The Communist Revolution in Russia

(to 1924)

Karl Marx

·        Describe Marx’s communist utopia.

·        In what ways was Marx’s philosophy similar to other utopian writers?

·        How did the social and economic conditions in Europe affect Marx’s ideas?

·        Why did Marx believe that the cornerstone of every society was its economic system?

·        Why was Marx opposed to religion?

·        Describe Marx’s theory of change in society.

·        Why did Marx believe that it was inevitable that communism would replace capitalism?

 

By far the most influential utopian writer in history was Karl Marx.  Marx’s ideas, composed in the middle of the nineteenth century, became the basis of communism, an ideology that eventually controlled the lives of a third of the world’s population at its height in the twentieth century.  A German who lived most of his life in Paris and London, Marx formulated a savage critique of capitalism and meticulously planned an ideal state in which all goods would be common property and everyone would be truly equal.  Cutthroat capitalist competition would be replaced by a universal drive for the betterment of mankind.  Each person would contribute to society based on his particular talents and take from society only what he needed, or as Marx phrased it: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.”

Marx was born into a middle class German family in 1818.  Although many of his adult relatives had been influential rabbis in the town of Trier, when Karl was six his family converted to Christianity to enhance his father’s legal career.  As a boy, Marx soon showed a remarkable aptitude for scholarship, although he was expelled from the first university he attended for drunkenness and brawling.  In actuality, his conduct was not unusual for German students of the time, and he was quickly admitted to the University of Berlin where he studied philosophy, graduating with a doctorate in 1841.  While a student, Marx developed radical political views that were bound to be unwelcome in the conservative German states.  After editing a radical newspaper for two years following his graduation, Marx was expelled from Germany and lived most of the rest of his life in exile.

Marx’s political beliefs were shaped by two strong influences.  The first was the body of utopian writing generated in the nineteenth century.  From the Frenchman Henri Saint-Simon he took the belief that human society (like science) operates from a specific set of unwritten laws that can be studied and modified by man.  Saint-Simon believed that these laws were primarily economic, governing how goods are produced and distributed in a society.  Another French writer who influenced Marx was Charles Fourier.  Fourier believed that people could be organized into small, self-contained communities where both labor and profits were shared and everyone had an opportunity to participate in the government and to receive an education.  Much more successful were the ideas of Englishman Robert Owen who was successful in turning the mill town of New Lanark, Scotland into a model community.  It was Owen who first used the term “socialism” in his argument that the means of production (factories, transportation, etc.) should be controlled by organized society rather than rest in the hands of individuals.  Although Marx later ridiculed those he called “Utopian Socialists” as unrealistic dreamers, wishing and hoping that their ideas would be suddenly embraced by society, students of Marx cannot escape the obvious contribution that men like Saint-Simon, Fourier and Owen made to his ideas.

The second major influence on Marx was the turbulent economic and political environment of Europe between 1789 and 1848.  The French Revolution, which began with calls of “Liberty, Equality and Fraternity” and its promise of finally liberating mankind from the exploitation of the rich aristocracy, soon became betrayed by the terror of the guillotine and the military dictatorship of Napoleon.  In addition to the violence and turmoil created in the wake of the French Revolution, the nineteenth century was a period of tremendous economic change.  Beginning in England, a revolution of a different kind was taking place as more and more manufacturing was being done in factories.  Independent skilled craftsmen were being eliminated in favor of the robotic nature of factory work.  Similarly, the small farmer was being chased off the land as there was less demand for farm labor due to the increasing use of machinery and modern farm techniques.  These farmers had no choice but to give up their independence and stream into the ever-expanding cities, selling their labor to the factory owners.  The rich factory owners became ever richer as they eliminated their competition and created huge monopolies that fixed prices and kept wages down.  Workers from the age of five onward worked sixteen to eighteen hours a day for wages barely adequate to keep them alive.  Families were crowded as many as five to a room, living in horrible slums, plagued by disease, and non-existent sanitation.  In one of his writings, Marx quoted a British official describing the horrors of child labor:

Children of nine or ten years are dragged from their squalid beds at two, three, or four o’clock in the morning and compelled to work for a bare subsistence until ten, eleven, or twelve at night, their limbs wearing away, their frames dwindling, their faces whitening, and their humanity absolutely sinking into a stone-like torpor, utterly horrible to contemplate.[1]

The human cost of the industrial revolution could not escape anyone’s awareness, and even though Marx’s middle-class background and education shielded him from ever personally experiencing these horrors, he was determined to reform society to eliminate them. 

After leaving Germany in 1843, Marx and his wife settled in Paris where he met the son of a well to do German merchant family, Friedrich Engels.  Engels and Marx were to form a life-long partnership.  To the scholarly and sheltered Marx, Engels provided his extensive knowledge of real life conditions in the factories, which he had acquired managing one of his family’s companies in Manchester, England.  In Marx, Engels found a man that he considered to be uniquely brilliant.  After Marx’s death, Engels wrote, “Marx was a genius—the rest of us were talented at best.”

With Engels’ assistance, Marx developed a theory that sought to explain how societies were formed, operated, and changed over time.  He believed, like Saint-Simon, that the laws under which society operated were purely economic and that whoever controlled society controlled the means of production: “The history of humanity must therefore always be studied and treated in relation to the history of industry and exchange.”  The art, religion, law, education, and government that a society adopted were, in Marx’s view, merely a reflection of its economic system, used to reinforce the interests of the dominant class.  Marx, like another German philosopher, Ludwig A. Feuerbach, who taught that “man is what he eats,” believed that man and the world were purely material, as opposed to spiritual, beings.  There was no God or life after death.  Religion was simply used to delude the people into accepting injustice on earth in hopes of everlasting reward.  For this reason, Marx called religion the “opiate of the masses.” 

Marx viewed history as a perpetual struggle in which one group or “class” controlled the means of production (land in feudal times or factories after the industrial revolution) until it was challenged and eventually displaced by another group.  Marx explained this evolution in terms suggested by the German philosopher Georg Hegel.  Marx referred to this process as the dialectic.  An existing system (the thesis) is eventually attacked by a new force, the antithesis, and a struggle ensues.  As a result of this struggle, a new system is created containing elements of both the old system and the demands of the new force.  Marx called this new system the synthesis.  Beginning in the seventeenth century, the primarily feudal, land-owning aristocracy had been challenged by the new industrial class, enriched by the same increased trade that had led to the European settlement of America and the development of technology such as the steam engine.  This rising monied class was no longer willing to accept a system in which power was based upon land or aristocratic titles.  To Marx, the French Revolution illustrated the class conflict that ensued between the traditional aristocracy and the new rising middle class.  In Britain, this struggle was less violent, but still evident in the efforts of the House of Commons to gain power from the Crown and the House of Lords. 

The demise of the feudal structure led to the modern system of capitalism, where a wealthy few (capitalists) owned the means of production and the rest of society was forced to work for them, thus producing a new class conflict between owners (bourgeoisie) and workers (proletariat).  Marx believed that the system of capitalism produced by the industrial revolution could not survive the pressure of the eventual demands of the working class.  As a result of this struggle between capitalism and the working class, a new system called communism would eventually emerge.  Marx was confident that the working class would eventually win this class struggle because capitalism itself contained the seeds of its own destruction.  The ruthless desire of factory owners to wipe out their competition actually worked to weaken the capitalist system as more and more capitalists were forced out of business by their larger and more aggressive competitors.  Due to his theory of class struggle and emphasis on material motivation, Marxism was sometimes called “dialectical materialism.”

Building a Communist Society

·        Why did Marx believe that communism would be the final stage of human development?  How did he believe that capitalism would end?

·        Why did Marx believe that capitalism was a necessary step on the road to communism?

·        What characteristics would mark the transition from capitalism to communism?

·        Where did Marx predict that communist revolutions would first occur?  Why was Russia an unlikely site for a communist revolution?

 

In 1847 Marx and Engels published The Communist Manifesto, which in less than fifty pages described the society that would be created from the destruction of capitalism.  Marx wrote that “the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property.”  To those who viewed this as unrealistic, he countered:

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.  But in your existing society private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths.  You reproach (scold) us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.[2]

Communism would represent the final stage of human development because only one class would remain—the working class, thereby putting an end to all class struggle.  Since all historical development came out of the conflict between classes, conflict would be eliminated in Marx’s one class or “classless” society. 

Unlike earlier utopian works, The Communist Manifesto did not stop at describing an ideal society.  It was a practical guide to a working class revolution.  Marx had no desire merely to interpret the world.  He wanted to change it immediately and called for the proletariat to use its numerical superiority to violently overthrow capitalism.  Political power, he believed, was simply the ability of one class to oppress the other.  Workers, he wrote, must seize this power and apply it to their oppressors, the capitalists: “The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the State.”  By this statement, Marx meant that all goods would be held in common (hence the term “communism”) by the government.  He urged workingmen of all countries to join together, ending his manifesto with these words:

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.  They openly declare that their ends can be obtained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.  Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution.  The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.  They have a world to win.

Working men of all countries, unite![3]

Although the revolutions that swept Austria, Germany, and France in 1848 cannot be credited to the publication of The Communist Manifesto, it did influence some of the revolutionary leaders.  At the very least, the revolutions indicated that Marx’s ideas were not some impractical dream, but spoke to the real needs and desires of many Europeans for radical change.  The revolutions found Marx back in his native Germany where he escaped arrest only by threatening the policemen who came to arrest him with a loaded pistol.  His wife pawned what was left of the family silver to enable them to escape to England where Marx spent the final 35 years of his life.  While living in London, Marx spent almost every day writing in the morning and studying in the British Museum in the afternoon.  As a result of his constant study, research, and writing, Marx and his family lived in deep poverty, surviving only on handouts from his friend Engels and an occasional job writing for newspapers like the New York Tribune for whom he briefly served as a foreign correspondent.

Marx’s largest written work, Das Capital, was published in 1867.  Here he put all of his thoughts together in a very detailed work, continuing to emphasize the ideas expressed in The Communist Manifesto and his other writings.  In Das Capital, Marx further defined his theory of capitalist exploitation.  He maintained that the only true value of an item was the labor required to manufacture it.  The fact that the capitalist charged far more for an item than he paid the worker for the time required to manufacture it and the value of its raw materials was cited as evidence of the exploitation of the working class. 

In Das Capital, Marx also elaborated upon his theory of revolution and the inevitable process of transformation from capitalism to communism.  To Marx, the existence of capitalism was an essential precondition for the development of a communist society.  Prior to the development of industrial capitalism, society could not consistently produce enough to meet the needs of its population.  “This development of productive forces,” wrote Marx, “is an absolutely necessary practical premise because without it want is merely made general.”  In other words, there is no point in creating equality if there is not enough to satisfy the needs of all.  Despite its ability to produce an ever-increasing array of goods, Marx believed that capitalism would inevitably fall just as had the slave society of the ancient world and the feudal society of the Middle Ages.  As the proletariat grew increasingly large and impoverished, the workers, aroused and educated by communist intellectuals, would eventually revolt.  “Revolution is necessary,” said Marx, “not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because only in a revolution can the class which overthrows it rid itself of the accumulated rubbish of the past and become capable of reconstructing society.”  This process would not be immediate and society would need to go through a transitional period between capitalism and communism, “a long and painful travail,” that Marx called socialism.  During this period, the wage system would need to be preserved as the capitalist system was destroyed.  This process would be guided by a strong government, what Marx called a “dictatorship of the proletariat.”  In addition, during this transition period, other actions would need to be taken to destroy the evils of capitalism:

·        A heavy progressive or graduated income tax

·        Abolition of the right of inheritance

·        Centralization of all banking, communication, and transportation in the hands of the State

·        The elimination of child labor and free education for all children in public schools

·        The abolishment of religious institutions

After all aspects of capitalism were removed, this dictatorship would be unnecessary as society progressed into pure communism, and the need for government would disappear.  Because the process leading to communism was based on the collapse of the capitalist system, Marx believed that this revolution would occur first in countries like Britain, France, and Germany that had the most advanced industrial systems.

When Marx died in 1883 no country had adopted his ideas but he had followers throughout Europe.  Social Democratic parties were established (and often outlawed) in most European countries, dedicated to enacting Marxist beliefs.  Most of these parties worked within the parliamentary systems of their governments to mobilize support among the working class and to advance their cause through peaceful, legal methods.  Ironically, the man who eventually established the first communist country in the world disdained parliamentary methods in favor of violent revolution.  This man, Vladimir Ulyanov, is better known to the world by the name he assumed to hide his identity from the police—Lenin.  Lenin would take Marx’s theory and put it into practice by overthrowing the government of Russia in 1917, thus creating the world’s first communist state.

