A Senior Seminar Paper
Submitted to the Faculty of the
Division of History and Political
Science
In Candidacy for the Degree of
Bachelor of Arts
Quincy University
Quincy Illinois
December 1999
Section I: Introduction………………………………………….1
Section II: Historical Background……………………………….4
Section III: The One Liners………………………………………8
Section IV: The True Believers…………………………………..11
Section V: The Skeptics………………………………………….16
Section VI: The Comparative Archaeologists…………………….19
Section VII: Conclusion……………………………………………25
Section VIII: Bibliography………………………………………….28
I.
INTRODUCTION
As
early peoples from every culture grew and prospered, or as they waned and
dimmed, they surrounded themselves with various stories to explain how the
world worked, why they lost a particular war, or simply just to tell themselves
who they were. These stories explained
the history of the people, their cultural identity, morals and values,
etc. The ancient Hebrew people
explained why they had been exiled into Assyria and Babylon in their prophetic
writings, the Greeks explained the world through their heroic myths, and the
Romans told themselves who they were through the epic poem of Romulus and
Remus. At other times in a culture’s
existence, new stories arose as a means to boost the identity of a certain
group of people. The Songs of Roland
grew in France as a way to unite the Franks, and then spread across Europe. The stories of Robin Hood and his band of
merry men in England strove to show a common bond between the peasants and
their resentment of the nobility due to the political opposition to King John,
as well as the struggle between the Saxons and the Normans. Another such story arose in Britain: the
legends of King Arthur. As with all
legends that are passed on through the years, the legends of King Arthur took
on the cultural and societal norms and expectations of the various writers. More often than not, much of what is passed
on through these stories becomes distorted as story tellers add their own
experiences into the story to keep it alive.
However, there still remains the kernel of truth as the basis of the
story.
Like all legends, those surrounding King Arthur grew and
developed over the course of several hundred years. The earliest known record of Arthur comes from Nennius, a British
monk, in the eighth century. The Welsh
poem, The Mabinogion, contains
numerous references to Arthur, indicating that his name and deeds were well
known, and even famed, before the tenth century. The Englishman, Geoffrey of Monmouth, first compiled the legends
in his work The History of the Kings of
Britain in 1136. Chretien de
Troyes, a French poet, first introduced the romances in the late twelfth
century and Sir Thomas Malory, an English knight, recorded another version of
the legends in the middle of the fifteenth century. Each of these authors drew upon outside sources, such as the oral
poems and writings of others, and added their own experiences, helping them to
continue growing in increasing popularity.
As they added variations of contemporary events into the legends, the
legend became more real and more real, affective, and effective for the people;
it became a way to keep Arthur alive in the minds of the people. Some writers added to the legends for
political reasons, as a means to make a statement, while others added and
changed the legends to keep the stories popular.
For centuries, historians distrusted legends and stories
as truthful events of the past, as true depictions of the past, and rightly so,
while at the same time questioning whether an historical Arthur ever lived in
Britain. The eighteenth century writer,
Edward Gibbon, like so many early historians, wrote, “the severity of the
present age is inclined to question the existence of Arthur.”[1] Writing in the time of the Enlightenment,
Gibbon sought hard evidence of King Arthur, just as scientists and philosophers
were seeking hard facts for religion, a view that has carried on into more
recent times. Historians like Gibbon
found so many mythical and fantastic events in the legends, that they doubted
the existence of the man, Arthur. Later
historians in the nineteenth century remained unsure as to whether Arthur
lived. Lewis W. Jones wrote, “Arthur
remains but a shadowy apparition...”[2] Historians such as Lewis saw the
fancifulness in the legends and were uncertain as to the basis behind the
legend. In more recent years, however,
scholars have begun to dig down into the legends and to pull out the
historicity in the legends. While parts
of the legend are complete falsehoods, historians now find reason to believe an
historical Arthur did live in Britain in the fifth century. The falsehoods of the legends “no more
proves him [Arthur] a fictitious character than similar fables prove it of
Alexander or Aristotle, Vergil or Roland.
It tends rather to prove the opposite.”[3] Falsehoods within legends actually offer
more reason to believe them than to doubt them. Typically, stories evolve around figures who have performed
extraordinary feats. The larger the
deed, the larger the story that grows around an individual. Myths that have no historical backbone more
often than not fade out and are not remembered. But, a legend with historical roots survives for great periods of
time. After careful study of the
records of King Arthur, both historical and literary, historians have formed
several schools of thought surrounding the Arthurian legends. The first school, the “True Believers,” have
no doubt that Arthur existed. These
historians also place no limits on the figure of Arthur; for them, Arthur could
have done, and indeed did, numerous feats of strength and deeds requiring
super-human abilities. For the most
part, the True Believers are Medieval writers such as Geoffrey of Monmouth and
Sir Thomas Malory. Another historical
school, the “One-Liners,” supports only the bare bones of Arthur. I have named this school the One Liners
because of the brevity of their records concerning Arthur. Historians such as Nennius and the compilers
of the Annales Cambriae are examples
of this school, found in the early Middle Ages. A third school, the “Skeptics,” doubt the historicity of
Arthur. Edward Gibbon and Michael Wood
are examples from this school. A fourth
school, the “Comparative Archaeologists,”
examine excavation sites,
writings, etc., to determine the historicity of Arthur. Geoffrey Ashe is
from this school.
These
historical schools seem to follow in a chronological system, ever changing as
new methods of research unfold and new techniques are discovered. Siding with the comparative archaeologists,
I believe the person behind the King Arthur of legend, in reality, was a
Briton, possibly a Celtic, war leader from the southwest of Britain. This figure defended the isle against the
invading Germanic peoples, most especially the Saxons, from the continent in
the mid fifth century, after the Roman occupation of Britain ceased. This leader controlled all of the military
units in the army under the old Roman organization.
