fully relied on. What shall we say of it? Mr. Finley was a man of most scrupulous veracity. We leave the simple statement of the case to the reflections of the reader." Id. (10.) Note to "Randall Laughlin"—Hist. Indiana Co., p. 140. Jonathan Row in Indiana Register, 1859. * * * * John Pomroy was one of the five commissioners appointed by the Assembly in 1785 to locate a county seat for the county of Westmoreland, whose labors resulted in the selection of Greensburg. * * * * The mention of "Frenchmen" accompanying these Indian parties about this period arose from the fact that the French Canadians were largely in the service of the British Governor of Detroit. Query.—Did Campbell hold out any inducement to his captors that he would accept a commission? It is probable he did, as their treatment of him can he explained in no other reasonable way. He might have done so without any question as to his integrity. He did good service after his return; was County-Lieutenant after Edward Cook, as stated; and is addressed as Colonel and General in 1791-4. 2d Arch., iv.. Lieutenant Lochry to President Wharton, on the 4th Nov., 1777, says: "Lieut. Col. Charles Campble and four other persons are made prisoners on the waters of Blacklegs creek; four other men killed and scalped near the same place; one man kill'd near Wallace's Fort on Connomouch." * * * * Archives, v, 741. See notes to Journal kept during the erection of Fort Ligonier, or "Fort Preservation." (11.) Rec., xiii, 325, et seq. See compensation allowed them at that date. (12.) Arch., ix, 51. (13.) The Cunningham Family. BARR'S FORT. The tract of land upon which Barr's Fort was built, was located on April 3d, 1769—the day upon which the land office was opened—warranted and granted to Robert Barr, for whom it was surveyed in 1789. At the time of the location, the parties adjoining were Herman Gertson, James Fulton, James Eaton and others, among whom was James Barr, Esq. In 1796, Thomas Barr, eldest son of Robert Barr, deceased, conveyed to William Gilson, then late of Cumberland county, Pa., from whom it has descended to his great grandson, Calvin Gilson, the present owner and occupier. The grandfather of Mr. Gilson was born in the blockhouse. This fort, originally the house of the early Barr, but later a stockade fort, was in the Derry settlement, where the Barrs, the Wallaces, George Findley, John Pomroy, James Guthrie, and others settled very early—most of them before the opening of the land office (1769). Col. John Pomroy's (Pumroy) wife was Isabella Barr, daughter of the elder Barr and sister of James and Alexander. The graveyard in this place contains, besides the grave of Major James Wilson, one of the most conspicuous men of the settlement, many other settlers, and is supposed to be, and doubtless is, the oldest burying-place in that section. About five or six miles towards the Conemaugh was Wallace's Fort; Shields' Blockhouse was three or four miles away toward the southward, on the Loyalhanna. Events and incidents connected with Fort Barr are mentioned in the account of Wallace's Fort. The site is about a mile from Now Derry village, and a little over two miles from Derry Station on the Penn'a Railroad, and in Derry township, Westmoreland county. A stockade fort was erected here early, and was used throughout the Revolution. The area inclosed by the stockade was near one-half an acre, and included a spring, still in use. It is likely that within the stockade there were other cabins and accommodations adequate for those who here, for irregular periods, sought shelter with their families and effects. The blockhouse, which is habitually designated as "the fort" by those who speak of it, was at the northeast angle of the stockade, and the garden of Mr. Calvin Gilson, the present owner, marks its location. This stockade fort is in some places called Gilson's Fort, from the name of the succeeding owner from the Barrs; but Mr. Gilson, the elder, did not acquire title until after the border wars were over. The stockade at Barr's was built, as said, probably very early in the Revolution, and the original house might have been used as a stronghouse as early as 1768. It was not so exposed in its situation on the frontier as was Wallace's Fart, but it was part of the Derry settlement, and the two forts were so near each other as to be mostly the common object of molestation. They were about five or six miles apart; and it would seem that during those times a series of danger signals was adopted by which alarms were given from one of the posts to the other, and to settlers around. The