According to Marxist dogma (set of beliefs), Russia was one of the least likely sites for a communist revolution early in the twentieth century.  The most backward of the major European powers, Russia had barely begun the process of industrialization and resembled more of a feudal society than a capitalistic one.  In 1913, only 18% of the Russian population lived in cities or towns and industrial production accounted for only 20% of the national income.  On the basis of industrial output per capita (industrial output divided by population), Russia ranked tenth in the world, behind every other major European power.  Even more significantly, there was virtually no proletariat; out of a population of some 168 millions, only about 2 million were industrial workers.

Russia

·        Describe the two inherent geographic weaknesses of Russia.

·        How did the Kievan society compare to those established in Western Europe?

·        What two factors tended to isolate Russia from Western Europe?

·        Why did the Kievan Rus’ eventually fall to the Tatars?

 

Russian backwardness can be explained by a number of factors that make it unique among western countries.  Russia occupies the largest plain (a generally flat area of land) in the world.  Without mountains or bodies of water to provide natural defenses, Russia has been subjected to numerous invasions throughout its history.  As a result, security and the need to defend against outsiders is a recurring theme of Russian history.  In addition to its military vulnerability, Russia has been plagued with economic scarcity as well.  Due to its extreme northern latitude, most of northern Russia has an extremely short growing season.  In the south, where temperatures are more moderate, much of the potential farmland is plagued by inadequate rainfall.  Russian rulers have struggled for centuries to allocate resources to two competing needs—defense and the maintenance of adequate food supplies.

The first major Russian civilization emerged in the ninth century in an area northeast of the Carpathian Mountains between the Baltic and Black Seas.  Known as the Kievan Rus, it was ruled by a mixture of the native Slavs and descendants of Vikings who had traveled through the area in their trade with the Greek empire.  At its height in the eleventh century, the Kievan Rus’ compared favorably with the most developed civilizations of Western Europe.  Commerce flowed up and down the region’s rivers, linking Scandinavia and the Byzantine empire of the south.  Kiev, the area’s most prominent city, had permanent stone buildings and a population similar in size to that of Paris and London at the same time.  The Kievan Rus’ was not, however, a single unified state, but more an alliance of various city-states ruled by individual princes, similar to classical Greece.  The peasantry was free (as opposed to the serfdom of Western Europe) and the towns had citizen-councils called veches (vuh yay chus), which shared power with the nobles.  Two developments during the Kievan period have had a significant impact on subsequent Russian history.  In 988, Greek Orthodox Christianity became the established religion of the state, and when Orthodoxy split from Roman Catholicism in 1054, the area became culturally distanced from the West.  The Kievan Rus’ also adopted the Greek Cyrillic alphabet, as opposed to the Latin one in use in Western Europe.  These two developments marked Russia as intellectually distinct from its western neighbors, eventually producing both a sense of Russian uniqueness and a fear of “different” western ideas.

Despite its cultural advancements, the Kievan state had several fatal weaknesses.  It lacked natural defensive borders, so the cost of maintaining an adequate defense was extremely high.  In addition, its decentralized form of government made it difficult for rulers to extract enough taxes to bear the enormous cost of defense.  Ultimately, the Kievan Rus’ proved to be too weak to withstand the threat of Mongol invasion from the East.  The Mongols—or Tatars as the Russians called them—began to press upon the eastern borders of the Rus during the reign of Genghis Khan in the 1220s.  In 1240, the armies of Genghis Khan’s grandson, Batu, destroyed Kiev.  For the next two and a half centuries, the Mongols ruled Russia, further isolating it from the rest of Europe.  Not all of the former Kievan Rus’ fell under Mongol control.  The extreme western parts, including Kiev, eventually came under the control of Catholic Lithuanian princes who eventually merged with the Polish dynasty in the late fourteenth century. 

Authoritarian Mongol rule quickly replaced the decentralization of the Kievan state.  The Mongols preferred to rule through native nobles known as boyars.  The Mongols also retained the structure of Orthodox Christianity, using it as another means of organizing and controlling the population.  Mongol rule was harsh, swiftly punishing rebellion and demanding high levels of tribute (taxes) from the peasantry.  The high cost of this tribute impoverished the natives, bringing an end to sophisticated architecture and other cultural advancements.

Muscovite Russia

·        What factors allowed the princes of Moscow to establish their independence from the Mongols?

·        Why were Russian Tsars considered autocratic rulers?

·        What is serfdom?  What factors led to its establishment in seventeenth century Russia?

·        What was “The Time of Troubles?”  Why did they lead to the establishment of the autocratic Romanov dynasty?

 

The princes in the northern portion of the Mongol empire had proven to be especially efficient agents of Tatar rule by the fourteenth century.  One such prince, Ivan I, became so effective at extracting tribute from his population that he became known as Ivan Kalita or Ivan “Moneybags.”  In 1327, after Ivan had crushed a native rebellion against Mongol rule in Tver, he was made ruler of the entire region surrounding the settlement of Moscow.  Due to his wealth, Ivan and his descendents were able to rapidly expand their holdings, eventually becoming virtually independent of Mongol control.  The rulers of Muscovy realized their precarious position as they attempted to gradually free themselves from Mongol influence.  The boyars of the city formed a tightly knit society, fiercely loyal to the ruling prince.  Any form of division or disloyalty was seen as a potentially fatal threat to the fragile independence of Moscow.  The growing strength of the area also led the Orthodox Church to establish Moscow as its center in 1326, thus giving the city right to claim itself as the legitimate heir to the Kievan Rus’, and the defender of Russian faith and culture against the Tatar infidels. 

By 1480, under the rule of Ivan III (who was also known as Ivan the Great), Moscow had grown enough in size and strength to refuse to pay any tribute to the Mongol overlords.  It was during his rule that the primitive fortifications surrounding the center of Moscow, known as the Kremlin, were expanded and permanent stone buildings erected, including the massive Cathedral of the Assumption. 

The triumph of Muscovite Russia over the Tatars significantly legitimized the principle of autocracy (total power vested in one individual).  Ivan the Great strengthened his power by working to reduce the influence of the only potential threat to his regime, the boyars who held their noble positions and property through heredity, by supplanting (replacing) them with a lesser rank of nobility, the dvozyane.  Unlike the boyars, dvozyane held their position and property as direct grants from the current ruler, which could be revoked at any time.  Needless to say, dvozyane could be counted on to provide absolute obedience to the ruler, or as the prince of Moscow became to be referred, the Tsar.  Ivan the Great’s grandson, Ivan IV, accomplished the final destruction of the independent nobility during his reign of 1533-1584.  Known as “Ivan the Terrible,” Ivan IV ruled through a combination of terror and coercion.[4]  He formed the first Russian secret police, the oprichnina, to destroy any opposition.  In addition, he demanded that every male noble serve the state, usually in the military, as a condition of retaining his title.  Thus through murder, exile, or the demands of service to the state, the boyars were either crushed or reduced to the status of dvozyane.  Unlike Western Europe, in Russia there would be no noble class capable of opposing or even moderating the rule of the Tsar.

Ivan the Terrible also vigorously sought to expand his territory.  His armies drove south along the Volga River to the Caucasus Mountains and eastward across the Urals into Siberia.  The burden of constant warfare fell heavily upon Russian peasants who were increasingly taxed to support the military needs of the state.  As a result, many peasants fled to unoccupied lands beyond the government’s control.  Without peasant labor, it was difficult for the nobility to meet the demands of service to the state.  As a result, the government began to limit the movement of peasants to a small period following the harvest, a time when movement was most disadvantageous to the peasant.  By 1581, the government had begun to ban all movement during certain “forbidden years,” and in 1649 the ban on peasant movement was made permanent.  Thus, over a period of 150 years, the Russian peasantry had been reduced to a position of serfdom, legally bound to a certain area of land just as a slave is bound to a master.  The state also increased its power through a variety of state monopolies, most notably salt and vodka.  By 1700, 10% of the government’s income was derived from vodka sales alone.  As a result, the government encouraged an increasing dependence upon alcohol due to its role as an important revenue source.

The highly authoritarian and centralized state created by Ivan the Great and Ivan the Terrible hit a crisis point late in the sixteenth century in what became known as the “Time of Troubles.”  The aggressive military conquests of Ivan the Terrible had pushed the Russian empire westward into conflict with the more technologically advanced Swedes and Poles.  Serfs, resentful of increasing state control, began to rebel, fleeing their obligations and escaping to unoccupied territories where they lived as free men.  Some of these free peasants armed themselves into bands of warlike horsemen or Cossacks, acting totally outside the realm of government control.  In addition, a dynastic crisis erupted when Ivan the Terrible’s son, Fedor, died without an heir in 1598.  Fifteen years of chaos ensued as rival claimants to the throne battled each other.  Finally, in 1610, Polish armies captured Moscow and eventually established the Catholic son of the Polish king as the new Tsar.  The Orthodox Church led Russian resistance to the foreign Tsar and by September 1612 a national army had retaken Moscow, expelling the Polish invaders.  Desperate to end the Time of Troubles, the leading elements of Russian society convened a grand council or zemskii sobor to select a new Tsar.  The council, which consisted of clergy, nobles, merchants, and even a few free peasants, chose Michael Romanov, a sixteen year old descendent of Ivan the Terrible’s first wife to be the new Tsar in 1613.  His relationship to the old dynasty, youth (which had prevented him from being tied to any of the rival forces during the Time of Troubles), and the support of the head of the Orthodox Church were the major factors in his selection.  It is extremely significant that the zemskii sobor chose to place absolutely no restrictions upon the power of the new ruler.  In the wake of the Time of Troubles, the virtually unanimous desire was for a strong ruler, capable of establishing order.  Autocracy, the legacy of the Muscovite rulers who had freed Russia from the Tartar yoke (a harness used for controlling an animal), was the only form of government that Russians trusted to bring stability to their country.  The heirs of Michael Romanov would continue a dynasty that ruled Russia for the next three hundred years, unfettered (free of) by constitutional limitations or the need to share power with any other segment of society.

Peter the Great and “Westernization”

·        What changes did Peter the Great enact in Russia?  What groups opposed these changes?  Why?

·        Describe the peasant commune.  How did it distribute land?

·        In what ways did the autocracy, church, and nobility work together and reinforce each other’s position?  Why did this strengthen the autocracy?

·        What evidence was there that Russia had “caught up with the West” by the early nineteenth century?

 

By the seventeenth century, Western Europe had undergone both a cultural and technological revolution that was virtually unknown to Russia due to its geographic and intellectual isolation.  The conflict with the Poles during the Time of Troubles brought home the unpleasant fact of Russian backwardness.  Periodically, Russian rulers had imported technical specialists from the West, but these foreigners were regarded as inherently dangerous.  Forced to live in special areas of Moscow, foreigners were referred to by the all-encompassing term of “Germans,” regardless of their origin.  Tsar Peter I, known as “Peter the Great,” was the first Russian ruler to attempt to significantly “westernize” his country.  After becoming Tsar in 1689, Peter traveled for eighteen months throughout Western Europe, recruiting over 750 foreign specialists to return home with him where he mobilized all aspects of Russia society to achieve modernization.[5]  Peter founded schools and required that the every son of the nobility attend upon penalty of being forbidden to marry.  These schools emphasized mathematics, navigation, and the sciences.  He set up industry under state ownership and created a great navy.  Peter also commissioned the building of a new capital, St. Petersburg, on the Baltic Sea, located symbolically in the extreme western portion of the country.  The nobility was completely reorganized into a Table of Ranks by which positions and privilege were earned by service to the state.  The power of the church was weakened and placed under state control.  Most significantly, Peter greatly expanded the Russian military and fought numerous wars to expand Russian territory, especially in the Baltic.  Every twenty peasant households were required to submit one new military recruit every year, and recruits were bound to service for 25 years.[6]  Taxes were raised and a census instituted to facilitate their collection.

The reforms of Peter the Great and his desire to build Russia into a major power inspired great resistance.  The nobility and the church were inherently distrustful of change and resented Peter’s efforts to totally alter their lives (he even ordered men to abandon their traditional long coats and to trim their lengthy beards in order to conform with western styles).  Peter, however, was determined to press onward.  When his own son sympathized with his conservative critics, Peter ordered him tortured and killed.  Increasing authority was exercised upon the peasants, who by now had almost all been reduced to serfdom.  Peter’s legacy was a dual one of conflicting results.  He greatly expanded Russian power, increasing its military, educating its upper classes, and planting the seeds of industrial development.  At the same time, he had failed to even attempt other elements of modernization, most notably expanding the basis of leadership and providing greater material benefits to the general population.  Under his rule, Russia became more autocratic and the vast majority of the population, the peasantry, became even more primitive and resentful of the ruling establishment.