II.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Under
Roman rule and domination, Britain flourished in a time of mostly peace and
prosperity. The Britons, as well as the other conquered
peoples of the Roman Empire, were allowed to maintain their own aristocracies
and local institutions so long as they pledged allegiance to Rome and supported
her armies and military campaigns. The
Celtic culture survived while the political and military organizations, as well
as the religious, social, and literary styles, took on a Roman form. The Roman legions offered Britain a sense of
peace it had not known, as the legions proved to be an excellent defense from
invading peoples looking for new land to settle. The Roman soldiers also established many cities throughout Britain,
including present day London, then Londinium, and Caer Leon Upon Usk, the City
of the Legion. The legions built many
roads, acquaducts, and fortifications throughout the countryside, including
Hadrian’s Wall on the northern border with Scotland. However, this time of stability would not last long.
In the late fourth and early fifth centuries, Rome
itself, both the city and the empire, came under severe attack by various
tribes looking for wealth, power, and land.
The combination of attacks, civil
strife in the city, and dissent within the army proved to be more than Rome
could handle. As a means to better
defend the city of Rome, Rome recalled many of its legions back to the capital,
including those stationed in
Britain. The legions began a gradual
withdrawal from Britain and in 410, Rome formally severed its ties with
Britain; Britain no longer enjoyed the benefit of Roman protection.[4]
Even after the Roman departure from the island, the
organization of the isle continued under the model the Romans left behind,
especially in the military. Rome
divided Britain into two territories, one in the North and one in the
South. The Northern leader, the dux Britanniarum, or the Duke of
Britain, defended the northern part of the country with his headquarters at
York.[5] The dux
Britanniarum protected the North from the invading Picts from Ireland and
the Scotti from Scotland. The Southern
military leader, the comes litoris
Saxonici, or the count of the southern shore, provided the defense of the
South East from the invading Angles, Jutes, and Saxons.[6] Both of these two leaders defended their
respective portions of Britain with infantry units. Rome also established a third military leader in the island, the
comes britanniarum, the count of
Britain. Also known as the dux belllorum, or the Lord of Battles,
the comes britanniarum held authority
and jurisdiction throughout Britain, and ranked above the dux britanniarum and the comes
litoris saxonici.[7] His primary role was that of a backup
army. Wherever a trouble spot arose,
the comes britanniarum took his
forces to that spot and then took charge of the defence of the realm. Because of the great need for
maneuverability, the comes britanniarum
possessed six units of cavalry and three units of infantry.[8] These positions were often placed in the
hands of Romanized Britains.
When Rome pulled out of Britain and the barbarian
invaders came in droves, Britain sent several pleas for help to Rome, but Rome
never responded. In 446, Britain sent
one final appeal to Rome, again, without a reply. The Britons then gave control of the army to the highest
official, namely the comes Britanniarum.[9]
In 408, the Saxons conducted a large-scale invasion of
the island which the Britons were not prepared for. The Saxons won several victories until 429 when a former soldier
turned bishop, Germanus organized a small army. He trained them to fight and then led them in victory over the
Saxons.[10] However, this victory was short lived when
the Saxons returned in greater numbers.
The Britons realized they needed to continue the Roman military style.
The first of these leaders to deal with the invading
Saxons was Vortigern, a Celtic nobleman.
Vortigern held defense of the isle between 425 and 465, the time when
the Saxons landed in increasing numbers on the southeastern shores of
Britain. The Saxons came in search of
land for their ever-growing population and Britain, without the defense of
Rome, was a prime target. Rather than
attempt to fight these vicious soldiers who ravaged the country through rape,
murder, pillaging, and arson, in 430 Vortigern decided to allow them to settle
on eastern shores if the Saxons would help with defense of the north from the
Picts and the Scotti. The Saxons
accepted and defeated the Picts and the Scotti and, for a time, all went well
between the Britons and the Saxons.[11]
After Vortigern’s death, his son Ambrosius Aurelianus
assumed the leadership role. During his
stint as leader, the Saxons began pushing eastward, demanding more land and
also money.[12] The Angles and the Jutes also came to island
and joined forces with the Saxons.
Ambrosius was a prosperous leader in the West of Britain who had advised
Vortigern in his policy toward the Saxons.
Because he was a prosperous landowner, the Britons fled to him for
protection. With his tactics and army,
he halted the Saxon expansion.
Despite his victories, Ambrosius proved unable to fully
defeat the Saxons and after his death, the invasions began again. With the increasing invasions and no
powerful leader, Britain was in more danger than ever before. Seemingly out of nowhere a figure arose to
lead the armies as the comes Britanniarum
and defeat the Saxons. The question of
who this person was leaves historians divided.
III.
The One Liners
Throughout
the early Middle Ages, historians and chroniclers recorded events they
judged highly important by the
chronicler in their collections of dates called annals. In these annals, each year would be allowed
one event, the crowning event of that year.
As we examine the annals of various rulers and kingdoms, we find records
of the death of kings and saints, of great battles and even of famine and
plague. Though these documents do not
write much about an event, they nevertheless say a great deal about an
event. Any event listed within an annal
is of great importance, because the compiler chose that one event out of
countless others to keep in the official register. Whatever event was recorded and kept in the annals is of
historical importance because the event must have had an enormous influence on
the chronicler.
The Annales
Cambriae, or the Annals of Wales, record history beginning in 447 and
ending in 954. The Annals open in 447
with “Days as dark as night.”[13] The Annals contain two references to Arthur. In 516 the Annals say, “The Battle of Badon,
in which Arthur carried the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ for three days and
three nights on his shoulders and the Britons were the victors.”[14] In 537 it reads, “The battle of Camlann, in
which Arthur and Medraut fell: and there was plague in Britain and Ireland.”[15] The chronicler seems to say that before
Arthur, Britain was faced with hardships as well as after, but during Arthur’s
reign, Britain prospered. This is the
viewpoint of all other recorders of King Arthur, and indeed, the theme of the
legends to follow. These dates seem to
be a late placement of Arthur when one looks at the other records of Arthur’s
existence. Geoffrey Ashe, the leading
Arthurian scholar, suggests this problem is due to a scribal miscalculation of
twenty-eight years as a result of the shifting of the calendar to the Christian
dating method.[16] This would place the dates at 488 and 509
respectively, still late, but closer.
