When people think of the Rotumans, they think of Fiji, the mother island in the set. However, the Rotuman people have an island of their own called Rotuma; approximately three hundred miles north of Fiji. It is a relatively small island when taking into consideration their great richness in culture, conforming only seventeen squared miles of land. It is a beautiful island with a vast array of colorful plants and trees, white sandy beaches, and volcanic rocks. Some people in the past had thought of it as paradise. However, it is very hot and humid due to its proximity to the equator. It rains about one hundred and forty inches per year which makes for a difficult place to live in. The island is divided into two parts by a strip of sand. Most people live in the eastern part due to the fact that a small volcano occupies most of the western side. A variety of fruits, vegetables, and grains are cultivated in Rotuma, including the world famous sweet and juicy oranges of that island. Cattle, goats, and pigs are among the domesticated animals pertaining to the island. Language spoken in Rotuma is unique with possible roots in Austronesian, Tongan, and Samoan tongues. Visibly, it is a very small society with basic foundations in agriculture and farming. Nevertheless, Rotumans living abroad, in Fiji or in other countries, are known to be successful in diverse professions, in politics, and in the private sector.

Fiji, being the mother island of the Polynesian islands, has maintained control over Rotuma after its independence from Great Britain in 1970. After much controversy, the Rotumans have decided to politically belong to Fiji. As stated before, many Rotumans live outside of Rotuma, mainly in the central cities of Fiji. Approximately six thousand Rotumans live in Fiji, while only two thousand live in Rotuma. Also, many Rotumans have migrated to Australia and New Zealand, and they too are successful in their professions. Evidently, Fiji and the other larger countries where Rotumans live are more technological advanced and are more fully developed. That is why those living abroad send their relatives back home money or appliances to help them out. In return, the people living in Rotuma send them gifts, foods, and handicrafts so as to correspond to the good kinsmen ship of the relatives.

Most ancient tribes and small civilizations have the same type of structure within their societies. They have their gods, to whom they give their outmost respect and admiration; the elders, to whom they listen to for valuable advice due to their wisdom and knowledge; and finally, the men of title within the tribe, be it the leader or other men of authority. In Rotuma, the resemblance is not only towards all of the other tribes of the world, but specifically to those close by; such as the Tongans, Samoans, and Futunas. Within the Rotumans, titled chiefs are of great importance to the political and social life of the island. Titles are given to those who are descendants of previous title holders. The connection between the previous title holders and the next is called “kainaga.” It is a special blood connection in which the right is given to any descendant to get a title (a more practical and literal meaning of the word “kainaga” is that of descent groups). However, the process of giving titles is not that simple. There has to be meetings in houses called “fuag ri,” in which the ancestors that held titles lived. In theory, the choosing of title is fairly simple, but in reality, it is highly politicized.

Rotuma is divided into seven districts further subdivided into clusters of households called “ho’aga.” Each “ho’aga” has a chief called “fa’es ho’aga” who is responsible for general organizational duties. Most “fa’es ho’agas” are titled men, although not everyone has a title. In fact, some men have titles without being “fa’es ho’agas.” “This suggests a conceptual separation between pragmatic leadership and the ceremonial roles of chiefs.” As in most tribes, titled men have special rights which are revered in ceremonies. For example, titled men eat from “umefe,” and their titles and ranks are called out. Also in ceremonies, titled men usually give speeches and present food or valuables. The second in command is called “faufisi.” As in most cultures, the second in command has duties such as taking over leadership when one “fa’es ho’aga” is absent. Also, the faufisi enjoys honors such as being served kava, or any type of food, before the leader as well as having the right of installing the district chief. Other lesser titles include that of “tautei,” (head fisherman) and “tonu,” (messenger). An interesting aspect on the issue of titles is the ongoing debate of the people of Rotuma of whether or not the “kainaga” has the right of taking back a man’s title or not.

As for the similarities in tribes around the world, having elders occupy important positions within the tribe is accustomed all over the world. In Rotuman language, a “mafua” is referred to as an elderly person. It is one which is wise and well versed, and is considered invaluable for information on conducting ceremonies or any other matter as well. The “mafua” sit behind the chief in most ceremonies and are usually men. However, in weddings, the tradition is slightly different, as the “mafua” accompanying the chief is a woman. The mafua must know how to present food and kava (an important drink prepared from the roots of Piper mythisticum) for this is a fundamental part of every ceremony. For this important role, the “mafua” get rewarded with food which can sometimes include a pig’s leg. Also, a “mafua” is given a mat as a present after the fifth day ceremony of a funeral.