The rural village was the basis of Russian life, containing 95% of the population.  Most villages contained fewer than 500 inhabitants.  Families usually consisted of five to eight people.  Life expectancy was low, in the upper twenties on average, but this figure is deceptive due to the very high rates of child mortality.  Almost half the children died before age five.  Women were expected to marry young and to bear as many children as possible.  The land was owned by nobles and worked by peasant serfs.  Russian landlords were often absent, fulfilling their obligations to the state, so great authority was placed upon a uniquely Russian institution—the peasant commune (in Russian mir), which consisted of the village’s male heads of households.  It was the commune that decided what would be grown.  To ensure fairness, land was divided into narrow strips (usually nine to twelve feet in width and several hundred yards in length) and then the strips were allocated to various families.  A single household might receive fifty or more strips of varying quality scattered throughout the village.  Periodically, the strips would be redistributed to account for changes in family size.  Woods, pastures, and fisheries were available to all.  Serfs paid two forms of taxes.  The first was to their landlords in the form of feudal dues (obrok).  The second direct tax was paid to the state in the form of a poll tax levied on every adult male.  Together, direct taxes accounted for over 50% of peasant income.  The entire village bore collective responsibility for the payment of taxes.  If one family’s harvest was not sufficient to pay their taxes, others had to make up the difference.  This served the interest of the state well, making it easier to collect taxes. 

After Peter the Great’s death in 1725, the pace of modernization came to a virtual halt as six ineffective rulers presided over Russia.  Only upon the accession of Catherine II, or Catherine the Great, did progress resume.  A German princess who had married the unpopular Tsar Peter III, Catherine led a palace revolution against her husband in which he was killed and she assumed the throne.  Under Catherine, Russia conquered much of Poland and pushed her southern border to the Black Sea.  She also brought to Russia the ideals of the French Enlightenment and freed the nobility from their obligation of life-long service to the state.  Like Peter, however, Catherine was intolerant of dissent and financed the country’s development by increasing taxes on serfs who were already required to give up most of their labor and income to their landlords and the state.  In 1773 a major peasant rebellion occurred, led by a Cossack, Emelian Pugachev.  The rebellion swept over much of western Russia, killing 1500 nobles before it was subdued in late 1774.  Pugachev was captured, taken to Moscow in an open cage, and beheaded. 

The effect of the Pugachev Rebellion was to strengthen ties between the land-holding nobility and the autocracy.  Only by “bleeding the peasants” could Russia acquire the resources to modernize, yet such policies inevitably raised the possibility of peasant uprisings.  Only a strong alliance between the Tsar, Orthodox Church, and nobility could hope to keep the peasants under control.  Increasingly, the nobles viewed strong centralized government as their only protection against the peasantry.[7]  Deeply disenchanted, the peasantry still clung to a romantic allegiance (strongly encouraged by the church) to the Tsar and primarily viewed the nobility as the cause of their desperation.  From this came the myth of “the good Tsar.”  Peasants believed that any problems could not be the fault of the Tsar, but were the result of his advisors keeping him from knowing their plight.  “If only the Tsar knew how we suffer,” was a commonly expressed sentiment.

Although she remained rurally backward, Russia managed to narrow the enormous gap between her society and that of her western neighbors during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.  A high Russian culture emerged as evidenced by the contributions of Russians in the area of arts, music, and literature.  More significantly, it was the Russian Army that finally defeated the most fearsome military force of its time when it bested Napoleon in 1812.  At the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Tsar Alexander I received Finland, Bessarabia, and additional Polish territory as rewards for the Russian contribution to the defeat of Napoleon.  Thus, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, Russian leaders believed that they had “caught up with the West,” while preserving traditional Russian institutions.  The autocracy showed no inclination toward democratization.  In 1825, a group of nobles, many of whom had fought against Napoleon and come into contact with the ideals of the Enlightenment, staged a brief revolt in hopes of gaining a constitutional monarchy in which the Tsar would share power with an elected legislature.  On December 14, they marched into Senate Square in St. Petersburg with soldiers who had refused to swear allegiance to the new czar, Nicholas I.  After several hours of a tense standoff with troops loyal to the new Tsar, the Decembrist Uprising was crushed and the leading conspirators were immediately hanged.  Other nobles who had participated in the revolt were sent into Siberian exile with their families.  Defenders of the autocracy remained confident that Russia was impervious to the winds of change that frequently swept through Western Europe.  Soon, however, a new factor—the industrial revolution—would prove them sadly mistaken.

The Great Reforms

·        Why did the Crimean War serve as a stimulus to change in Russia?

·        Why did some Russians begin to advocate the abolition of serfdom?  What factors argued against changing the system?

·        Why didn’t the abolition of serfdom have a dramatic effect on rural Russia?

·        Why were the Great Reforms considered incomplete?

·        Why did the peasant commune tend to inhibit the development of modern farming practices?

·        What was the goal of the Populists?  Why did the “To the People Movement” fail?  How did Populist tactics change following this failure?

·        What effect did the assassination of Alexander II have on Russia?

 

Less than fifty years after the defeat of Napoleon, Russia suffered a crushing defeat in the Crimean War.  Ever since the time of Peter the Great, Russia had sought an ice-free port by which it could gain entry into Western Europe.  In 1853, Russia went to war with the Ottoman Empire in hopes of gaining control of the straits at Constantinople.  Eager to block Russian access to the Mediterranean, Britain and France declared war on Russia and sent troops to the Crimean Peninsula.  Despite fighting on their own territory and a huge advantage in manpower, the Russian forces were soundly defeated.  As a result of the war, Russian ships were banned from the Mediterranean and Russian prestige was dealt a severe blow.

To the new Tsar, Alexander II, who had come to the throne in 1855, defeat in the Crimean War brought home the need to re-examine Russian society after a long period of complacency.  Russian military strength had always been built upon the size of its military, yet in the Crimean War Russia had been defeated by smaller, better-equipped forces.  The huge Russian Army consumed 40-50% of government revenues. To develop the industry necessary to build a modern army, Russia needed to purchase technology from abroad.  To finance this, Russia would need to be able to export huge amounts of grain, yet Russian agriculture was horribly inefficient and incapable of producing such surpluses.  Compounding this problem was the inadequacy of Russia’s transportation system.  Areas that could produce a surplus had no efficient way to move their surplus to areas of shortage.  The previous government of Nicholas I (1825-1855) had resisted both the development of industry and railroads for political reasons.  Industry led to the growth of an urban proletariat, which Nicholas feared due to its revolutionary potential.  Railroads encouraged peasant mobility, which threatened the system of serfdom.  Serfdom, the glue that held together the Russian social structure, itself was seen by some as woefully inefficient.  A government official described the comments of a landowning noble in 1840:

There is no doubt that free labor is better.  It is wrong to suppose that once our peasants are free that they will become even lazier….  A free man knows that if he does not work he is not going to be fed for nothing and as a result, he works hard….  I have some unsettled land which I have worked using my own peasants, not under barshchina (feudal obligation), but by hiring them under a free contract.  The same peasants, who idle about on barshchina, work extremely hard there and are even willing to work on holidays.[8]

To address these weaknesses required fundamental change; however, change inevitably threatened both the autocracy and the nobility.  Serfs living on landowners’ property accounted for 51% of Russia’s population.  Another 33% of the population was made up of serfs toiling on state-owned property.  Serfdom was seen by many as the only means by which a nobility of 100,000 could hope to control 30 million peasants.  Memories of the Pugachev Rebellion were still fresh in the minds of many nobles; and, even under the strong hand of serfdom, the danger of peasant revolts was increasing.  Between 1836 and 1854, the army suppressed over 250 disturbances.  The state could no longer support a huge standing army, but the thought of returning former soldiers to serfdom was seen as introducing a potentially radicalizing element into an already dangerous situation.  Alexander II faced an unenviable dilemma.  Was reform possible without opening Pandora’s box and toppling the entire social structure of Russia?  How could the serfs be freed without destroying the nobility?  Could reform be limited and the autocracy be protected against further calls for democratization? 

Alexander II decided that it was better to grant emancipation from above than face the possibility that serfdom would abolish itself from below.[9]  In 1861, it was announced that serfdom would end.  The serfs would not, however, be given the land necessary to support their freedom.  Except for their homes and a small private plot of land, the peasant communes were required to purchase land from the noble landowners or, in the case of state peasants, from the government.  Approximately 50% of the land was allotted for peasant purchase.  The government reimbursed landowners for the purchases and peasants were forced to pay back the government over a 49-year period.[10]  Although serfdom had officially ended, very little actually changed.  Peasants were still bound by their obligation to pay for the land, which they worked largely in order to pay their taxes.  In order to earn the money to pay their mortgages, they were forced to work as contract labor on the landlord’s land.  The commune was retained, largely because it was the most efficient way for the government to insure the payment of taxes and mortgages.  The collective responsibility for tax and mortgage payments also provided a measure of security for individual peasants.  In addition to the ending of serfdom, a new elected body of local government was created, the Zemstvo.  Zemstvo officials were responsible for many of the local government tasks that had previously been the responsibility of the nobility, most notably health care, education, and agricultural policy.  Although peasants were represented, elections were done on a constituency basis where nobles were allotted 75% of the seats.

Unfortunately, Alexander II’s Great Reforms were incomplete.  Due to the Tsar’s fear of angering the nobility, the reforms created significant problems that would plague Russia until the revolutions of 1917.  Peasants considered the requirement that they pay for land they had worked for generations to be unjust.  In addition, they were still required to work the land of the nobles in order to earn money for their mortgage payments and to pay their taxes.  By retaining the commune, there was no incentive to adopt modern methods or improve the land.  The strips were too small for farm machinery and there was no reason to improve land that could be reallocated to others in the future.  In addition, household serfs received no land and either had to become tenant farmers or migrate to the cities as day laborers.  Peasants were also excluded from Alexander’s judicial reforms, as they would be tried in special Volost courts that could still impose corporal punishment (whipping) despite the humiliating practice being outlawed elsewhere.  In short, the ending of serfdom did nothing to alleviate most peasant grievances.  The Zemstvo system would make significant progress in improving rural education and health care; however, it also served to develop a local political leadership that soon began to demand a voice in national politics.  Alexander II and his successors were staunchly opposed to any national assembly (in Russian—a Duma) that would weaken the autocracy.

One effect of the reforms of Alexander II was to stir up forces that demanded even more change.  Calls for reform in Russia have always taken two paths.  Westernizers, often emulating Peter the Great, have sought to use Western Europe as a model, seeking economic modernization along the lines of private capitalism and advocating greater democracy to represent the interests of the new middle class.  Other Russian reformers, known as Slavophiles, have rejected the western model, arguing instead that Russia is unique and must develop its own political and economic systems.  Rejecting the western model as decadent, Slavophiles, in close alliance with the Orthodox Church, emphasized the simple purity of the Russian peasant and often viewed the Russian agricultural commune as an egalitarian model for a unique brand of rural socialism.  One such Slavophile group that emerged in the later nineteenth century was the Narodnik or Populists.  The Populists were essentially anarchists who envisioned a confederation of self-governing communes without the need for an autocratic Tsar.  This movement caught the imagination of many university students, themselves the children of the minor nobility or small urban middle class.  In 1874, over two million of these young Populists launched the “To the People” movement in which idealistic university students traveled to Russia’s rural villages to advocate their beliefs directly to the peasants in hopes of sponsoring a mass movement that would topple the autocracy.  The movement was a disaster.  Deeply suspicious of outsiders, especially educated nobility, the peasants ignored their pleas and remained steadfast in their belief that the Tsar had their best interests at heart.  Rebuffed in their attempt to build a broad-based revolutionary movement, some Populists turned to terror, believing that a “revolutionary spark” was necessary to jumpstart a rebellion against the autocracy.  One such terrorist group, the People’s Will (Narodnaya Volya), after five failed attempts succeeded in murdering Alexander II by blowing up his carriage in 1881.  Rather than fomenting revolution, the People’s Will only succeeded in ushering in an era of movement away from reform and toward repression.  Alexander II’s son, Alexander III, moved to crush the revolutionary groups and limit the power of the local governments.  He introduced strict censorship of the media, cracked down on nationalist groups (especially in Poland, the Ukraine, and Finland), and exiled any potential political opponents to isolated areas of Siberia.

Nicholas II

·        Describe Witte’s plans for modernizing Russia.  Assess their success.  What impact did his plans have on the peasantry?

·        Describe the five major elements of Russian society in 1900.

·        Explain the ruling philosophy of Nicholas II.

·        Who was Rasputin?  Why was he able to gain tremendous influence in the Tsar’s government?