Another possible way to account for the difference in the date is that
begin with the year 1, which historians have associated with the year 447. A third possible explanation lies in the
fact that the annals seem to have been completed around 950, with the chronicler
combining several older sources. The simple
statements about King Arthur, however, are free from legend and seem to be
true. The entry concerning Medraut is
the first known mention of Medraut, otherwise known as Mordred.
Another early historian who recorded the activities of
Arthur, is the cleric Gildas the Wise.
Writing in the middle 500s, Gildas relates the history of Britain under
the rule of Vortigern and also of the siege of Mt. Badon, after which he says
there remained forty years of peace in Britain. Gildas, however, makes no mention of the name “Arthur” in De Excidio Britanniae, Concerning the
Ruin of Britain. Though he makes no
specific mention of the man Arthur, the deeds he attributes to the “Bear” seem
to correspond to the deeds of Arthur.
This will be discussed in the following paragraph. Gildas’ work is, as he described it, “a book
of complaints.”[17] Gildas’ intention was to point out and
condemn the evil he saw about him. He
intended to inspire a national repentance for the sins of the people. His work remains the best source of the
Saxon invasions and the best history of Britain until Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People.
One of Gildas’ primary complaints centered on those who
abused the Church. In several books on
the lives of the saints, we are given a picture of an Arthur who takes property
and wealth from the Church in order to supply his army.[18] The Lives
make no mention of the religious belief system held by this figure though. Gildas probably did not mention Arthur by
name due to Arthur’s theft, but the victory of Mt. Badon remained too important
to leave out. It was at this battle the
Saxon invaders were defeated and fled back to the continent, therefore Gildas could not have left this out. He does, however, make mention of a “chariot
which carried The Bear.”[19] The Celtic word for “bear” is “arth” or
artos.” The name Arthur is a clear
derivative of the word, or vice versa.[20] Gildas simply referred to him as “the Bear”
because of the close resemblance.
Yet another early historian who references Arthur is
Nennius, who wrote in the eighth century.
Nennius, a monk in North Wales, wrote History of the Britons, which was later used by Geoffrey of
Monmouth. Nennius, like the others,
describes the life of Vortigern and the deeds of Arthur. But most importantly, Nennius provides a
list of twelve battles in which Arthur leads the army and defeats the Saxons,
with the climactic battle being Mt. Badon.
Nennius, however, does not describe Arthur as a king, but says of him:
“Then Arthur, along with the kings of the Britain, fought against them [the
Saxons] in those days, but Arthur himself was the military commander [‘dux bellorum’].”[21] Nennius sees Arthur not as a king, but as
the commander of the army, and assigns him great military authority.
In summary, the one liner historians recorded brief, but
substantial bits of historical information in their writings. Even though they did not always leave exact
accounts including names and geographic locations, their mentionings can be
referenced in other works to work out the details. Whether or not these recorders wrote with great geographic,
political, or religious biases remains uncertain. However, the one liners remain important for a couple of
reasons. First, they are our first
written records of the historical Arthur, however vague they are. Second, the became the backbone for the true
believers and the comparative archaeologists.
The importance of the soft spoken one liners is not to be
underestimated.
IV.
The True Believers
So-called
because they seem to accept the entirety of the Arthurian legends, the true
believers hold as truth all
parts of the Arthurian legends. These
historians and storytellers are each important in their own right, and also in
current scholarship. These recorders
relate the Arthur they believe to have lived by what they have heard and read
from the one liners, and add their own “facts” about Arthur to their
writings. In addition to this, the
modern “comparative archaeologists” use their writings as a backbone to the
actual person of Arthur and the meaning of their works is still debated today.
Geoffrey
of Monmouth heard the tales of the Welsh bards concerning the famous deeds
of Arthur and incorporated them
into his own History of the Kings of
Britain. Finished around 1136, he
traced the history of the kings of Britain from the founding of the
island. He begins his work with the
life of the legendary founder of Britain, Brutus. Geoffrey traces the lineage and deeds of the kings through
Cadwallader, who died in 689.[22] Throughout his work, Geoffrey describes the
devastion placed on Britain through the Saxon, Angle, Jute, Pict, and Scot
barbarians, their submission under Arthur, and their resurgence after
Arthur.
More than one fifth of Geoffrey’s History tells of Arthur and he describes his mythical birth, his
rise to the throne, and his mysterious death.
Geoffrey also tells, in great detail, of Arthur’s marriage to Guinevere
and Arthur’s many battles, including his final battle with Mordred, who
attempted to usurp Arthur’s throne and claim Guinevere as his wife. Geoffrey also has Arthur gaining victories
throughout the continent, conquering not only all of the British Isles, but
Gaul as well and even tells of Arthur’s campaign against Rome. Geoffrey’s work laid the foundations for the
Arthurian legends that we know today.
He could be called Arthur’s “official” biographer.
From what little we know of Geoffrey, he lived in the
twelfth century and grew up in Wales, either a Welshman by birth, or a Briton
born in Wales. He spent much of his
life in or near Monmouth and appears to have been connected with the city of
Oxford. Lewis Thorpe has suggested that
Geoffrey was a cannon of the church of St. George, thus connecting him with a “certain
very ancient book” upon which he based his work.[23] Historians do not know exactly what work
Geoffrey is referring to with his book.
It is clear that this book is lost to us today, but most likely was a
British book and remnants of the work can be found in other sources.[24] After 1151, he was ordained bishop of St.
Asaph in Wales and died around 1155.[25]
Geoffrey’s work remained enormously popular during his
lifetime and after his death for many centuries. His History reached all
levels of society: the peasants found the story of a generous king; the knights
found the code of chivalry; the nobility found stories of war and valor. However, Geoffrey received much criticism
from his contemporaries for his work because of the poetic license he seems to have
taken in contrast to the historical reality.