intervening land rises and falls in hills and valleys, so that shouts or gun-shots fired in quick succession could be recognized, and the tidings carried very rapidly. During the Revolution the inhabitants surrounding this fort fled to it frequently. Mention is often made of these circumstances but not in a connected way, for as the fort was purely a settler's fort, it has little written history. It, however, served its purpose well. On one occasion a party under Major Wilson had left Barr's Fort, for Wallace's Fort then surrounded by savages, but were compelled to return to Barr's, on which occasion one—at least—of the Barrs, Alexander, was killed before he got back; and it has been long asserted, and not contradicted, that two of them fell on that occasion, as related in the mention of Wallace's Fort. Supplies of salt were distributed to this point for the inhabitants thereabout, of which circumstances there are various notices; one mentioned in the Journal of the building of Fort Preservation, now (Ligonier), in 1777. Col. Cook, Lieutenant of the county, August 8th, 1782, issued the following order to Lieutenant Richard Johnson: "You are to proceed with the militia under your command to Myre's Station where you will receive arms and ammunition either there or by applying either through the field officer or in person to the general. You will have to detach a few men to Rayburn's, Waltour's and Fort Barr. I cannot inform you of the number necessary to each. You will be directed by the strength of your party or the number you can spare; and in this matter you will consult the field officer who superintends the different stations." (Wash.-Irvine Correspondence, 330.) Michael Huffnagle in a letter to Gen. Irvine from Hannastown, July 17th, 1782, after the attack on that place, says: "I am much afraid that the scouting parties stationed at the different posts have not done their duty. We discover where the enemy had encamped and they must have been there for at least about ten days, as they had killed several horses and eat them about six miles from Brush Run and right on the way towards Barr's Fort" (Wash.-Irv. Cor., 383) The memory of the trials and troubles of the settlers about Barr's Fort during the pioneer period, lingered long in the Derry settlement; and traditions of the place were carried by the descendants of the first settlers to remote parts. Very little, however has been available to us of an authentic character, beyond the references here given and the corroborating circumstances which naturally follow on the line of inquiry which these references suggest. POMEROY OR POMROY'S BLOCKHOUSE. In the Derry settlement of Westmoreland county there were several stronghouses which were constantly kept ready for emergencies and to which settlers sometimes fled for protection. One of these was the house of Col. John Pomroy, a man highly spoken of by his neighbors and commended by those in authority for the performance of the official duties entrusted to him. He held a colonel's commission during the Revolution in the militia service, and was engaged in many of the short campaigns. His house stood about a mile from Barr's Fort, and a little off the line from the point to Wallace's Fort. The farm on which it stood is now, owned by Mr. John C. Walkinshaw, and is about one-half a mile from Millwood Station (on the Penn'a railroad) towards New Derry village, on the main road. WILSON'S BLOCKHOUSE. Of like character to Col. Pomroy's domicile was that of Major James Wilson, also of the Perry settlement. This is now in the ownership of Mr. Benjamin Ruff's estate, and the farm is about a mile from New Perry village northeastward, and would be a little to the right, going from Barr's to Wallace's. Copyright 2004 Donna Bluemink Site: http://www.rootsweb.com/%7Eusgenweb/pa/1pa/1picts/frontierforts/ff32.html To learn more, contact the Derry Area Historical Society: Derry Area Historical Society P. O. Box 64 New Derry, PA 15671 724-694-9564 http://www.DerryHistory.org Hours of Operation: April through November Thursday morning from 9:00 AM to 12:00 PM Saturday afternoon from 1:00 PM to 4:00 PM Directions from US Route 30: We are located in beautiful, scenic, western Pennsylvania at the foot of the Chestnut Ridge in New Derry, Pennsylvania. Just follow Rt. 982 North from Rt. 30 to the village of New Derry. At the 4 way stop sign, turn left and you will see The Fulton House on your left. If you travel Rt. 22, take Rt. 982 South to the village of New Derry. At the 4 way stop sign, turn right and you will see The Fulton House on your left.