 

Despite the innate conservatism of Alexander III (1881-1894) and his son Nicholas II, the dangers posed by the unification of Germany in 1871, with the emergence of a strong German state on Russia’s western border, could not be ignored.  Finally under the leadership of one of the Tsar’s most gifted advisors, Sergei Witte, Russia began to rapidly industrialize in the 1890s.  Witte believed that it was imperative for Russia to industrialize or it would suffer the fate of China, a great empire that had fallen so far behind the West that it was devoured by the more advanced powers.  Modernization in Russia would be accomplished “from the top down,” managed by an ever-growing government bureaucracy that attempted to control every economic and political development in the vast empire consisting of over nine million square miles.  Industrialization also required vast amounts of foreign capital, which Russia could only obtain by dramatically increasing grain exports.  This could only be accomplished by further “squeezing the peasants” who were the government’s main source of revenue.  Taxes rose, and even more significantly, began to be collected at harvest time when grain prices were lowest.  This forced many peasants to leave the villages in search of means of adding to their income.  Inevitably there was a drift toward the cities where peasants found work, for extremely low wages, in the emerging factories.  Russia’s growing population also “squeezed the peasants,” as family allotments from the commune grew smaller as the population increased.  Faced with this land shortage, peasants became even more resentful of the agricultural land that was beyond their reach—that belonging to the nobility.  It was this growing crisis over farmland that led the government to encourage population movement to new areas, best typified by the construction of the 4,000 mile long Trans-Siberian Railroad from 1891-1904.  Witte’s program had some success.  In the last decade of the nineteenth century, although still well behind the other major powers in the world, Russian industrial growth outpaced all of Europe, averaging an astounding eight percent per year.  With this growth, however, came significant social and political cleavages (divisions).

The stress of modernization inherently challenges political stability.  The revolutions of 1848 throughout Europe bear testimony to this.  In Western Europe, however, conservative elements were able to arrest the radical tide.  In France and Prussia, for example, the nobility, army, and rural landowners combined to restore most of the pre-revolutionary status quo.  But in Russia internal conflicts between these same groups left the monarchy dangerously isolated.  Russian society in 1900 could be divided into five major groups—a huge peasantry; rural landowners who, though they were members of the nobility, were often almost as impoverished as the peasantry; a growing government bureaucracy also made up of nobles; a small emerging urban middle class; and a rapidly growing urban proletariat.  Each of these groups held strong resentments against the others.  The unique Russian institution of the peasant commune prevented the emergence of independent rural landowners.  The peasants hated the nobility, who they viewed as incompetent, lazy, and totally unworthy of their vast landholdings and privilege.  The rural nobility, terrified of peasant uprisings, was also deeply jealous of the rapidly growing governmental bureaucracy, which they blamed for their declining influence in the political system.  The new middle class and intelligentsia (educated professionals such as teachers, physicians, scientists, engineers, lawyers, architects, writers, journalists, etc.) of Russia’s cities were often embarrassed by their country’s backwardness and almost universally hostile to the Orthodox Church and the autocratic government.[11]  Industrial workers had few rights and were forbidden to form trade unions or to strike.  In other European countries leaders were able to mask some of the social conflict inevitable with the transformation toward a more urban, industrial society through appeals to nationalist sentiments and imperial conquest.  Russia’s leaders had no such diversion.  Nationalism was a dangerous concept to introduce into a country in which less than half of the population was Russian, and Russia was far too weak for the type of military conquests that contributed to national unity in Germany, France, and Britain.  In addition, the Russian peasantry was too illiterate to absorb the type of nineteenth century nationalistic inspired historical and cultural education that had contributed to the building of modern nation-states in Western Europe.  Educating the peasants, however, was feared in that it could make them more dangerous to the existing social order.

Presiding over this volatile situation was Tsar Nicholas II who had ascended to the throne at age twenty-six upon his father’s sudden death in 1894.[12]  Often viewed as a feeble-minded fool, incapable of comprehending the disintegration of his regime; the last Tsar was actually quite intelligent, having mastered four languages in his youth.  His greatest determination was to preserve the Tsar’s position as autocrat.  Nicholas viewed himself as the father of the Russian people.  To dilute his power was to abdicate his divine (God-given) responsibility: “I will never agree to a representative form of government because I consider it harmful to the people God has entrusted to me.” [13]  Autocracy, unfortunately for Nicholas II, was simply incompatible with the demands of ruling a huge country in the modern age.  Nicholas even had to personally approve all name changes and the requests of wives to leave their husbands.  In addition, he had to deal with hundreds of personal petitions each week from his subjects.  Although Nicholas was extremely hard working, his insistence on total control led to his inability to maintain any overall strategy for addressing his country’s ills.  As a result, he was frequently buried in minor matters and unable to give serious attention to crucial issues.

In addition to the other problems of his rule, Nicholas II endured a personal tragedy when his only son, and heir, Alexis, was diagnosed as a hemophiliac.[14]  While the Tsar’s physicians seemed helpless during the young boy’s potentially fatal bleeding attacks, a Siberian monk, Rasputin, was seemingly able to stop the bleeding.  This ability gave him tremendous influence with Nicholas’s wife, the Tsaritza Alexandra.  Rasputin exploited his relationship with Alexandra to the fullest, using his position at court not only to seduce countless aristocratic women, but also to influence government decisions.  Rasputin’s relationship with the Tsaritza eventually led to widespread rumors that they were lovers or that he used his position to seduce her daughters.[15]

Lenin and the Bolsheviks

·        Why did Lenin become a revolutionary?

·        What argument led to the 1903 split between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks?

·        Describe Lenin’s concept of democratic centralism.

·        Why did Lenin argue that a communist revolution could take place in Russia before it occurred in more developed countries?

 

As social tensions rose in Russia, revolutionary movements grew.  Over 17,000 people were killed or wounded by terrorist acts directed against the government between 1897-1917.  It was with one of these groups that a young university student, Alexander Ulyanov, became involved in a failed plot against the Tsar in 1887.  Young Ulyanov, who had constructed a bomb designed to blow up the Tsar, was arrested by the secret police and executed.  Alexander Ulyanov’s brother, Vladimir, was only sixteen when he died.  The death of his older brother was an event that shattered Vladimir’s previously comfortable life.  The Ulyanov’s were a middle class intelligentsia family.  Vladimir’s father held the respected position of a provincial school inspector, entitling him to be addressed in the fashion of a nobleman as “Your Excellency.”  Because of the danger in opposing the Tsar, the Ulyanov children were forbidden to discuss politics in their home, and prior to Alexander’s death, the family had been happy, comfortable, and well respected. 

Like his older brother, Vladimir was a brilliant student, winning a coveted medal as the top student in his local school.  Because of the shame of his brother’s execution, however, he found it hard to gain entrance to a university.  When he finally succeeded, he was able to complete a four-year law course in a year and a half, graduating at the very top of his class.  While in school, Ulyanov read Karl Marx’s writings and became convinced that Marxism was the only solution to Russia’s problems.[16]  He was also strongly influenced by Nikolai Chernyshevsky’s novel What Is To Be Done? (1862), which he read five times in one summer.  In the novel, the hero, Rakhmetev, is a highly disciplined revolutionary.  Lenin later stated: “not only Chernyshevsky showed that every right-thinking and really honest man must be a revolutionary, but also—and this is his greatest merit—what a revolutionary must be like.”[17]  After graduation, he joined Russia’s Marxist Social Democratic Party and was promptly arrested and sentenced in 1897 to three years of internal exile in Siberia for his political activities.  While in Siberia, Ulyanov became a dedicated revolutionary, adopted the revolutionary alias of Lenin, and married another revolutionary, Nadezhda Krupskaya.[18]

In 1903, the leaders of the Russian Social Democratic Party held a congress in Brussels, Belgium where Lenin challenged the party leadership.  Like most European Marxist parties, the Social Democrats were attempting to build a large mass movement that would operate by openly democratic means.  In Russia, however, this meant that revolutionary groups would always be vulnerable to the Tsar’s secret police and plagued with informers.  Unlike in Western Europe, where citizens were generally free to do as they pleased so long as their activities had not been specifically prohibited by the state, the people of Russia were under constant observation and prohibited from doing virtually anything unless the state had given them specific permission to do so.[19]  In response to these conditions, Lenin advocated that the party should be controlled by a small number of dedicated, professional revolutionaries who would have the power to impose military-style discipline upon its members, arguing that it was “far harder to catch a dozen clever people than a hundred fools.”[20]  After a heated argument, Lenin’s position won by a scant two votes.  This decision to abandon democratic principles divided the party and Lenin’s followers adopted the name Bolsheviks, meaning majority, to distinguish them from the democratic faction that became known as Mensheviks (minority).  In truth, the Mensheviks were a much larger group in the whole Social Democratic Party, but Lenin dedicated the next ten years to building the Bolsheviks into a tight group of revolutionaries totally under his control.  Lenin had no toleration for opinions other than his own within the Bolshevik Party.  There could only be one purpose—to mobilize the party to attack the existing ruling class of Russia.  With one indisputable purpose, there could only be one course of action and Lenin and a small group of like-minded Bolsheviks would determine what was to be done.  Lenin called this system of dictatorship “democratic centralism.”  As the leader of the Bolsheviks, Lenin was single-minded and ruthless.  He once remarked that he didn’t like to listen to music because it made him sentimental: “It makes me want to say kind, stupid things, and pat the heads of people.  But now you have to beat them on the head, beat them without mercy.”[21]  Essentially what separated Lenin from the numerous other Russian revolutionaries was his sense of righteousness and willingness to use any means to reach his goals.  As a contemporary later wrote, “Lenin had no respect for the convictions of others, nor was he touched by zeal for liberty.”[22]

Lenin also believed that a country did not have to go through a prolonged stage of capitalism prior to progressing on to communism.  This belief, which was in direct conflict with Marx’s entire theory of history, was necessary in order to explain how Russia could undergo a communist revolution before the advanced industrialized countries of Western Europe.  Lenin argued that the mad rush of the developed countries such as Britain, France and Germany to seize colonial possessions in Africa and Asia during the last part of the nineteenth century had delayed the inevitable collapse of their capitalist systems.  By seizing overseas colonies through imperialism, these countries were able to temporarily improve the conditions of their own workers by enslaving millions of people in the less developed world.  Lenin expanded Marx’s call for workers’ revolts in single countries to advocating a chain reaction of worldwide revolution that would involve not only industrial workers, but also peasants less developed countries and peoples of all colonial possessions.

The Revolution of 1905

·        What factors led to the Revolution of 1905? 

·        What changes did the revolution cause? 

·        Why did further revolution appear unlikely?

 

A terrible famine in 1891 led to renewed calls for reform of the Tsar’s autocratic state.  A decade later, Russia became involved in a disastrous war with Japan.  In the wake of defeat in the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, demands for political reform grew.  In January of 1905, a march of 4,000 workers to the Tsar’s Winter Palace in the capital of St. Petersburg was fired upon by the Tsar’s troops.  The march, led by a priest, Father Gapon, had intended to present Nicholas II with a petition of grievances, urging him to “break down the wall between yourself and your people” and allow the election of a national assembly.  Hundreds were killed and many more were wounded in what became known as Bloody Sunday.[23]  Similar protest marches in other major cities of the empire were also fired upon by troops.  Angry workers then illegally went on strike and formed workers’ committees (Soviets) to demand political reform and the right to form unions.  Soldiers and sailors also began to mutiny.[24]  The urban unrest soon spread to the countryside as peasants began to seize land from their landlords. 

The 1905 Revolution, combined with Russia’s humiliating defeat at the hands of the Japanese, finally forced the Tsar to grant limited political reforms.  A Duma, or national parliament, was created, and for a short period of time it appeared that Russia would slowly evolve into a western-style constitutional monarchy wherein the Tsar’s power would be limited by constitutional law.  This was not to be.  The Duma had very limited powers and could not even make laws unless they had the approval of the Tsar.  When the first Duma put forth a program of land reform that would have granted peasants much of the nobles’ land, Nicholas II dismissed it and temporarily ruled by decree (executive order).  After a second Duma was also dismissed, the electoral law was changed to ensure that the nobility would dominate future Dumas.  The third and final Duma strongly opposed most reforms, including expansion of the Zemstvo system of local government, mass education, and increased rights for national minorities.  The one reform that they did approve, however, offered the potential to radically transform Russian agriculture.  Peasants would now be allowed to acquire title to their strips, freeing them from the control of the commune.  Eventually, peasants could consolidate their strips into individual family farms.  Although interrupted by the First World War, 30% of the peasantry eventually acquired title to their strips and 10% applied for consolidation.  Many peasants, however, chose to cling to the security of the commune.