A contemporary of Geoffrey, William of Newburgh, wrote that Geoffrey
told “savage and shameless lies” and made “the little finger of his Arthur
bigger than the back of Alexander the Great.”[26] Modern scholars have accused Geoffrey of the
same problem. Much of Geoffrey’s History is clearly fictitious. He begins his History with the telling of
the founding of Britain under Brutus, a person known to have never lived. Geoffrey also includes accounts of mystical,
magical, and miraculous deeds, and fanciful beasts slain. Geoffrey seems to have combined works and
styles from all areas, while not constructed a work in his own unique literary
style. When one looks solely at this
evidence, it is easy to dismiss all of his work.
Geoffrey’s History
is fictitious in places for numerous reasons.
Writing during the reign of King Stephen and shortly after the Norman
Conquest, Geoffrey used Arthur as a rallying point to unite the people, both
the Welsh and the Britons. Geoffrey
also sought to appease the Normans by showing that the invaders were
descendants of Britons who had fled to Brittany during the Saxon
invasions. He not only created an
excuse for the Norman invasion, but he boosted the morale of the people by reminding
them of the glorious past, even if it was a dubious past. During his lifetime, Celtic lore was gaining
popularity and Geoffrey used some of his accounts of Arthur to flatter the
Celts; an attempt to bring them closer to the Normans. Geoffrey also incorporated many references
to contemporary events, allusions to the Old Testament and Roman roots and the
intermingling of variation of Celtic and English roots for words and names.[27]
In spite of his biases and falsehoods found within
Geoffrey’s History modern scholars
using redaction criticism, have uncovered many truths behind Geoffrey’s work.[28] The geographical descriptions Geoffrey
leaves behind appear accurate and archaeological excavations have unearthed
evidence to support him in his placement of Arthur, as from the southwest of
Britain, but then fighting in all parts of Britain and in Gaul. Historians such as Geoffrey Ashe have
uncovered pieces of historical truth behind the person of Arthur within
Geoffrey’s History, while at the same
time fully recognizing the fanciful elements contained therein. Another factor that gives credence the
historicity of his work are his statements concerning his complete rejection of
various texts that he believed to be
mythical. These rejections show that
Geoffrey was indeed a “true believer” of Arthur. Geoffrey remains part historian and part novelist.
While his History
is largely fictitious, Geoffrey’s work is remarkably useful in relating many
details of Arthur that correspond to Arthurian references found in Nennius,
Gildas, and the Annales Cambriae. He did have these sources, as well as his
“ancient book.” Geoffrey also places
Arthur in the time frame that the historical
Arthur is believed to have lived.
Numerous sites named in his History
also have yielded archaeological support of a leader comparable to his
Arthur. For these reasons, Geoffrey
cannot simply be dismissed as fiction, but must be closely examined to draw out
a picture of the historical Arthur.
Like Geoffrey, Sir Thomas Malory also compiled a record
of Arthur’s deeds in his The Whole Book
of King Arthur and of His Noble Knights of the Round Table. His work is more commonly known as Le Morte D’Arthur, after the last
chapter of his book and was completed in 1469 or 1470.[29] Malory’s work traces the life of Arthur,
beginning with his parents, through his glorious reign with a tragic end, and
he traces the deeds of his knights as well.
Malory, like Geoffrey includes tales of Arthur’s battling with
Rome.
Little is known of Malory himself. He appears to have been an imprisoned knight
born in England about 1416. The records
tell us that he was imprisoned for rape, murder, and theft. The accusation were more than likely
politically motivated.[30] Malory tells us that he compiled and
completed his work while he was in prison.
He seems to have drawn together his information from several different
sources, both oral and written, changing and adapting some events in the
legends in order to make his story flow more smoothly. While some of his work is clearly false,
like Geoffrey, there are historical truths hidden within the text.
Malory wrote during the reign of Edward IV with the
intention of repremanding the British people for their ingratitude of the good
kings that had ruled in Britain. What
better way to get the people thankful than to retell the story of King Arthur,
who, in Malory’s opinion, was the best king ever?
The True Believers are important because they took it
upon themselves to create a new view of Arthur. They transformed Arthur, the war leader, into Arthur, the great
king loved by all and created a court for him.
The True Believers lend evidence for an historical Arthur directly, but
more frequently indirectly, in the way in which they glorify this figure. The comparative archaeologists continue to
sift through their works today and often argue about the views and the
historicity of these historians.
V.
The Skeptics
The
skeptic historians doubt the existence of a King Arthur for a number of
reasons.
While they do not come right
out and say that Arthur never lived, or a figure upon whom Arthur is based,
they do not necessarily accept the historicity of an Arthur. They often provide evidence to support an
historical Arthur while at the same time providing evidence that denies the
historicity of Arthur, remaining unsure of their own position.
Michael Wood, a historian of the early Middle Ages, is a
skeptical historian. Wood, in contrast
to most Arthurian scholars, doubts that Arthur fought against the invading
Saxon hordes. He asks, “Is it possible
that Arthur existed as a chieftain and warleader … not fighting heroic warfare
against the Anglo-Saxon invaders, but engaged in a desperate dogfight between
rival British dynasties?”[31] Wood arrived at this conclusion after he
examined the Arthurian sources detailing the excavation of Arthur’s grave at
Glastonbury in 1191, as well as the early Welsh poems and the writings of
Nennius and Gildas.
Wood makes note of the historical situation of Britain at
the time of the Roman withdrawal in 410 and agrees that the conditions appear
to have been suitable for the supposed Arthur to have lived. When examining the early documents, he
notices that the Welsh poems place Arthur in Cumbria, a land in southern
Scotland, and in Rheged, near Solway, but not in southern England.[32] When reading Nennius, Wood notes that the
list of battles Nennius provides is, in Wood’s opinion, purely fictitious. He also suggests the battles were not the
battles of a fifth century leader. The
early documents from the period of the invasion do not provide any names, and
Nennius appears to have placed Arthur into the battles simply by inserting his
name.[33] Wood argues that because the legends were
not recorded for several centuries after the figure of Arthur died, that these
sources cannot be trusted.
