Sex-Segregation
excerpt from
"The subculture of skateboarding: Beyond social resistance"
written by Becky Louise Beal
1992
Males represented 90% of the participants in this
subculture of skateboarding. In a subculture that does
promote stereotypically feminine values, it appears odd that
there are not more females participating. One of my formal
questions addressed female participation. The responses
generally reflected the dominant ideology that males and
females have different social roles, and that sport, and by
extension skateboarding, is a male domain.
While talking with the skateboarders, I commented on
the lack of female participation and asked their opinion
about why it occurs. Most males were taken back and they
spent time reflecting on it (as if they had not given it
much thought before), and their explanations ranged from
describing "natural" differences to social preferences of
males and females. All the females discussed the issue
directly and with depth, and it is my interpretation that
they thought about this often. For both males and females
the sex-segregation of skateboarding was typically justified
as a reflection of feminine and masculine behaviors. Even
though the skateboarding does not reflect mainstream
masculinity, skaters defined skateboarding as a masculine
practice. Therefore, they explained the lack of female
participation as a natural inability or as a choice of women
not to skate. It appeared that dominant ideology of sex-
typed behavior was an assumption of these skaters.
None of the skaters I met would consciously or
deliberately exclude women from skating, as reflected by
Philip's statement:
Well, the first time you set up boundaries it's like
the first nail in the coffin, when you say well no more
skating in the street or no more skating for women,
that's just saying, well we can't go any further with
skating, it stops you as far as, you know, "only guys
can skate and that's it." I really don't think anybody
wants to limit it, especially skaters.
Skaters expressed the assumptions that women either exclude
themselves by choosing not to skate (act masculine) or that
women naturally would not be interested in skating (in
acting masculine). These unconscious assumptions affect how
skaters treat and relate to females and males which
effectively maintains sex-segregation. It is my contention
that these assumptions specifically affected how this
predominately male subculture related with females, and
therefore, affected female participation. These males did
not relate to females as equals, they commonly viewed
females as significantly different and especially as an
object to view and as a sexual partner. Females were not
described as equal partners in the male domain of
physicality. The following categories reflect the varying
assumptions of male and female behavior as a means to
explain the lack of female participation, All of these
assume that females are naturally "feminine," and choose to
act accordingly.
The bruising of one's body demonstrates a traditional
masculine characteristic of risking bodily injury. Most
males flaunted their bruises, and often proudly told stories
of past injuries. Overall, the skaters did not associate
courageous injury as a feminine (and therefore, female)
attribute. I also feel that these males thought that
bruises did not look good or "appropriate" on females which
reflected their expectations of females as much (if not
more) as females expectations of themselves.
Feminine Natural Aptitudes
A few skaters contended that women do not skate because
they do not have the natural abilities. Paul, an 18 year
old skater, strongly believed that: "Certain groups of
people have innate abilities." He defended this position by
stating that his dad could get on a skateboard "right now"
and ride, where as his mother could not keep her balance.
When skaters made these claims, I challenged them. Paul
revised his statement to, "girls do not seem to try to
skate."
Eric also believed that females are not inherently
capable of skating as well as males: "it takes too much
coordination for a girl, and it's too aggressive." When I
commented that girls have traditionally been viewed as
excelling in sports that require balance and coordination
(e.g., gymnastics, figure skating), he modified his
statement in a similar manner to Paul's; that girls do not
try.
Feminine Social Practices
Most of the skaters presumed that males and females
have different social roles or practices. Doug replied to
my question of what is a cool skater by stating, "Someone
who is not ashamed of it. They don't hide it in the closet
around their girlfriends." The statement reflects the
assumption of different social realms for males and females;
skaters are male (assuming heterosexuality), and females are
not typically exposed to skating. I then asked directly
about female participation, and Doug responded, "there's not
nearly as many, it's too bad." He seemed sincere, so I
commented on the idea that it appeared to be an open sport,
and he replied: "Ya, but it's also pretty aggressive, kinda,
I mean, there's that end of it, it kind of looks aggressive
maybe, and women don't get into it." This switch in mid-
sentence from a natural difference ("but, it's also pretty
aggressive") to a matter of choice ("it kind of looks
aggressive, and women don't get into that") was a typical
response. I interpreted him as saying: it's not that women
can't be aggressive, but it's that they choose not to.
either way, woman are relegated to a different social realm;
they could choose differently but it's not in their nature
to do so.