Ultimately, the Revolution of 1905 had little impact on altering conditions within Russia.  It was apparent that the Tsar had no desire to really share power or loosen his tight reins on political dissent.  Between 1906 and 1909, over 5,000 Russians were executed for political offenses, and another 38,000 were jailed or sent into external exile.[25]  As a result, more radical revolutionary movements continued to grow.  The Bolshevik newspaper, Pravda (the Russian word for “truth”), had a daily circulation of 40,000 copies per day.  Unable to seek reform within the system, some Russians were willing to contemplate a radical break from the past, but these ideas were usually confined to the cities, as Russia’s illiterate peasantry seemed no closer to revolution than they had ever been.

At the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Lenin was in exile in Switzerland where he had lived for almost ten years.  Except for a brief six-month stay following the Revolution of 1905, Lenin had not lived in Russia since 1901.  Despite non-stop efforts to influence political developments through his writings, Lenin’s goal of a revolution in Russia was not much closer to reality than it was when the Bolshevik Party had been created in 1903.  As the war drug on, even Lenin himself could see that he was increasingly isolated from events at home.  In January of 1917 he told associates: “We older men perhaps will not live to see the coming revolution.”  It was the war, however, and the resulting destruction of the existing social order in Europe that was to transform Lenin from the head of a handful of ignored revolutionaries to the leader of Russia within a mere four years.

The March Revolution

·        Why did the First World War prove to be a disaster for Russia?

·        Why was Nicholas II’s decision to take personal command of the army a huge mistake?

·        Describe the events that led to the Tsar’s abdication.

·        Describe the government that replaced the Tsar and the system of dual power that emerged after the March Revolution.  Why did the leaders of the Soviets refuse to seize power?

·        Explain why Russia was suddenly “the freest country in the world.”

·        Why did the Provisional Government continue to fight in the war?

 

The First World War was the ultimate test of a modern nation-state.  Imperial Russia was ill prepared for this test and failed miserably.  Russia’s industry had produced only four months of supplies prior to the war, and Russian soldiers were hopelessly out-gunned by their more advanced German enemy.  The Russian railway system proved inadequate to the task of supplying both the country’s military and civilian needs.  Russia’s peasant soldiers also lacked any sense of national identity or concept of what they were fighting for and were often too illiterate to be affected by their government’s propaganda.  In the war, Russia would pay a huge price for her failure to modernize both economically and politically.

The war began disastrously.  A swift invasion of Eastern Germany turned into a disaster as the Germans destroyed two entire Russian armies in the first months of fighting.  In one battle alone, Tannenberg, 30,000 Russians were killed and another 100,000 taken prisoner.  In the first four months of the war, Russia suffered 1.8 million casualties and exhausted its reserves of artillery shells.  Russian soldiers were sometimes sent into battle without rifles and instructed to pickup the weapons of their dead or wounded comrades after they had fallen.  In 1915, Nicholas II made the fateful decision to take command of the army himself, hoping that his personal prestige (despite the turmoil of 1905, the Tsar was still held in high personal regard by the overwhelmingly peasant army) could rally his troops.  By doing this, however, Nicholas left the government in the hands of his wife, the Tsaritza Alexandra, putting into motion a series of disastrous events that eventually cost him his throne and his life.  Now the Tsar could be directly blamed for military failures.  Even more significantly, Alexandra was immensely unpopular due to her German heritage and the widespread rumors pertaining to her relationship with the mystic holy man, Rasputin.[26]  Rasputin’s activities served to discredit the monarchy at a time when it desperately needed to retain its position as the sole unifying force in the country.  The refusal of the Tsar to grant meaningful power to the Duma meant that all of the populace’s anger with the government would inevitably fall upon the royal family.  While Nicholas was absent from Petrograd (the name of the capital of St. Petersburg had been changed to the more Russian sounding Petrograd at the beginning of the war), Rasputin gained enormous influence over the government, even to the degree of controlling the appointment of government ministers, before Russian aristocrats murdered him in December 1916. 

By 1917, 1.7 million Russian soldiers had died in the war.  Another 10.5 million had been seriously wounded or taken prisoner.  At home, prices had risen 398% from pre-war levels as the government simply ran out of money and was forced to print vast quantities of currency to meet its obligations.[27]  The war created a huge need for railway stock and the Russian railways could no longer both serve the needs of the military and get sufficient food to the cities.  Under this pressure, Nicholas II was forced to allow some political reform, delegating more responsibility to the Duma and allowing a National Union of Zemstvos to form.  This late action, however, did little to stem the rising tide of discord as the Duma leaders soon demanded that a cabinet be formed that would be responsible to the Duma rather than serving at the pleasure of the Tsar.  Nicholas II, of course, refused this demand.  Finally, in late 1916, Duma leaders began to openly criticize the Tsar.  One deputy, Pavel Milyukov, bitterly attacked the Tsar’s government in the Duma:

the gulf between us and that government has grown wider and has become impassible….  While the Duma with ever greater persistence insists that the rear must be organized for a successful struggle, while the government persists in claiming that organizing the country means organizing a revolution and deliberately prefers chaos and disorganization, then what is this: stupidity or treason?[28]

The end of the Tsarist regime came, not from a planned revolution, but rather from a series of spontaneous acts that emerged from the growing frustration with the Tsar and the war in early March 1917.[29]  On March 8, a large number of women textile workers went on strike in Petrograd after the state-run bakeries had run out of bread.  Striking workers from the huge Putilov munitions factory soon joined their demonstrations.  By the next day, 240,000 workers were on strike in the capital as almost all businesses in the city were forced to close.  Crowds attacked state-run bakeries, smashing windows, and seizing the meager stores of bread.  The police were powerless to stop the rioting, and when the dreaded Cossacks regiments were called out to support the police, they refused to attack the demonstrators.  One Cossack even used his sword to cut down a policeman who was beating a demonstrator.  For the first time, red banners of revolution and signs proclaiming “Down with the Tsar” appeared on the streets.  In the midst of this chaos, the President of the Duma, Mikhail Rodzianko, appealed to the Tsar by telegram:

The situation is serious.  The capital is in a state of anarchy.  The government is paralyzed; the transportation system has broken down; the supply system for food and fuel are completely disorganized.  General discontent is on the increase.  There is disorderly shooting in the streets; some of the troops are firing at each other.  It is necessary that some person enjoying the confidence of the country be entrusted immediately with the formation of a new government.  There can be no delay.[30]

Nicholas ignored this request, commenting: “That fat Rodzianko has sent me some nonsense, which I shan’t even answer.”  He then commanded the Petrograd garrison to attack the demonstrators and ordered the Duma dissolved.  This proved to be a fatal error.  The troops of the Petrograd garrison were recruits from the region and recovering wounded from the front, not eager to fire on the demonstrators.  Rather than comply with their orders, the soldiers mutinied.[31]  The demonstrations in Petrograd then soon spread to Moscow and other cities.

Rather than adhere to the Tsar’s order to dissolve, on the evening of March 12, leaders of the Duma met to form a new government that “corresponds to the wishes of the population and that can enjoy its trust.”  This Provisional (temporary) Government was made up of the leading liberals of Russian society who hoped to establish a democratic, Western-style government.  At the very same time, in another wing of the building housing the Duma, the Tauride Palace, workers’ representatives, socialist intellectuals, and mutinied troops of the Petrograd garrison reconstituted the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, which had been closed down in 1905 after it had emerged from the earlier disturbances of that year.  As the crisis escalated, Nicholas II attempted to return to Petrograd from the front, but striking railway workers stopped his train.  Trapped in the town of Pskov, the Tsar was met by two representatives of the new Provisional Government who demanded that he resign in favor of his son, the twelve-year-old Alexis.  After polling his military commanders by telegram, Nichols realized that his cause was hopeless.  On March 15, Nicholas agreed to abdicate the throne.  Unwilling to burden his hemophiliac son, he chose to transfer the throne instead to his brother, the Grand Duke Mikhail.  The next day, Mikhail announced that he would not accept the throne, transferring power to the Provisional Government. 

Three hundred years of Romanov rule had now come to an end, but what would replace it?  In forming a provisional government, the leaders of the Duma realized that they had no popular authority to rule.  The last Duma had been elected by an extremely limited franchise that virtually excluded the votes of workers and peasants.  The new government’s leaders came from the nobility, industrialists, and small professional class of Russians.  The president of the new government was Prince Georgii Lvov, a liberal nobleman who had been a leader in the Zemstvo union, and its cabinet contained only one socialist, the radical attorney Alexander Kerensky.[32]  Deeply aware of its lack of a popular mandate, the Provisional Government pledged to hold free elections to elect a constituent assembly that would write a constitution under which a permanent government would operate.

In contrast with the Provisional Government, the Petrograd Soviet had widespread popular support.  On the day prior to the Tsar’s abdication, the Soviet issued its famous Order Number One, which instructed soldiers to only obey those orders of the Provisional Government that did not conflict with those of the Soviet.  The leaders of the Provisional Government were clearly aware that their power was dependant on the Soviet.  The new minister of war wrote: “The Soviet … has in its hands the most important elements of real power, such as the army, the railways, the posts, and telegraphs.  It is possible to say flatly that the Provisional Government exists only as long as it is allowed by the Soviet.”[33]  What emerged in the wake of the March Revolution was a period of dvoevlastie, or dual power between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet.  The leaders of the Soviet could have easily seized power; however, for both intellectual and practical reasons they avoided this step.  The largest groups in the Soviet were socialists, either Mensheviks (the Marxists who had split from Lenin’s Bolsheviks in 1903) or Social Revolutionaries (the heirs of the peasant-based Populist movement of the late nineteenth century).  They believed that Russia was not yet ready for a socialist revolution and saw the March Revolution as a bourgeoisie revolution that had displaced the feudal Tsarist system.  Being loyal Marxists, they believed that Russia needed to progress through a capitalist (or bourgeoisie) stage before a socialist revolution was possible.  As the Menshevik leader, Yuli Martov wrote, “it is senselessly utopian to try to plant socialism in an economically and culturally backward country.”[34]  Power was now concentrated in the hands of the liberal nobility, industrialists, and middle class intellectuals.  To challenge this power with a revolt of workers and peasants, these socialists believed, would only invite chaos and civil war. 

For the next six months, Russia proceeded under this bizarre system of dual power.  The moderates and liberals in the Provisional Government quickly produced a program of civil rights and liberties that gave Russia a degree of freedom in 1917 the likes of which the country had never known before and would not experience again for seventy years.  Freedom of assembly, press, and speech were guaranteed.  The right to vote was extended to all adults (including females), and capital punishment was outlawed.  Lenin, still in exile in Switzerland, commented that Russia was now “the freest country in the world.”  From the beginning, however, the Provisional Government was bitterly divided between leaders who wanted only to modify the Tsarist system to create a western-style democracy and those who wanted more radical reforms.  Outside of the cities, peasants hungered for land reform and simply began to seize the land of the nobility in the name of the peasant communes.  The Provisional Government condemned these acts, arguing that land reform needed to await the election of a permanent government.  The most significant decision of the new government, however, was to continue the war.  Most of the Duma’s leaders had supported the war, only criticizing the incompetent manner in which the Tsar’s government had conducted it.  They were unwilling to allow the dissolution of the Russian empire and believed that they must “honor their commitments” to their French and British allies.  Desperate for financial assistance from the western democracies that it deeply admired, the new government realized that financial aid was contingent upon the continuance of the war.  Foolishly, the leaders of the Provisional Government believed that Russian soldiers would enthusiastically fight for the new, democratic Russia.  Fed up with the war, many soldiers simply deserted and either flooded into the cities to bolster the more radical political forces or returned to their villages to lead the seizures of land.[35]  In the cities, food rations were constantly reduced, eventually to a quarter-pound of bread per day.  By the summer of 1917, the new government was under pressure from both extremes.  The upper class condemned it for failing to prosecute the war successfully or protect their property, while the lower classes blamed it for failing to enact land reform or improve economic conditions.[36] 

The October Revolution

·        How did Lenin return to Russia?

·        Describe Lenin’s strategy for achieving power.

·        Describe the Bolshevik seizure of power in the October Revolution.  What factors led to their success?