When examining the excavation of Arthur’s tomb in
Glastonbury by the monks in 1191, he denies the existence of the discovery,
because the remains have since disappeared and the condition of the monastery
at the time of the dig. In 1195, the
abbey was destroyed by a fire and monetary funds for the monks were running
very low. Wood, like other skeptical
historians, suggest the monks forged the site in order to increase visitors to
the abbey to increase donations to help rebuild the abbey. He also cites William of Malmesbury’s, a
contemporary of the dig, denial of the discovery.[34]
All of Wood’s reasons for denying the existence seem
logical, until you look more closely at the evidence he uses to place Arthur in
the south of Scotland. He uses Nennius’
list of battles, which he has said are
purely fictitious as a starting ground.
The majority of the sites Nennius gives are in Northern England and
Southern Scotland. He then goes on to
suggest that Arthur ruled at the Northern city of Carlisle, just south of Hadrian’s
Wall.[35] Archaeological excavations provide evidence
that Carlisle was a late Roman settlement ruled by British lords. This is how Wood suggests that Arthur was a
British leader fighting amongst other British lords, by using Nennius’ list as
a jumping board.
When one disregards Wood’s declaration of Nennius’ list
of battles as a list that is completely false, his arguments do seem logical
and plausible. Other historians have
offered the same suggestion concerning Arthur’s placement in the North, but in
a more convincing way. The placement he
gives of Nennius’ twelve battles corresponds to the sites suggested by other
historians. Wood’s distrust of oral
tradition lead him to ignore the writings of Geoffrey of Monmouth as a possible
Arthurian source and he did not even use the Annales Cambriae in his discussion. For these reasons, Wood’s arguments should not be taken too
seriously, because he did examine all of the sources.
Another skeptical historian, Gerhard Herm, questions
exactly who Arthur was and what he did, but is certain there was an historical
figure upon whom Arthur is based. Herm
views the legends, and even the battles, attributed to Arthur as simply the
Celtic people’s attempt to maintain their identity while at the same time
entering into the European Medieval culture.[36] Herm argues rather loosely that there was an
historical figure upon whom the legends grew around but he is reluctant to say
who that figure may have been. As
evidence, he cites Nennius and a few Welsh poems, but nothing more. Herm is content simply to say that there was
an historical Arthur. What makes him a
skeptical historian is that he is unsure exactly who this Arthur was or if he
even partook of the events attributed of him.
VI.
The Comparative
Archaeologists
The historical
school of the comparative archaeologists, when dealing with the legends of
King Arthur, arose during the
later twentieth century. Archaeologists
began digging at South Cadbury Castle in hopes of authenticating an old folk
tale surrounding the castle. It is said
that on nights of a full moon, one can hear the hoof beats of King Arthur’s
knights as they return to the hill fort castle that was once Camelot. The team of archaeologists, headed by Leslie
Alcock between 1950 and 1970 and even today, sought to determine whether or not
any connection could be made between South Cadbury Castle and King Arthur. From these excavations, a renewed interest
in King Arthur came forth and scholars began looking at excavation sites,
documents, poetry, legends, linguistics, etc, to determine the historicity of
this King Arthur. This special school
of historians looks at the tools and techniques of many academic disciplines
and schools to examine the historical truth behind Arthur from every possible
way, in order to learn the complete historicity of Arthur.
Beyond a shadow of a doubt, Geoffrey Ashe is the world’s
leading Arthurian scholar, as well as a comparative archaeologist. Ashe served as the secretary for the Camelot
Project, the team formed to excavate South Cadbury Castle. His involvement in the project spurred his
interest in King Arthur and led to his research in nearly all fields of
Arthurian topics. Ashe is the author of
numerous books and articles on the subject, and is quite knowledgeable and thorough
in his discussions of Arthur.
Ashe’s investigations begin in the works of the Annales Cambriae, the writings of Gildas
and Nennius, the Lives of the Saints, Geoffrey of Monmouth, etc.,
archaeological evidence, linguistic evidence, and other historical facts. In his research, Ashe starts with the
records passed down to us, looking for possible clues, such as dates, names,
places, etc., then moves into the archaeological evidence, as well as the
historical documents.
Ashe examines the archaeological from various digs at
differing times and links the information together. Other historians argue that Arthur did not exist by citing such
inconclusive evidence as the writings of William of Malmesbury concerning Arthur’s
burial at Glastonbury, or the evidence at Tintagel, the supposed place of
Arthur’s birth. They attempt to show
that the castle was not even started until the twelfth century. Ashe uses both archaeological evidence and
the written records to prove these views incorrect.
Concerning Arthur’s tomb at Glastonbury, Ashe makes note
of Malmesbury’s record but also uses the writing of Gerald Of Wales, in which
he describes the finding of the monks, as well as the writings of the monks
themselves, and other historical evidence.
Ashe looks closely at the description of the site given by the monks and
Gerald and compares it to both the history of the abbey and to the
archaeological evidence uncovered by Ralegh Radford. By doing so, Ashe concludes that the bones of at least an Arthur of the correct time period
were indeed discovered by the monks.[37]
Ashe also examines archaeological evidence unearthed at
Tintagel. Evidence has been found of a
fifth century monastery, containing pieces of pottery and jewelry from
throughout the Mediterranean. He concludes
that the monastery obviously held important status because of the
archaeological findings and that a war leader certainly could have lived there
at one time.[38] He suggests the owner of the site in
Arthur’s time could have been an abbot, a chieftain, a nobleman, or at the very
least, someone connected with such a person.[39]
When examining South Cadbury Castle as the location of
Arthur’s famed court, Ashe again turns to written records as well as
archaeology. He first notes that John
Leland, the chief historian under King Henry VIII wrote, “At South Cadbyri
standith Camallate…,” another spelling for Cadbury and Camelot.[40] Ashe says that Cadbury is “the likeliest
site of Camelot” because of the evidence uncovered by Radford’s excavations at
the site.[41] Radford’s findings include an early British
hill fort with four lines of earthwork ramparts encompassing an eight-teen acre
enclosure. “Dark Age” material was
uncovered indicating the fort belonged to a fifth century military leader.[42] He also makes note of the fact the site is
not far from two of the more important locations given in Nennius’ list.