In Rotuma, as well as in many other tribes, the ceremonial component of the society forms an extremely significant part of the culture. From funerals to birthdays, farewell ceremonies to welcoming ceremonies, and installation to homage of the chiefs, ceremonies are always taken seriously, thus making for extremely well prepared and fascinating ceremonies. Among the different ceremonies within Rotuma, the wedding ceremonies entitle great folklore and tradition. It is of great honor and respect to be married in Rotuma. Moreover, the procedures and routines practiced among the people in Rotuma for wedding occasions have changed throughout the times. What went on many years ago has now changed into different but equally amazing customs.

In Rotuma, marriages were set up in the old days so that the bride was chosen by the groom’s parents. In other words, the groom did not choose his bride and was consequently deprived of his freewill. Weather he liked her or not, the decision was not his but his parents. When the grooms’ parents approved of the chosen soon-to-be wife, they brought their son to meet the girl and her parents. This procedure was meant to benefit the parents of both the bride and the groom by exchanging, either gaining or giving up, land or other material goods. When the meeting was set to take place, the exchange of gifts was in order and the feast was set to begin. For example, the boys’ parents presented the girl’s family with three mats. These three mats were meant to cover the “hata,” which in turn was part of a “paega,” (a type of chair were one sat and was carried by other people). This seating device was also placed on the floor where the soon-to-be bride and groom sat during the feast. To return the favor for the three mats given by the grooms’ parents, the brides’ parents had to give back a new set of three mats made to comprise the very own “paega” made for the couple. Then, the couple was carried in their “paega” back to the boy’s house. It was necessary for her to return home after visiting the boy’s home. Meanwhile though, the girl was entertained by the boy’s family until they decided it was time to send her back. This trip was made several times during a long period of time. Each time the couple was carried from one place to another, the people accompanying them would sing a popular song containing the words: Oh, oh, we are walking to and fro, wondering who will give up first. Inquiringly, many courtships were terminated before the marriage since the burden of exchanging pigs and mats was too great. It seems that the boy’s side would regularly give up first, even though they were the ones who had started the whole thing at the beginning. Amazingly, the light-headed humor observed among the Rotumans is evident in that the girl’s side would tease the boy’s side for ending the courtship. They would sing a song to these words: The serpent was sleeping peacefully, but you poked her, she was lying on the beam but you touched her.”

Some marriage rites did not always involve this type of courtship. In some cases, a chief of the boy’s side would inform the girl’s family that “they wished the girl to be the wife of the boy they represented.” If the girls’ parents agreed, the chief or chiefs of the boy would go the next day early in the morning to present a kava plant to the family of the girl. However, the time of arrival of the chiefs was of great importance to the situation. If they arrived early in the morning, it would signify eagerness and good intentions; but if they arrived late in the morning, it would demonstrate a lack of commitment and interest. After the chiefs arrived, the girls’ parents would serve them breakfast and the planning of the wedding would take place. Nevertheless, when the courtship rituals mentioned above did take place, the courtship went on until the couple had matured enough for there to be a proper wedding ceremony. A gift was presented to the girl’s family and a chief would sometimes accompany the presentation. Sometimes, the negotiations took place without the bride and groom seeing each other until the day of the wedding.

A clear pattern of the macho mentality can be seen even in civilizations not thought to be like that. It is always the man who goes first, and then the girl. In this case for example, the parents of the groom seek the bride and either approve or disapprove, making the girl’s decision null and insignificant. Not only does the man in the courtship have the say and the initiation in the whole matter, but the family also. The woman and the woman’s family have only one thing to do and that is to depend on the decision of the male party.

In terms of a concept created by Levi-Strauss, the mind’s tendency to focus on things as black or white, right or wrong, play out note to note in how Rotumans practice their ceremonies. Understandably, this concept can be seen mostly in underdeveloped civilizations. Moreover, because of the difference in complexity and demand in a society, it is safe to say that the mind of a tribesman is more undeveloped than that of a person in a highly industrialized country. The capitalistic system makes a mind develop much faster than a tribe environment. As mentioned above, the machismo complex is a clear example of the man seen as superior, and the woman seen as inferior. It is a primitive way of viewing the world and the difference in gender. It is a more animalistic way of dealing with relations in that it is the instinct that follows and reduces the mind in terms of deconstruction to a vision of binary opposition.