 

At the time of the March Revolution, the most radical critics of the Tsar’s regime were either in exile in Siberia or abroad.  In Switzerland, Lenin learned of the revolution the day the Tsar abdicated.  He exclaimed to Krupskaya, his wife: “It’s staggering!  Such a surprise!  Just imagine!  We must get home, but how?”  As he gained more information, he expressed little respect for the new government, remarking, “the bourgeoisie has managed to get its arse onto ministerial seats.”[37]  Unlike the more moderate socialists on the Petrograd Soviet, Lenin viewed the Provisional Government as an easy target for overthrow in a second, more radical, revolution.  The major problem was how to get back to Russia.  Lenin’s views on the war were well known; he had condemned Russia’s participation from the beginning.  Thus, no Allied government would permit him to pass through their territory in order to return to Russia.  Germany would benefit from Lenin’s return to Russia, but accepting German assistance would leave Lenin open to charges of being a German agent, determined to take Russia out of the war.  This was a risk he had to take.  On March 27, Lenin and 31 other Bolsheviks boarded a sealed train in Switzerland that would carry them through Germany to Russia.[38]

Lenin arrived at Petrograd’s Finland Station on April 3, greeted by a huge demonstration organized by local Bolsheviks.  Outside of several months in 1905-6, he had been in exile for the past seventeen years.  He was, however, well known through his writings.  At the time of the March Revolution, the Bolsheviks only totaled approximately 25,000 members throughout the whole of Russia, far fewer than the other, more moderate socialist parties the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, but they had one crucial element that these other parties did not—determined and ruthless leadership.  Upon his return to Petrograd, Lenin issued his April Thesis in which he urged his followers to overthrow the Provisional Government under a call of “All Power to the Soviets.”  Lenin realized that it was unlikely that a small number Bolsheviks could overthrow the government; instead, he focused on gaining the upper hand in the Soviets and then using them as the vehicle to take power.  The other main Bolshevik slogan of “Land, Bread, and Peace” was carefully designed to give the masses what they wanted.  Lenin urged peasants to seize the land of the nobility (which they were already doing anyway), promised workers in the cities that food supplies would increase, and pledged to get out of the war.  By promising exactly what the Provisional Government had been unable to provide, Bolshevik support soared.  By late April, party membership had more than tripled.[39]  More importantly, their support from soldiers and sailors in Petrograd increased dramatically.  British historian Orlando Figes has attributed this rise to a single factor: “The mass of the soldiers were simple peasants, they wanted land and freedom and they began to call this ‘Bolshevism’ because only that party promised peace.”[40]  Furthermore, the Bolsheviks had the discipline and strength of mind to take advantage of the weakness of their opposition.  The Mensheviks, who still dominated the Soviet, clung to their policy of waiting for the revolution to naturally pass through its “bourgeois phase,” while the Provisional Government continued to dream of victory in the war.

In July, pro-Bolshevik army units attempted a coup (violent overthrow of the government) in Petrograd.  After two days of fighting, the rebellion was crushed and Lenin was forced to flee to Finland.  The new head of the Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky, issued a warrant for Lenin’s arrest on the basis that he was a German agent.  The Bolsheviks were rescued from this tenuous (unstable) position a month later when a general, Lavr Kornilov, ignored Kerensky’s orders and attempted to shut down the Soviet and overthrow the government from the right.  Many Bolsheviks, who had been arrested in July, were released from imprisonment to support the government against Kornilov.  Although it had withstood attacks from both the right and the left in July, both weakened the Provisional government.  The Kornilov Affair only served to increase Bolshevik support in the cities as a fear spread that the revolution was under attack from the right.  In the August elections for city Dumas, the Bolsheviks dramatically increased their support in Moscow and Petrograd, winning 51% of the vote in Moscow and 33% in Petrograd. [41]  In early September, they achieved a majority on the Petrograd Soviet and a leading Bolshevik, Leon Trotsky, became its chairman.  Soon after, the Bolsheviks also gained control of the Moscow Soviet.  By October, Bolshevik strength had grown to approximately 350,000 members.

Lenin now believed that the time was ripe for another grab at power.  On October 23, he secretly returned to Petrograd and convinced the Bolshevik Central Committee to attempt another coup.  Although his plan was strongly condemned by two of his oldest associates, Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev, after much debate the Central Committee approved Lenin’s plans.  The coup took place on November 7 (October 25 in the Russian calendar) and proved to be anti-climactic.  The Petrograd Soviet’s Military Revolutionary Committee, led by Trotsky and supported by the Bolshevik-dominated crew of the battleship Aurora, took control of the communication and police centers in Petrograd.[42]  With the exception of sporadic fighting around the Winter Palace, Trotsky’s military forces had little trouble.[43]  They arrested those members of the Provisional Government who could be found and seized control of the government.  Only about five percent of the workers and soldiers in the capital (approximately 25,000 to 30,000) actually took part in the rebellion as Kerensky’s government essentially collapsed without a fight.  The attack on the Winter Palace was accomplished without the loss of a single life.[44]  Kerensky escaped from the capital in a car flying the U.S. flag.[45] 

The coup coincided with the meeting of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets.  As testimony to their growing strength, the Bolsheviks held 300 of the 670 seats in the Congress.  Also supporting the uprising were 193 left-wing Socialist Revolutionaries.  On November 8, Trotsky stood before the Congress and announced: “In the name of the Military-Revolutionary Committee of the Soviet, I announce that the Provisional Government no longer exists.”  The Mensheviks and moderate Socialist Revolutionaries strongly opposed the takeover, believing that a socialist revolution was premature and could only lead to disaster.  Georgii Plekhanov, the “Father of Russian Marxism,” declared: “Russian history has not yet ground the flour to make the wheat cakes of socialism.”[46]  When it was announced that the Bolsheviks had seized power, the Mensheviks and moderate Socialist Revolutionaries, in a huge tactical error, walked out in protest, allowing the remainder of the conference to quickly authorize the takeover.[47]  In his message to the Congress, Lenin promised an end to the war, the transfer of all private land to the peasant communes, and the right of self-determination to all nationalities within the Russian Empire.  Bolshevik audacity (daring) had paid off handsomely as now Lenin, the leader of a party of less than 400,000 people, had claimed control of a state of more than 170 million people.

The Civil War

·        Describe the violence that followed the October Revolution.

·        What immediate changes did the Bolsheviks bring to Russia?

·        Describe the Russian Civil War.  What measures did the Bolsheviks employ in fighting their enemies?

·        What factors allowed the Bolsheviks to win the civil war?

 

The Bolsheviks assumed power over a war-weakened, revolution-ravaged country that was in terrible condition.  They had come to power with the support of barely the majority of the people in the large cities of Petrograd and Moscow.  Outside of these areas, the party was virtually unknown.  As Lenin later admitted, the Party membership was just “an insignificant kernel in the entire mass of the workers of Russia.”[48]  Yet he proceeded to rule Russia, believing that, since 130,000 nobles had managed to govern Russia in the past, his revolutionary party could do so now.  When he was informed of a rebellion in Bolshevik-held territory, he wrote the local leaders, imploring them that the uprising must be “crushed without pity,” and adding a postscript urging the local leaders to “find tougher people.”  Lenin later told Trotsky: “Surely you don’t think we’ll come out as the winners if we don’t use the harshest revolutionary terror?”[49]  Bolshevik cadres (followers) imposed their control over other cities in the country.  Violence spread throughout the country.  Some of it was the responsibility of the Bolsheviks who ruthlessly set out to destroy any opposition to their takeover.  Much of the violence, however, was unorganized as peasants, workers, and soldiers took revenge on those that they believed had abused them in the past.  Landowners were stripped of their property.  Former household servants took over homes where they had formerly been employed.  Soldiers murdered their officers.  Soon, members of the former ruling class began to be officially referred to as “the former people” and they became fair game for brutal retribution.  In the town of Taganrog, fifty aristocratic military cadets were bound hand and foot and fed, one at a time, into a blast furnace.  While the Bolsheviks were not responsible for every horrific act, they clearly manipulated the popular desire for revenge.  Lenin told his followers to “loot the looters,” and their promise to totally destroy the unjust ruling order that had existed under the Tsars was the key to their popular support.  The failure of the revolution to change human behavior was condemned by writer Maxim Gorky, originally a supporter of Lenin, in early 1918: “If … the revolution is simply a release of the instincts of the people accumulated through slavery and oppression, then it is not a revolution but just a riot of malice and hatred; it is incapable of changing our lives but can only lead to bitterness and evil.”[50] 

Lenin quickly began to lay the foundations for the single-party dictatorship that characterized Russia until 1991.  After the seizure of power, the Bolsheviks formed a ruling council, known as the Council of People’s Commissars or Sovnarkom (its Russian acronym).  When the long-promised Constituent Assembly elections were held in November, the Bolsheviks received only 25% of the vote.[51]  The Assembly convened in Petrograd on January 18, 1918 and condemned the Bolshevik seizure of power.  The next day, armed Bolshevik soldiers closed it down.  Along with dissolving the Assembly, Lenin crushed all remnants of Russian democracy.  A march of 50,000 in Petrograd to protest the strong-arm tactics of the Bolsheviks was met with gunfire, killing at least 10 and wounding several dozen others.  Not for seventy years would there be contested elections, open criticism of central power, or the possibility of a democratic opposition.  The new government also was determined to sweep away the social and legal standards of the past.  The new government changed the calendar (adopting the western Gregorian and rejecting the Julian system), and simplified the alphabet.  All forms of legal discrimination based upon sex were eliminated, divorce laws liberalized, and abortion was legalized.  They attacked the Orthodox Church, destroying churches, seizing valuables, and executing priests.  Revolutionary courts heard claims against “Enemies of the People.”  One Bolshevik leader instructed new judges, “not to look for evidence as proof that the accused has acted or spoken against the Soviets.  First you must ask him to what class he belongs, what his social origin is, his education and profession.  These are the questions that must determine the fate of the accused.”[52]

Lenin met the need to make peace with Germany by concluding the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918.  The terms were harsh.  Russia was forced to surrender 34% of its population, 32% of its farmland, 54% of its industry, and 88% of its coalmines.  Lenin argued that the country was only sacrificing territory over which it had no control and taking the country out of a war that it could no longer fight.  He had earlier said: “There is no doubt that it will be a shameful peace, but if we embark on a war, our government will be swept away.”  By withdrawing from the war, Lenin had kept his promise to the Russian people but earned the enmity (anger) of the Allied powers who felt that they had been abandoned at a point where their armies were under intense German pressure on the Western Front.[53]

In the spring of 1918, the Bolshevik government came under attack from both counter-revolutionary forces and the Allies.  A powerful but fragmented group of anti-Bolsheviks, soon known as the Whites, began a civil war that would claim almost as many lives in its three years as the country had lost in World War I.  The Allied Powers (mainly Britain, the United States, and Japan) sent several expeditionary armies to Russia for the stated purpose of controlling material they had sent the former Tsarist army.  In reality, they joined with the Whites to attack the Bolsheviks.  The Allies hoped that if Lenin could be overthrown, Russia might reopen fighting against the Central Powers.  Eventually, 250,000 foreign troops from more than fourteen different countries fought against the Bolsheviks.  From its new capital, the more centrally located Moscow, the Red (Bolshevik) government took all means to defend the revolution.  Lenin’s forces reimposed the death penalty, which had been abolished by the Provisional Government, and unleashed a ghastly reign of terror.  The Cheka (secret police), under the direction of Felix Dzerzhinsky, systematically destroyed the enemies of the revolution.  Prison camps and repressive terror, harsher than any since Ivan the Terrible, now dominated life in Russia as the Bolsheviks pledged to obliterate their opposition.  The September 1, 1918 issue of Krasnaia gazeta, a leading Bolshevik publication, exhorted: “Without mercy we will kill our enemies in scores of hundreds.  Let them be thousands, let them drown themselves in their own blood. … let there be floods of bourgeois blood—more blood, as much as possible.”[54]  In July 1918 the former Tsar and his family, under house arrest since the outbreak of the revolution, were herded into the cellar of the house in which they were being held and executed.[55]

Allied intervention in Russia ceased after the world war ended in November 1918, freeing the Bolsheviks to concentrate their energies against the Whites.  During the civil war, Trotsky emerged as second only to Lenin in importance among the Bolsheviks.  He turned the Red Army into a three million man, highly disciplined, centralized fighting force and for his military leadership was awarded the Order of the Red Banner, the first such order of its kind issued by the new government.[56]  Realizing that gaining the support of the peasantry was the key to winning the civil war, the Bolsheviks launched a massive literacy campaign and employed sophisticated forms of persuasion, including trains that carried propaganda films to remote Russian villages.[57]  The disorganized and dispersed White opposition, whose units ranged from Siberia to the Caucasus to Europe, could not match the Red forces.  Another component of the Whites’ difficulty was that they were united on few issues beyond their hatred of the Bolsheviks.  The presence of foreign troops and former Tsarist officers made it easy for the peasants to believe Bolshevik claims that a White victory would restore the old regime and deprive the peasants of the land that they had seized.  Historian Orlando Figes later wrote:

… the fact that the Bolsheviks could at least claim to stand for “the revolution”—and they had captured its most important symbols such as the Red Flag—also surely enabled them to mobilize a certain level of support, albeit only a conditional support and as the less bad of two options, from the peasantry, and indeed as we shall see from certain workers too, who feared that a victory of the Whites would reverse their gains from the revolution.[58]

Taking advantage of their shorter supply lines, ideological unity, and dislike of foreign intervention, the Bolsheviks put an end to White resistance by 1920. 