Ashe also takes the quest for Arthur one step further by
attempting to associate an acctual historical figure with the person of
Arthur. Ashe makes the connection
between the version of Arthur that Geoffrey of Monmouth provides and compares
Geoffrey’s description of Arthur to the record of a certain Riothamas. This record comes to us in the form of a
letter from Sidonius Apollinaris, a fifth century Bishop of Roman descent, to
“Riothamas, King of the Britons.”[43] Ashe notices that the description given by
Sidonius matches very well with that given by Geoffrey, and he suggests that
Geoffrey’s Arthur, may very will be this Riothamas. Ashe also points out the name itself, “Riothamas” is a name as
well as a title meaning “King of the Britons.”[44] He makes this conclusion by reminding us
that the title “Caesar” became Julius’ name over time, as well as the title
“Ghengis Khan (very mighty ruler) became his name.
Ashe’s reputation as the world’s leading Arthurian
scholar is well deserved. He has
written more on the subject of Arthur’s historicity and done far more research
than any other scholar. The many ways
that he combines different academic schools to find the bits of truth behind
the legends is quite spectacular, yielding more evidence than we would
otherwise have. In his works, Ashe also
refers to the opposing views, examines them, and then uses his own evidence to
dismiss them, oftentimes using more current information.
Another historian of note in the comparative
archaeological school is David Day. Day
focuses his attention primarily on Northern Britain, near the Anntonine and
Hadrian’s Walls. He claims Arthur to be
from the Votadini tribe in the north.[45] Day suggests Arthur probably held his court
in Edinburgh and did most of his fighting in the North. However, Day does not give much evidence to
support his claim. He spends most of
his energy investigating the legends of Arthur’s knights, rather than Arthur
himself. Even so, Day does offer two
key ideas. Firstly, he suggests that
Arthur was “not only [the] savior of people on the brink of extinction” but
that he also “gave the glory [to the people] of twelve victorious battles [over
the Saxons when hope was lost].”[46] For Day, Arthur was remembered because he
gave the Britons one last piece of shining glory just after the great
destruction of the Saxon invasions, and just before the Saxons were able to
conquer the island. If Day is correct
in this idea, it would certainly explain how great legends of fantastical deeds
could grow around one man. For Arthur
seemed to be an invincible and
miraculous figure, seemingly coming from nowhere.
Day also hints at a very important find in the work of
Geoffrey of Monmouth. However, he does
not expand on it and almost seems as though he did not realize just how close
he was to an Arthurian fact. He offers
a description of Arthur as leading the armies on a white horse, flanked by two
dragon standards, one red and one gold, with a dragon on his helm.[47] What Day does not mention is that a similar
description is found in Geoffrey: “There he [Arthur] set up the Golden Dragon
which he had as his personal standard.”[48] Had Day gone a little in his research and
done some cross-referencing, he would have discovered what he hit on. Graham Webster says, “By the end of the
fourth century dragon standards were common to the legions [in Britain] and
according Vegetius one was carried by each cohort…”[49] If Arthur commanded the army in the Roman
style as he suggests, Day hit on a good piece of truth behind Geoffrey without
even realizing it.[50]
Another historian, W. Lewis Jones, offers reasons why
Bede, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, and Gildas do not make specific mentions of
Arthur. The silence of these three,
especially Bede, has been used as evidence against an historical Arthur. Jones reminds us that Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
did not mention Arthur because the chroniclers did not care about British
victories; rather they cared for, and recorded, only their own victories.[51] In response to Gildas’ silence, he does not
suggest that Gildas simply did not like Arthur, but rather that Gildas wrote
for a Roman audience and therefore included only Roman figures, and not
Britons.[52] In response to Bede, Jones makes note that
Bede only used Roman and Saxon texts to compile his Ecclesiastical
History. Jones suggests that Bede
either did know not of, or distrusted, the Celtic and British traditions, which
would have included references to Arthur.[53] Jones also spends considerable energy
investigating the early Welsh legends, as well as Geoffrey’s History, and concludes that Arthur spent
most of his time in the north, but died in the south.[54] Jones provides a well-balanced investigation
into the historical truth of Arthur and examines carefully all of the necessary
sources when doing so. His arguments
are neither far fetched nor unexpected.
His conclusions are rationally and locially thought out.
Christopher Hibbert makes great use out of early Roman in
Britainsources and their description of Arthurian Britain. He then, like the other comparative
archaeologists, compared those records to those found in Nennius, Gildas,
Geoffrey, and others. Hibbert arrived
at the conclusion that Arthur was the comes
Britanniarum, the supreme military commander of Britain, modeled after the
style of the Romans.[55] He also explores the early British
geographical conditions, especially those around Glastonbury and South Cadbury
Castle. His research has revealed has revealed
that at the time of the fifth and sixth centuries, the land surrounding these
two sites was swampy, lending support to Geoffrey’s writings.[56] Hibbert’s efforts circled around his use of
the geography of Britain, and his sifting through the legends to find the
earliest version and the earliest facts.
In describing the deeds of Arthur, Hibbert did use some of his own
speculation which he based upon the records of Arthur we have today.
VII Conclusion
When considering the historical truths behind the legends
of King Arthur, I fall into the comparative archaeological school of
thought. It is impossible to determine
the historicity of any legendary event, indeed any historical event, without
carefully examining all of the available evidence. It remains especially impossible to do so with the legends
surrounding the historical figure of Arthur.
Despite the fact no detailed account of Arthur exists, it
is still possible to construct a framework in which to place an historical
Arthur. The Arthur of whom the legends
grew around, undoubtedly lived in the late fifth or early sixth centuries in
Britain during the Saxon invasions. All
of the evidence seems to support the idea that Arthur somehow rose to the position
of the comes Britanniarum and controlled
the military forces of the people. This
Arthur then used his armies, including several units of cavalry, to destroy the
invading hordes of Saxons who had ravaged the countryside for several decades. When it seemed all was lost for the people,
Arthur emerged and drove the invading tribes back to the continent. Arthur, as the supreme military commander,
could have easily been transformed into Arthur the king by the Medieval writers
who sought to glorify him all the more.