Males did not expect masculine behavior from women, and
therefore did not interact with females in such a way as to
encourage it. Tim stated that his sister wants to skate
but, "she would rather spend her time doing her hair or
talking on the phone." Brian commented on female interests:
"No, um, I'm not too sure why girls don't skate, maybe
because they are so interested in other things like going to
the mall and hanging out with friends, their friends don't
skate-" Jeff, an 18 year old skater, described the lack of
female participation as a social choice of females:
Not as many women take an interest in it, it's not
intended to be a sexist point of view or anything,
but I don't know if women take as much interest in
it, maybe it's that, or maybe it's that women
prefer to pursue other sports. Maybe it's just a
male dominated sport like football is, I don't know, I
don't think it is, I don't see any reason why women
shouldn't be able to skate.
Many of skaters saw no physical or tangible barriers to
females' involvement, and therefore assumed that females
must freely choose not to be involved. Other skaters were
aware of social forces that may hinder females from skating
such as lack of other female participants and lack of peer
support. Rarely did the male skaters ever consider their
behavior as a reason why females did not participate more
regularly.
Through my interviews I became aware that males thought
of the female skater as an exception. Moreoften, they
commented about females as playing a marginalized role in
the subculture of skateboarding. "Skate Betties" is the
name given to most females associated with skating. Skate
Betties are female groupies whose intentions (according to
males) are instrumental: to meet cute guys and associate
with an alternative crowd. Females are not perceived as
expressive or fully engaged in the values of the subculture.
In essence, they are commonly perceived as posers. Doug, a
25 year old skater, explained skate Betties in this way:
They do it because they want to meet cute guys, or
their boyfriends do it. It's the alternative
crowd; it's like the girls that are kind of into
alternative music and that stuff, and kind of
skating goes along with it, not as much punk, but
not mainstream, and um, they like the clothes; it's a
cool look, I think it's a cool look.
Male skaters often labeled females who were attempting
to skate as "Betties." James was describing two women he
knew that skated: "they were like skating Betties, you know,
you always saw them downtown trying to skate around." The
last phrase "trying to skate around" is derogatory statement
with the assumption that these females could never fully be
skaters. Brian, a 13 year old, illustrates the
marginalization that many females who try to skate face. I
had asked him if "girls get into skating." He replied, "Oh,
sometimes, there are girls that like skaters, like they hang
out, but they don't really, they aren't like, they just try
to balance on the board." Females efforts were often
belittled. Philip stated, "there were some girls at my
school that used to skate but they weren't, I don't know, I
guess they just didn't quite have the dedication for it."
These comments illustrate the assumption that females are not capable or dedicated enough
to be true skaters. Male skaters tend to lump all females into the marginalized role of a
"skate Bettie:" an instrumental role, and a role that looks to the male for identity.
A skate Betty's only identity is her association with, not participation in, the subculture.
In addition, skate Betties are frequently seen as a reserve stock of girlfriends, similar to
the cheerleading role women play in mainstream sport. As Mark stated: "some skaters
think women are only there when you get done with skating."
It is my contention that
males act on the assumptions stated above: that males are potential skters and females are potential
posers. The actions derived from those assumptions affect female participation. Females do not feel
as welcomed to the subculture. Some of the following comments from the female skaters illustrate this differential
treatment.
Differential Treatment of Females
Pamela, and 18 year old skater, described her barriers with male skaters. She
felt that she had to be a better skater than males in order to be accepted by
them.
With my friends they look at me as just one of the guys,
that was fine, now when you go skating and meet new people you pretty much have
to prove yourself and they say, "oh, a girl skater she probably can't do
anything," so you, you got to pull off a bunch of tricks and then they say,
"oh, oh, she's pretty cool." That pretty much breaks the ice if you show your
skill...If you don't prove yourself you get hassled.