Consolidating Power

·        Why was their conflict between the policies of War Communism and the peasantry?  What other problems affected the country?

·        How did the Bolshevik Party change as a result of the civil war?

·        Describe how the Soviet Union was governed.

 

At the same time that it was waging war, the new Bolshevik government was engaging in a radical restructuring of the Russian economy.  After the revolution, Lenin issued a decree turning over the administration of rural land to village Soviets, which had evolved from the peasant communes.  Factories were similarly turned over to workers’ committees.  The needs of fighting the war, however, soon increasingly led to greater government control under a program known as War Communism.  The government nationalized all factories in June 1919, and appointed managers replaced the factory committees.  Factories were organized upon a military model and discipline was stricter than it had been before the war.  In the countryside, peasants began to hoard grain because currency inflation made selling their crops worthless.  As Russian industry had almost ceased to produce consumer items, farmers were naturally reluctant to sell their grain for valueless currency when there was nothing to buy anyway.  What resulted was urban starvation and a massive depopulation of the cities.  Many urban workers maintained close ties to their rural villages.  With no food available in the cities, people simply returned to the land.  Anarchist Emma Goldman returned to Petrograd from the U.S. where she had lived in exile since the 1880s and wrote of the devastation:

It was almost in ruins, as if a hurricane had swept over it.  The houses looked like broken old tombs upon neglected and forgotten cemeteries.  The streets were dirty and deserted; all life had gone from them.  The population of Petrograd before the war was almost two million; in 1920 it had dwindled to five hundred thousand.  The people walked about like living corpses; the shortage of food and fuel was slowly sapping the city; grim death was clutching at its heart.  Emaciated and frost-bitten men, women, and children were being whipped by the common lash, the search for a piece of bread or a stick of wood.  It was a heart-rending sight by day, an oppressive weight by night.[59]

The government responded with a grain tax that amounted to confiscation of almost all grain.  Peasants refused to pay, hiding their grain and slaughtering their livestock.  Red Army requisition units now proceeded to seize grain directly from the peasants.  Violence soon broke out, as the peasants believed that those who had promised them land were now betraying them.  Angry peasants murdered 2,000 members of the requisitioning brigades during 1918; in 1919 the figure rose to nearly 5,000; and in 1920 to over 8,000.[60]  Only peasant ignorance and disorganization prevented this rebellion from being a greater threat to the Red cause.  In early 1918, Lenin had officially changed the name of the party from Bolshevik to Communist.  This greatly perplexed the peasants.  The Bolsheviks had promised them land and now the Communists were taking their grain.  As a result, confused slogans such as “Long Live the Bolsheviks!  Death to the Communists!” were heard in rural areas.  What ultimately resulted from this war on the peasants was widespread famine.  The 1918 harvest collected only a fifth of the targeted amount of grain.  By 1921, the grain harvest was less than half of prewar levels.  Industrial production was even more in peril, dropping to 13% of its 1913 level.  In addition to the ten million lives lost in World War I, eight million more perished in the civil war, and starvation and disease killed an additional seven million between 1917-1921.

The experience of the civil war greatly changed the party as well.  The Communist Party that emerged from the war was radically different from the Bolshevik Party that had seized power in 1917.  Party membership grew dramatically, almost tripling since the October Revolution.  The new members, largely drawn from workers and peasants, were significantly different from earlier party members that had been primarily from the intelligentsia.  The war also changed the decision-making process of the party.  Although Lenin was by no means a believer in democracy, party decisions were hotly debated within its small central committee and even Lenin was harshly criticized in its general party congresses prior to 1919.  Besieged by numerous enemies, the party closed ranks and grew increasingly intolerant of dissenting viewpoints.  Local party officials, who had been previously appointed by local organizations, began to be appointed by the Central Committee.  As one Old Bolshevik (a term applied to those who were party members prior to 1917) wrote to Lenin in July 1919: “We have cut ourselves off from the masses and made it difficult to attract them.  The old comradely spirit of the party has died completely.  It has been replaced by a new one-man rule in which the party boss runs everything.”[61]

Although the goals of the revolution had clearly been to abolish privilege, the party quickly became the new elite.  Warm leather jackets soon became the most obvious symbol of party membership.  In early 1918, Lenin himself had backed a plan to organize a special closed restaurant for the Bolsheviks in Petrograd on the grounds that they could not be expected to lead a revolution on an empty stomach.  By the end of the civil war, party members also claimed higher salaries and special rations, subsidized housing in apartments and hotels, access to exclusive shops, and hospitals, private dachas (country cottages), chauffeured cars and, first-class railway travel, not to mention countless other privileges once reserved for the tsarist elite.  Despite the greater privileges for party members, the top leadership generally did not seek to emulate the opulent lifestyle of the Tsars; Lenin, for instance, lived in three small rooms of the Kremlin.

In 1922 the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was formed, consisting of six formally independent socialist republics that had all been part of the pre-1917 Russian Empire: Russia, Ukraine, White Russia (Belorussia), Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia.[62]  In theory, the union was a free association in which all member states were equal and free to secede at any time; however, in practice the new government was a tightly controlled unitary state with all power residing in Moscow.  The Soviet constitution of 1924 set up a system based on a succession of soviets in villages, factories, and cities.  This pyramid of soviets in each constituent republic culminated in an All-Soviet Union Congress of Soviets at the apex (top) of the national government.  While it appeared that the Congress exercised sovereign (ultimate) power, this body was actually unimportant as the governing structure that developed during the civil war made the Communist Party the sole governing organization in Russia.  All other political parties were banned.  In the one-party state, government titles were essentially meaningless as one’s position in the party determined their political power.  Lenin, for instance, held no governmental title at all; his position as the leader of the country emanated solely from his uncontested position as party leader.  The party itself was organized into three governing levels.  The ruling organ of the party was the Party Congress, which usually met yearly.  The party then elected a Central Committee that formulated specific policy.  During the civil war a small elite group within the Central Committee, the Politburo, consolidated power in its hands.  The first Politburos included Lenin, Trotsky, Joseph Stalin, Nikolai Bukharin, Grigory Zinoviev, and Lev Kamenev.  In addition to government positions, the party soon controlled the appointment of all other important positions in society, or what became known as the nomenklatura, the elite of Soviet society.

What many had celebrated as a dictatorship of the proletariat thus became a dictatorship over the proletariat.  Ironically, the most accurate prediction of the fate of the revolution came from a strong supporter of communism, the German Sparticist leader Rosa Luxemburg, who wrote shortly before her murder in 1919:

Without general elections, without unrestricted freedom of the press and assembly, without a free struggle of opinion, life in every public institution dies out, becomes mere appearance, and bureaucracy alone remains active.  Public life gradually falls asleep, a few dozen extremely energetic and highly idealistic Party leaders direct and govern; among them, in reality, a dozen outstanding leaders rule, and an elite of the working class is summoned to a meeting from time to time to applaud the leaders and to adopt unanimous resolutions put to them.  In essence this is the rule of the clique, and of course, their dictatorship is not the dictatorship of the proletariat but the dictatorship of a handful of politicians….  Socialism without political freedom is not socialism….  Freedom for only active supporters of the government is not freedom.[63]

The New Economic Policy

·        Why was the Kronstadt mutiny significant?

·        What factors led to the New Economic Policy?  Assess its success.

 

When the Tenth Party Congress met in March 1921, the Communist government was facing a widespread crisis as the economy was in a state of collapse.  Peasant opposition to grain requisitioning was growing steadily, as the Cheka reported 118 separate peasant uprisings throughout the country.  Even more significantly, some of the earliest groups to support the Bolshevik cause were now strongly critical of the Communist regime.  In February, sailors at the Kronstadt naval base in Petrograd mutinied, publishing a manifesto that demanded the free election of soviets by secret ballot and a restoration of freedom of speech and press.  The Kronstadt mutiny threatened the very legitimacy of the government as in 1917 Trotsky had called the Kronstadt sailors the ‘pride and glory of the Russian Revolution.”  Kronstadt sailors had fought in the October Revolution and loyally served the Red cause in the civil war.  Now, in their manifesto (policy statement), they accused the Communists of betraying the revolution:

By carrying out the October Revolution the working class had hoped to achieve its emancipation.  But the result has been an even greater enslavement of human beings.  The power of the monarchy, with its police and its gendarmerie, has passed into the hands of the Communist usurpers, who have given the people not freedom but the constant fear of torture by the Cheka, the horrors of which far exceed the rule of the gendarmerie under tsarism… The glorious emblem of the toiler’s state—the sickle and the hammer—has in fact been replaced by the Communists with the bayonet and the barred window, which they use to maintain the calm and carefree life of the new bureaucracy, the Communist commissars and functionaries….  The Russia of the toilers, the first to raise the red banner of liberation, is drenched in blood.[64]

The government responded to this threat with overwhelming military force.  In March, the Kronstadt rebellion was crushed by Red troops at an enormous cost.  Over 10,000 of the 50,000 Red troops were killed in the fighting, and 2,500 of the captured rebels were executed within months.

Despite the suppression of the Kronstadt mutiny and the defeat of the White Armies, War Communism was clearly an economic disaster.  Prior to the Party Congress, Lenin had decided that it was necessary to take “one step backwards in order to go two steps forward,” explaining that Russia had tried to do too much too soon in attempting to change everything at once.  He also noted that there had not been the expected firestorm of complementary communist revolutions sweeping the globe.  Communist outbreaks in Germany and Hungary after the end of World War I had been brutally squashed.  Russia stood alone, as the capitalist countries were universally hostile to the new Soviet regime.  Compromise was necessary to survive.  Besides ending his calls for communist revolution abroad, Lenin recommended a return to certain practices of capitalism, the so-called New Economic Policy, or NEP.  Under NEP, grain requisitioning was ended.  Instead, peasants would be required to pay a fixed amount of their grain harvest to the state.  Any remaining amount they were free to sell at a profit, providing an incentive to produce as much as possible.  In addition, NEP permitted small, privately owned businesses.  Large industries, banking, transportation, and public utilities, what Lenin referred to as “the commanding heights of the economy,” remained under government control, but in the city as well as the countryside, elements of capitalism were now back in operation.[65]

The New Economic Policy was only one means of resolving the crisis.  At the Tenth Party Congress, the party passed a resolution banning all “political factions.”  Whereas open debate had always been permitted within the party, especially at the Central Committee level, now any group opposed to the policies of party leadership could be condemned as being guilty of the crime of “factionalism.”  Greater discipline within the party was also mirrored by continued ruthless suppression of opposition from outside the organization.  Overall, it has been estimated that 100,000 people were imprisoned or deported and 15,000 people shot in the crushing of the remaining peasant revolts during the spring of 1922.  The party remained keenly aware of the potential of peasant opposition.  In many ways, NEP was a surrender to the peasants, setting aside the party’s desire to collectivize agriculture in favor of a return to rural capitalism.  Party leaders, however, believed that they had no choice.  The grain harvest of 1921 was a disaster, yielding only 43% of prewar levels.  Starvation was prevalent throughout the country:

Hunger turned some people into cannibals….  One man, convicted of eating several children, confessed for example; “In our village, everyone eats human flesh but they hide it.  There are several cafeterias in the village—and all of them serve up young children….”  Mothers, desperate to feed their children, cut off limbs from corpses and boiled the flesh in pots.  People ate their own relatives—often their young children, who were usually the first to die and whose flesh was particularly sweet.[66]

Even more humiliating was the need to rely on foreign charity.  The American Relief Administration, established by future president Herbert Hoover, was feeding ten million people in the USSR per day during the summer of 1922 at a cost of $61m.

NEP eventually proved to be a success in stimulating the production of grain.  By 1923, yields had increased to 75% of prewar levels, and by 1925 they exceeded prewar production.  Widespread starvation and, more importantly from the party’s point of view, rural opposition to the government virtually ended.  Grain taxes remained low to encourage as much production as possible.  More efficient peasants were soon permitted to rent additional land and employ their neighbors as contract labor.  As a top Communist leader and strong supporter of NEP, Nikolai Bukharin, later said, peasants were encouraged to “enrich themselves.”  These wealthy peasants became known as kulaks.[67]  Traders, known as “NEP Men,” also became wealthy as they facilitated the exchange of goods between the cities and countryside. 