After examining the archaeological evidence, it seems
very plausible that Geoffrey is correct in his placement of the deeds of
Arthur. Arthur’s birth probably did
occur at Tintagel castle, he probably did die in the Battle of Camlann on the Salisbury
plain, and his body probably was taken to Avalon, otherwise called Glastonbury,
where it was discovered by twelfth century monks. Nennius seems correct in his placing of Arthur’s twelve
battles. When these two lists are
combined, it is clear that Arthur acted in all parts of Britain, a notion
supported by the thesis of Arthur as the highest military official.
But just what is it about King Arthur that intrigues and
fascinates so many people even today, a millenium and a half after the man
lived? Why are we so caught up in the
legend of Arthur and his knights? We
are engrossed in the legends for the very reason people since the time of
Arthur have been involved in the story.
Arthur somehow represents all of his, as he has been portrayed through
the legends. There is some evil in all
of us that we wish to conquer. At
times, it seems as though we will never be able to conquer this adversary. Yet the story of Arthur reminds us that when
things seem to be at their darkest hour, a champion can emerge to defeat the
evil. This same idea can be used to
explain why entire nations are caught up in the story of Arthur. The United States refers tot he presidency
of John F. Kennedy as “Camelot.”
Camelot was Arthur’s idealistic capital city where peace, justice, and
equality all ruled supreme. We all long
for an idealistic society in which life will be easier. Finally, Arthur is said to be sleeping and
awaiting his return in many of the legends.
As human beings, we all long for something more than just this passing
life. In some strange way, the legends
of Arthur hint at an afterlife.
In conclusion, I close with the words of Caxton, the
first real publisher of Sir Thomas Malory’s works: “It will not do to dismiss
summarily all Arthurian tradition as so many old wives’ tales. They are too widespread and persistent not
to have some basis of solid fact underlying them.”[57] Historians like Geoffrey Ashe have uncovered
the historical Arthur.
VII.
End Notes
[1]
Michael Wood, In Search of the Dark Ages (Oxford: Facts on File Publications, 1987),
38.
2
Lewis W. Jones, King Arthur in History and Legend
(Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press,
1911), 2.
4R.
G. Collingwood and J. N. L. Myres, Roman
Britain and the English Settlements, Second
Edition
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), 321.
5
Wood, In Search, 41.
6
Christopher Hibbert, The Search for King Arthur (New York: American Heritage Publishing
Co.,
Inc, 1969), 83.
7
Ibid.
8
R. G. Collingwood and J. N. L. Myres, Roman
Britain, 321.
9
Ibid, 85.
10
Wood, In Search, 18.
11Hibbert,
The Search, 69.
12Ibid, 71.
13
Ibid, 73.
14 Medieval
Sourcebook: The Annales Cambriae,
(Fordham University, accessed 7 September,
1999), available from
<http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/annalescambriae.html >,
Internet.
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid.
17 Geoffrey
Ashe, “‘A Certain Very Ancient Book.:’ Traces of an Arthurian Source in
Geoffrey
of
Monmouth’s History,” (Speculum 49: 1974), 317.
18 Hibbert,
The Search 91.
19 The
Life of St. Padain mentions Arthur
attempting to steal from a saint. In
the Life of St.
Cadoc Arthur
appears twice, both times as a war leader.
The Life of St. Carannog
describes
Arthur’s theft of an altar to force the saint to kill a serpent. See Geoffrey Ashe, King Arthur
in Fact and in Legend
(Camden: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1969), 58-60.
20 Hibbert,
The Search, 92.
21 Historical
linguists seem to agree on this suggestion.
See Ibid and also R. G. Collingwood and
J. N.
L. Myres, Roman Britain and the English
Settlements, Second Edition (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1936), 320-21.
22 Medieval
Sourcebook: Nennius’ The History of the
Britons (Fordham University, accessed 7
September, 1999), available
from<http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/nennius.html>,
Internet.
23 Geoffrey
of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of
Britain, trans. Lewis Thorpe.
(London:
Penguin Books, 1966), 9.
24 Ibid,
12.
25 For
a complete discussion of Goeffrey of Monmouth’s “certain very ancient book”
see
Goeffrey Ashe, “An Arthurian Source.”
26 Geoffrey,
History, 12.
27 Jones,
King Arthur, 5.
28 Geoffrey,
History, , 23.
29 Redaction
criticism is a “method of analyzing
written texts that tries to define the purpose and
literary procedures of editors who compile and edit older
documents.” By doing so,
scholars are then ready to uncover the oldest pieces of the text in
order to determine
which
parts of the work are more historically accurate. This type of work has proved
invaluable especially in Biblical studies in recent years. See Stephen L. Harris,
Understanding the Bible,
Fourth Edition (Mountain View, CA:
Mayfield Publishing
Company, 1997), 527.
30 Peter
J. C. Feld, “Sir Thomas Malory,” The New Arthurian Encyclopedia (London:
Garland
Publishing Inc, 1991), 295.
31 Ibid,
294.
32 Wood,
In Search, 59.
33 Ibid,
56.
34 Ibid,
55.
35 Ibid,
39.
36 Ibid,
57-8.
37 Gerard
Herm, The Celts: The People Who Came out
of the Darkness (New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1975), 278.
38 Geoffrey
Ashe, King Arthur in Fact and Legend (Camden: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1969),
90.
39 Ibid,
72-75.
40 Ibid,
72.
41 Ibid,
96.
42 Ibid,
95.
43 Ibid,
96.
44 “Sidonius
Apollinaris: Letter to Riothamas, King of the Britons,” Britannia: Arthurian
Sources (accessed 17
October, 1999), <http://www.britannia.com/history/docs/sidonius.html>
45 Geoffrey
Ashe, “Riothamas,” in The New Arthurian
Encyclopedia, Norris J. Lacy, Ed,
(London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1991), 383-384. See also, Ashe, “An Arthurian Source.”
Speculum, 56 (1981), 301-323.