She followed that statement by saying guys don't have to
prove themselves like girls do in order to be accepted.
Once she proved herself, she did feel accepted. Acceptance
based on being "one of the guys" reinforces that females
and femininity are not accepted, it is only when females
prove their masculinity (one of the guys) that they are
accepted within the subculture of skateboarding.
For Shelley, this meant that she actually split her
personality in two parts: masculine and feminine. When she
skates she "stops thinking like a girl" and then she can do
better. While she skates she wants to be treated like "one
of the guys;" she doesn't want to "be scammed on." Then she
stated, after she skates she can get "dressed up." While
she skates she thinks in a masculine manner, and after she
skates she can be feminine. Her statement also implies that
part of being feminine is to be open to being scammed on, to
being viewed as a sexual object -- to "dress up."
The perceived masculine domain of skateboarding is
reflected in the perceived masculinization of females
through participation in skating: females become "one of the
guys." Francis, an 18 year old male skater, portrayed
another facet of this masculinization: "you don't want your
girlfriend to skate, but it's cool for others [females]."
He could not explain why he felt this way, but it is my
contention that these males could not conceive of being
intimate with someone else they perceived to be masculine.
Part of being treated as one of the guys means that female
masculinity is accepted, but this often means that males
would not consider being physically intimate with a
masculine female. This may partially explain why Shelley
divided her personality into a skater who would not be
"scammed on," and someone who could "dress up" after she
skates.
Grace, a 21 year old skater, also stated that her
acceptance was based on beinq masculine because "skating is
perceived as unfeminine." Therefore, when she skates she is
"one of the guys." She stated that males "feel threatened
by her," and thus treat her differently. For example, they
are more concerned when she falls, and more enthusiastic
when she learns tricks which do not warrant the enthusiasm.
Her male friends tend to be overprotective which annoys her.
The bonding that does occur in the subculture of
skateboarding happens more immediately for males than
females. Males are assumed to be potential skaters, and
females are assumed to be potential posers. As described
above, males unconsciously create barriers through this
assumption. These assumptions of sex difference created
barriers to female participation, which effectively promoted
the reification of sex difference through the maintenance of
social boundaries.
Females are accepted once they prove themselves by
overcoming these barriers. As noted in the previous
chapter, females enjoy skating for the same reasons that
males do. Yet, two of the females described feelings of isolation.
Grace specifically stated that she gets lonely as a female skater.
Shelley indirectly addressed this when she said that she gets support from
males, but she really gets psyched when she sees a video with a "girl" skater
in it. These feelings of isolation reflect a lack of complete acceptance into
the subculture.
Summary
Skateboarding is a typical female model of sport: it is cooperative,
anti-competitieve, a means of self-expression, a means of self-control,
it lacks rules, and it lacks a hierarchal structure. In addition, the skills
involved are typically seen as feminine such as grace, coordination, and balance.
It is not a sport that is based on muscle-bound
power. Yet, this subculture is overwhelmingly male. The males in this
subculture define its practice as masculine. In a creative way, skateboarding
represents a different practice of masculinity; it strongly devalues the role
of domination through competition. This type of masculinity is worth
celebrating.
A contradiction arises when skateboarding becomes a sex-segregated physical
activity. Males claiming skateboarding as masculine practice is derived from
the exclusion of females (and thus, femininity). Masculinity may become
re-defined, but it still is based on a segregated and dominant role over
females. Females' role in skateobarding is comonly marginalized,
and the few who are accepted are the exception for they display
(uncharacteristically of females) masculine behavior. In this manner, sport
remains a male preserve through the exclusion of females and the redefinition
of masculinity.
On one level skateboarding displays resistance by re-defining masculine
behavior. On another level, it reproduces patriarchy. What is essential for
the maintenance of patriarchy is creating different social realms for males
and females, and marginalizing the female realm. Skaters do this by redefining
masculinity which reserves skateboarding as a male realm. They also act in
subtle ways which discourages female pparticipation by initially treating them
as incapable or unwilling to be involved in skateboarding.
Email: villavillacola@angelfire.com
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