NEP was a time of relative cultural freedom. The arts flourished as Soviet literature, art, and theater, registered considerable achievements.  Great emphasis was placed on the popularization of culture, especially in the key cities, where the theater and art exhibitions were accessible to the people.  Most artists initially supported the revolution, and while blatantly anti-government works were banned, wide freedom was given to artists to create radical new expressions that mirrored the communist desire to totally replace the old, traditional order.[68]

The New Economic Policy proved to be Lenin’s last major contribution as the leader of the Soviet Union.  His health had been poor since being wounded by an assassin in 1918.[69]  Having led a sedentary life prior to 1917, by 1922 he was exhausted by the demands of running a country in perpetual crisis.  In May 1922 he suffered a major stroke, leaving his right side virtually paralyzed and temporarily depriving him of speech.  A second stroke followed in 1923, and he died of a cerebral hemorrhage on January 21, 1924 at the age of 54.  Lenin’s body was embalmed and placed in a glass case where for decades Soviet citizens waited in long lines to pass reverently past his tomb.  His brain was removed, sliced into over 30,000 sections, and studied by Soviet scientists for clues to his genius.  In a secular (non-religious) state, Lenin was soon elevated to the status of a god.[70]  The city of Petrograd, cradle of the revolution, was renamed Leningrad in his honor shortly after his death, and his image was ubiquitous (everywhere) within the Soviet Union for the remainder of its existence.

 

Jeffrey T. Stroebel, The Sycamore School, 2001.



[1] Karl Marx, Capital, The Communist Manifesto, and other Writings (New York: Carlton House, 1932), p. 109.

[2] Marx, Capital, The Communist Manifesto, and other Writings, p. 337.

[3] Marx, Capital, The Communist Manifesto, and other Writings, p. 355.

[4] Ivan killed his own son in a fit of rage, and it is legend that he gouged out the eyes of the architects who built St. Basil’s Cathedral in the Kremlin so that a cathedral of such beauty could never again be created.

[5] Peter attempted to travel incognito under the name of Peter Mikhailov as part of a large Russian delegation.  This was ineffective, however, due to the Tsar’s immense height.  Standing 6 feet 9 inches tall, the Tsar’s presence was impossible to hide.

[6] When recruits left for service, villages held funeral services for them, realizing that they were never to return to the villages or their families.  Wives of recruits were considered widows, free to remarry.

[7] The close relationship between the Orthodox Church and the autocracy was obvious to all.  When Alexander I met with Napoleon, the French emperor remarked, “I see that you are emperor and a pope at the same time.  How useful.”

[8] Quoted in David Christian, Imperial and Soviet Russia (London: Macmillan) 1997, p. 73.

[9] Serfdom had been abolished in the neighboring Austro-Hungarian Empire as a result of the revolutions of 1848.

[10] The payments were finally cancelled in 1906.

[11] Although small in number, approximately two percent of the population, this group would furnish almost all of Russia’s revolutionaries.

[12] Alexander III, a huge robust man, died suddenly of a kidney disease at age forty-nine.

[13] Dominic Lieven, Nicholas II: Twilight of the Empire (New York: St. Martin’s, 1993), p. 136.

[14] Alexis was born in 1904.

[15] It is still a contentious point in Russian history as to whether Rasputin and Alexandra had a sexual relationship.  Extremely intimate letters from the Tsaritza to Rasputin exist, but there is no conclusive evidence to support the widespread allegations of a sexual relationship between the monk and members of the Tsar’s immediate family.

[16] In a country with strict political censorship, it is surprising that Marx’s works were not banned.  In allowing the publication of Das Capital in 1872, a Tsarist censor proclaimed, “very few people in Russia will read it, and even fewer will understand it.”

[17] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 130-131.  Lenin later used the title of Chernyshevsky’s novel for his 1902 essay calling for a small conspiratorial organization to lead the revolution.

[18] The name Lenin was probably derived from the Siberian river, the Lena.

[19] The Tsar’s secret police, the Okhrana, had thousands of agents to monitor every aspect of Russian life.  Hundreds of bureaucrats were employed in St. Petersburg alone just to read the mail.  Putting on a concert, opening a shop, or consulting controversial works such as Charles Darwin’s writings required written permission from the authorities.  See Orlando Figes, A People’s Tragedy (New York: Viking, 1996), p. 124.

[20] Dimitri Volkogonov, translated and edited by Harold Shukman, Lenin (New York: Free Press, 1994), p. 64.  Lenin’s ideas were not entirely new to Russia.  In 1862 Petr Zaichnevsky had written in Young Russia that change would only come to Russia through a violent seizure of power by a small, well-disciplined group of conspirators who would then establish a revolutionary dictatorship.  This dictatorship would then carry out the socialist transformation of society and exterminate all who opposed them.  In a chilling premonition of the Communist Revolution, Zaichnevsky wrote: “Remember: anyone who is not with us is our enemy, and every method may be used to exterminate our enemies.”  Figes, A People’s Tragedy, pp. 131-132.

[21] Louis Fischer, The Life of Lenin (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1965), p. 329.

[22] Social Revolutionary leader Victor Chernov quoted in Dmitri Volkogonov, translated and edited by Harold Shukman, Autopsy for an Empire: The Seven Leaders Who Built the Soviet Regime (New York: Free Press, 1998), p. 5.

[23] Gapon was later identified as a police informer and murdered by Social Revolutionaries in 1906.

[24] One such mutiny, aboard the battleship Potemkin, in the Black Sea later became the subject of an epic Soviet film by Sergei Eisenstein in 1925.

[25] All five Bolsheviks in the Duma were arrested in 1915 and exiled to Siberia for the possession of a manifesto written by Lenin.

[26] Alexandra was openly referred to as Nemka (the German woman) and censored letters from the front indicated that her relationship with Rasputin was a major topic of discussion.  See Robert K. Massie, Nicholas and Alexandra (New York: Athenaeum, 1967), pp. 364-365.

[27] Nicholas II had compounded the government’s money problems by ordering a ban on the sale of alcohol during the war.  Under state monopoly, 30% of government revenue had come from liquor sales.

[28] Christian, Imperial and Soviet Russia, p. 171.

[29] In 1917, Russia operated under the Julian calendar, which ran 13 days behind the Gregorian calendar used in the rest of the western world.  Thus, the events of early March actually took place in late February according to the calendar at use in Russia at the time.

[30] Christian, Imperial and Soviet Russia, p. 173.

[31] It is unlikely that the Tsar’s government could have done anything to prevent the loss of Petrograd; however, one incident serves to reinforce the incompetence of the government’s efforts.  On March 13, troops loyal to the Tsar fought their way through rebels to reinforce the Tsarist defenses at the Winter Palace only to be denied entrance because the commandant feared that the men’s muddy boots would damage the newly polished floors.  See Figes, A People’s Tragedy, pp. 340-341.

[32] Kerensky was the only official of the government to also be a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet.

[33] Quoted in Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 359.

[34] Volkogonov, p. 100.

[35] There were an estimated 365,000 desertions between March and May 1917, contrasting with 195,000 desertions between 1914 and the March Revolution.

[36] In January 1917 prices had risen 300% from their prewar levels.  By October, they had risen 755%.

[37] Volkogonov, Lenin, pp. 106-7.

[38] The German government continued to support the Bolsheviks after Lenin’s return.  The German representative in Russia requested three million marks from his government to support Lenin’s government in June 1918.  Volkogonov, Autopsy for an Empire, p. 23-24.

[39] They were still, however, a minority even in the Soviets.  In the first All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which met in June, the Bolsheviks had 105 delegates, the Mensheviks 248, and the Social Revolutionaries 285. 

[40] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 416.

[41] These percentages, obtained in multi-party elections, clearly showed that the Bolsheviks were the strongest party in both of Russia’s largest cities.

[42] The Aurora fired blank shots at the Winter Palace, because it had no live ammunition.

[43] The October Revolution was later officially celebrated on November 7 (October 26 old style), marking the morning of the seizure of the Winter Palace.

[44] The greatest challenge to the Bolsheviks in their capture of the Winter Palace was an unexpected problem.  The palace contained a huge wine cellar.  The attackers became uproariously drunk and began to rampage through the surrounding neighborhood looting shops and apartment as well as shooting anyone who appeared to be from the upper classes.  Bolshevik leaders attempted to stop this orgy by pumping the wine out of the cellar into the street, but the crowds drank it out of the gutter.  The looting (and drinking) continued for over a week.  See Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 394.

[45] Kerensky fled to Britain and ultimately to the United States.  He died in New York City in 1970 at the age of 89.

[46] Dimitri Volkogonov, edited and translated by Harold Shukman. Stalin: Triumph and Tragedy (New York: Weidenfeld, 1991), p. 30.  Ironically, Mikhail Gorbachev’s top aide Aleksandr Yakovlev echoed the same sentiments in 1990.  “The problem is that a rash experiment was performed on Russia,” he said.  “An attempt was made to create a new model of society and put it into practice under conditions that were unfit for socialism.  No wonder the new way of life was imposed by terror.”  Quoted in David Remnick, Lenin’s Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire (New York: Random House, 1993), p. 304.

[47] Trotsky shouted at the moderates as they left: “Go where you belong, to the dustbin of history.”

[48] Volkogonov, Autopsy for an Empire, p. 4.

[49] Volkogonov, Lenin, p. 70, 181.

[50] Orlando Figes, “Maxim Gorky and the Russian Revolution,” History Today (June 1996), p. 19.

[51] The Social Revolutionaries, with the solid support of most of the peasant communes, won 40%.  The liberal, democratic Kadet Party won 5%, and the Mensheviks 3%.  The remainder of the 41.6 million votes went to various nationalist parties.

[52] Izvestiia (newspaper), 23 August 1918 quoted in Figes, A People’s Tragedy, pp. 534-535.

[53] Lenin later repudiated the terms of Brest-Litovsk after the November 1918 armistice.

[54] Quoted in Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 630.

[55] The Provisional Government had inquired whether the imperial family might be given asylum in Great Britain; however, King George V, a first cousin of both Kaiser Wilhelm II and Nicholas II, feared that, since Nicholas had the image if a tyrant, the British royal family might become even more unpopular if it welcomed the Russian imperial family in England.  For years there were rumors that the Tsar’s youngest daughter, Anastasia, survived the execution.  Despite claims made by several women to be Anastasia, none of them could provide absolute proof of identity.  The last “Anastasia,” Anna Anderson died in Virginia in 1984.  DNA tests made in 1994 on some of her tissues preserved in a hospital lab, proved conclusively that she was not a Romanov but was, as her opponents had always claimed, a Polish woman from Berlin.  In 2000 the Russian Orthodox Church declared Nicholas II and his family saints for ther “humbleness, patience, and meekness” while imprisoned and executed.

[56] One of the controversial actions that Trotsky took in building the Red Army was the use of former Tsarist officers.  To monitor their loyalty, a political commissar was assigned to every unit and required to counter-sign every order.  The use of these officers was bitterly criticized by some Bolsheviks such as Joseph Stalin.  It was one of the first areas of disagreement between Trotsky and Stalin.

[57] More people learned to read in the barracks and bivouacs of the Red Army than the rest of the country put together during the first five years of the Soviet regime.  By the end of 1920, there were 3,000 Red Army schools, with over two million books. Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 601.

[58] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 668.

[59] Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment in Russia (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday, 1923), pp. 8-9.

[60] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 753

[61] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 695

[62] From 1945-1991, the USSR consisted of fifteen republics of which Russia was by far the largest.  Russia was over six times larger in area than the second largest republic, Kazakhstan, and had almost three times as many people as the second largest republic in population, the Ukraine.  Ethnic Russians were placed in positions of power in many other republics as well.

[63] Quoted in Remnick, Lenin’s Tomb, p. 71.

[64] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 763.

[65] Some Marxists believe that the need to institute NEP was evidence of the correctness of Marx’s belief that capitalism must precede socialism.

[66] Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 777.

[67] The term “kulak” means fist.  Prior to the revolution, it was applied to prosperous peasants who loaned money to other peasants at high interest rates.

[68] One work that was banned was Evgeny Zamyatin’s novel, We, a biting futuristic satire of the fully developed totalitarian state that described how a ruthless group of people established a state that controlled all aspects of human activity.  It was published in England in 1924, and provided the inspiration for Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World, as well as for George Orwell’s 1984.

[69] He had been shot in the chest and shoulder by a Social Revolutionary, Fanya Kaplan, who was quickly executed.

[70] The deification of Lenin was bitterly opposed by his widow, Krupskya, who wrote following his funeral: “Don’t build monuments to him, palaces in his name, grand ceremonies in his memory and so on.  When he was alive he had no time for such things, he found such things oppressive.”  Krupskya died in 1939.  Volkogonov, Lenin, p. 440.