46 David
Day, The Search for King Arthur
(London: De Agnostini Editions, Ltd., 1995), 18.
47 Ibid,
15.
48 Ibid,
17.
49 Geoffrey,
History, 248.
50 Graham
Webster, The Roman Imperial Army,
Second Edition (London: A. & C. Black,
1969),
136.
51 Day,
The Search, 13.
52 Jones,
King Arthur, 30.
53 Ibid,
29.
54 Ibid.
Monmouth’s History.” Speculum, 56 (1981), 301-23.
Barker, Felix. “Morte
D’Arthur.” History Today, 37 (1987), 3-4.
Gregory, Damien. “Names
and Places.” History Today, 40 (1990), 3.
Keller, Hans E. “Two
Toponymical Problems in Geoffrey of Monmouth and Wace: Estrusia
and
Siesia.” Speculum,
49 (1974) 687-698.
Matthews, William. “Where
Was Siesia-Sessoyne?” Speculum, 49 (1974) 680-686.
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Barber, Richard. King Arthur: Hero and Legend. New York: Dorset Press, 1961.
Chambers, E. K. Arthur of Britain. Cambridge: Speculum Historiale, 1927.
Day, David. The Search for King Arthur. London: De Agostini Editions, Ltd, 1995.
Geoffrey of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of Britain,
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[1] Michael
Wood, In Search of the Dark Ages (Oxford: Facts on File Publications, 1987),
38.
[2] Lewis W.
Jones, King Arthur in History and Legend
(Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1911), 2.
3R. G.
Collingwood and J. N. L. Myres, Roman
Britain and the English Settlements, Second
Edition
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), 321.
[4] Wood, In Search, 41.
[5]
Christopher Hibbert, The Search for King Arthur (New York: American Heritage Publishing
Co., Inc, 1969),
83.
[6] Ibid.
[7] R. G.
Collingwood and J. N. L. Myres, Roman
Britain, 321.
[8] Ibid, 85.
[9] Wood, In Search, 18.
[10]Hibbert, The Search, 69.
[11] Ibid, 71.
[12] Ibid, 73.
[13] Medieval
Sourcebook: The Annales Cambriae,
(Fordham University, accessed 7 September,
1999), available
from <http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/annalescambriae.html >,
Internet.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Geoffrey
Ashe, “‘A Certain Very Ancient Book.:’ Traces of an Arthurian Source in
Geoffrey
of Monmouth’s History,” (Speculum 49: 1974), 317.
[17] Hibbert, The Search 91.
[18] The Life of St. Padain mentions Arthur
attempting to steal from a saint. In
the Life of St.
Cadoc Arthur appears twice, both
times as a war leader. The Life of St. Carannog describes
Arthur’s theft of
an altar to force the saint to kill a serpent.
See Geoffrey Ashe, King Arthur
in
Fact and in Legend (Camden:
Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1969), 58-60.
[19] Hibbert, The Search, 92.
[20] Historical
linguists seem to agree on this suggestion.
See Ibid and also R. G. Collingwood and
J. N. L. Myres, Roman Britain and the English Settlements,
Second Edition (Oxford:
Clarendon Press,
1936), 320-21.
[21] Medieval
Sourcebook: Nennius’ The History of the
Britons (Fordham University, accessed 7
September, 1999),
available from<http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/nennius.html>,
Internet.
[22] Geoffrey
of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of
Britain, trans. Lewis Thorpe.
(London:
Penguin Books,
1966), 9.
[23] Ibid, 12.
[24] For a
complete discussion of Goeffrey of Monmouth’s “certain very ancient book” see
Goeffrey Ashe, “An
Arthurian Source.”
[25] Geoffrey, History, 12.
[26] Jones, King Arthur, 5.
[27] Geoffrey, History, , 23.
[28] Redaction
criticism is a “method of analyzing
written texts that tries to define the purpose and
literary
procedures of editors who compile and edit older documents.” By doing so,
scholars are then
ready to uncover the oldest pieces of the text in order to determine
which parts of the
work are more historically accurate.
This type of work has proved
invaluable especially
in Biblical studies in recent years.
See Stephen L. Harris,
Understanding the Bible, Fourth
Edition (Mountain View, CA: Mayfield
Publishing
Company, 1997),
527.
[29] Peter J.
C. Feld, “Sir Thomas Malory,” The New Arthurian Encyclopedia (London:
Garland
Publishing Inc,
1991), 295.
[30] Ibid, 294.
[31] Wood, In Search, 59.
[32] Ibid, 56.
[33] Ibid, 55.
[34] Ibid, 39.
[35] Ibid,
57-8.
[36] Gerard
Herm, The Celts: The People Who Came out
of the Darkness (New York: St. Martin’s
Press, 1975), 278.
[37] Geoffrey
Ashe, King Arthur in Fact and Legend (Camden: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1969), 90.
[38] Ibid,
72-75.
[39] Ibid, 72.
[40] Ibid, 96.
[41] Ibid, 95.
[42] Ibid, 96.
[43] “Sidonius
Apollinaris: Letter to Riothamas, King of the Britons,” Britannia: Arthurian Sources
(accessed 17 October,
1999), <http://www.britannia.com/history/docs/sidonius.html>
[44] Geoffrey
Ashe, “Riothamas,” in The New Arthurian
Encyclopedia, Norris J. Lacy, Ed,
(London: Garland
Publishing, Inc., 1991), 383-384. See
also, Ashe, “An Arthurian Source.”
Speculum, 56 (1981), 301-323.
[45] David Day,
The Search for King Arthur (London:
De Agnostini Editions, Ltd., 1995), 18.
[46] Ibid, 15.
[47] Ibid, 17.
[48] Geoffrey, History, 248.
[49] Graham
Webster, The Roman Imperial Army,
Second Edition (London: A. & C. Black, 1969),
136.
[50] Day, The Search, 13.
[51] Jones, King Arthur, 30.
[52] Ibid, 29.
[53] Ibid.
[54] Ibid, 19.
[55] Hibbert, The Search, 85.
[56] Ibid, 97
and 118.
[57] Jones, 5.