Moreover, the paradoxical state of superficiality on one hand and the apparent profundity on the other is perplexing. The people of Rotuma, as well as most tribesmen around the world, handle weddings and courtships in a much mechanical way. The participation of emotions is null. There is no opportunity for love, attraction, or chemistry; fundamental properties of any amorous relationship. It is treated as part of life and is almost obligatory. In terms of emotions, a wedding in Rotuma is the most superficial ceremony performed, however, the importance of marriage is of great magnitude and thus contradicts the mechanical and dispassionate way in arranging the wedding.

Modern day Rotuman weddings vary slightly from old customs. For example, a main difference is that “in the old days, the main wedding ceremonies were performed only after the couple had consummated the marriage.” The preliminary wedding ceremonies were performed in five days. A peculiar first day activity consisted on taken down the walls of the bride’s part of the home were the wedding was to take place. Another peculiar aspect of Rotuman weddings is the fact that the weddings took place in the bride’s home. This can only signify that even though the man has the authority and the power, a more subtle but maybe more powerful authority came from the wife. Because bottom line, men need woman even more than woman need men. The owner of the house is the man, but in reality, it is the woman who maintains the home a sacred temple for families to grow in. In Rotuman culture, even though the patterns of machismo and male dominance are clearly apparent, there’s also a sense and sensibility in acknowledging the fundamental role of the female in a household.

Proposing in modern times is quite similar to older days’ customs, although with some different techniques. As in older days, gifts from both sides of the families were almost obligatory. Normally, the gifts would consist of kava, the famous drink. When the boy’s side went to propose to the girl, strong men were required to carry the kava while the chiefs entered the girl’s house through the back door. Meanwhile, aware of their arrival, the girl’s party would prepare breakfast and refreshments. When the chiefs arrive, negotiations begin with the girl’s parents to set the date of the wedding, and to decide on the magnitude of the ceremony; whether it’d be a big wedding with all the appropriate rituals, or a small and discrete event. Afterwards, the girl enters and greets the chiefs so they can see her, and then breakfast and the kava from the boy’s side is served. It is important to note here how the boy’s parents did not go to propose with the boy, but the chiefs instead. This was inferred to be an act of superiority by the boy’s side. Such as a king and queen being condescending and sending emissaries to their work. They just sat back and waited for the emissaries and the boy to inform them of the events.

As the wedding became a fact, and the date was set, many preparations needed to be prepared. First, a “han puer sua” would decide which close relatives of both parties would prepare what items for the wedding; such as mats. Mats were extremely important in Rotuman culture, both as gifts and symbolic items. The “han puer sua” also announced ahead of time which women would perform what role during the day of the ceremony. This was announced before hand to allow the girl’s to make the necessary preparations. The men on the other hand, would also prepare certain things before the wedding and would also have special roles to fill during the ceremony. They also had their coordinator known as “fa puer su,” who would guide them towards their various roles. The men on the groom’s side would prepare a lot of food for the wedding, for their food was displayed before the food prepared by the bride’s male relatives. The day of the wedding involves a huge feast with dances and celebrations around the clock. The exchange of gifts and food, as well as special presentations given by certain people makes Rotuman weddings unique and joyful.

Levi-Strauss’s concept of binary opposition seems to fit the minds of primitive people. As mentioned before, the black and white mentality is mostly seen in primitive cultures and under-developed societies. Nevertheless, one would argue that binary opposition does take place in weddings. The men vs. the women, right vs. wrong, strong vs. weak, are all categories seemingly facing one another. A man is one and the woman is the exact opposite. However, mentalities are changing and liberating themselves from traditional beliefs and narrow-minded reasoning. Gay weddings, interracial weddings, and different types of weddings are clear examples of how society is braking free of conventional beliefs. The animalistic intuition of men is slowly diminishing and people are beginning to open consciousness. What once was ruled completely by binary opposition is now starting to shift towards deconstruction: people questioning things in life instead of doing what their animalistic instinct tells them to.

WORKS CITED 1.K. Inias, Elizabeth. Kato’aga: Rotuman Ceremonies. Institute for Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, Suva, 2001. Pg. 47 2. K. Inias, Elizabeth. Kato’aga: Rotuman Ceremonies. Institute for Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, Suva, 2001. Pg. 92 3. K. Inias, Elizabeth. Kato’aga: Rotuman Ceremonies. Institute for Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, Suva, 2001. Pg. 99