I suggest that whatever they
have done, the Beastie Boys always mean it, they’ve never been contrived. The statement sinks. “I beg to differ there,” says Adam Yauch.
“Yes we have,” he says with a nod and a grin.[1]
Lisa Anthony
This
quote, from an interview for Juice magazine, highlights a major tension
in the perception of rap as “authentic”. Rap lyrics present a credible local
community, but they also (in the case of the Beastie Boys, self-consciously)
present a contrived fantasy — an overstated, larger than life image of the
rapper. Thus alongside conventions about lyrics which require descriptions of
specific places and people, there are conventions which involve making
exaggerated claims about the rapper’s abilities or experiences. Speaking about
the group The Ghetto Boys, Rubin stated that “the images in their lyrics,
whether it’s sleeping with seven women or cutting someone up with a chainsaw,
are exaggerations. It’s not any more real than a horror movie. The guys are just having fun.”[2]
Rubin’s alignment of exaggeration with “fun” is simplistic ¾ what is it about these kinds of claims that is fun? In fact, there is a
fairly complex relationship between realism and fantasy in rap.
The
focus of this chapter is the group of conventions about fantasy in the rap
genre. Adherence to these conventions, as explored in Chapter One, defines
“authenticity” for the rap subculture. The apparent tension between fantasy and
“authenticity” is (at least partly) resolved by remembering that we are
discussing constructed, and not actual, “authenticity.” The more pertinent
tension is between those conventions of “authenticity” which require realism, and
those which require non-realism. This chapter begins by exploring this issue.
In particular, I look at one of the roles played by fantasies in society ¾ as manifestations of particular values held by a subculture.
I
then closely examine the fantasy constructed by the Beastie Boys, isolating
three aspects which correspond to genre conventions: technical skill, sexual
prowess, and the more amorphous element of “attitude”. In the case of technical
skill, the Beastie Boys adhere closely to the rap conventions of boasting
about, and displaying, verbal ability. In the case of the other two elements,
there is more distance between the work of the Beastie Boys and the rap
conventions which define “authentic” fantasies. While the Beastie Boys may,
like other rappers, be misogynistic, the playful tone of their misogyny and
their later recantations could be seen to make them less “authentic.” My
discussion of the Beastie Boys’ “attitude” shows them to be cheeky and
adolescent, and there are strong arguments that “authentic” rappers need to
display more aggressive political views.
Rappers
create fantasies both in their texts and in the way they are marketed. Visual
images are used powerfully to construct fantasies: some of these can be seen in
Appendix 2, and they are discussed at various points in this chapter. My
primary focus, however, is on the use of lyrics to create a fantasy about the
rapper’s persona.
In rap, there are a number of raps which are
obviously fictional. For example, the Beastie Boys’ “High Plains Drifter” tells
the story of an outlaw ¾ an independent, powerful
rebel figure who steals cars, breaks out of jail and plows over mail boxes. The
exaggerated, tough tone of the rap is evident from the opening lines:
They
can’t touch me never gonna find me
They’re never gonna know that
I’m the High Plains Drifter
Pulled over to the river to
take a rest
Pulled out a pair of pliers
and pulled the bullet out of my chest.[3]
There is an obvious element of parody or self-mocking
in the Wild West glamour of these lyrics, yet they still stand as a constructed
and presumably attractive fantasy for listeners.
Explicit fictions such as “High Plains Drifter”,
however, are undergirded by a more comprehensive development of fantasy in the
work of rappers. Rap lyrics continuously present pseudo-autobiographical images
of the rapper which are non-realistic. Rappers
adopt street names which separate their rapping persona from their everyday
existence, and then attach wild boasts to these street names: examples for the
Beastie Boys include “You know it’s Ad-Rock that’s blowing your mind”[4]
and “Well they call me Mike D with the mad man style.”[5] Many
rappers acknowledge the fantasy element of their raps. Adam Yauch, frrm the
Beastie Boys, has said:
It’s like
a lot of the Licensed to Ill lyrics
and stuff like that, it’s a kind of fantasy and half pretending. I mean,
there’s all this stuff about us smoking dust and things like that. I ain’t never smoked dust. It just seemed
like it was fun to say that.[6]
The
nature of rappers’ boasts is explored more fully later in the chapter.
There is an obvious tension between the fantasies of
rap and the presentation of realistic, concrete detail as explored in Chapter
Two. This tension cannot be fully resolved. The rapper’s desire to appear as an
“authentic” participant in rap’s imagined community is at odds with the desire
to be a star ¾ a figure who transcends the
everyday and thus becomes a focus for the escapist dreams of the listeners.
Both aspects of the rapper’s persona contribute to his or her commercial
success.
Recognizing this contradiction, it is nonetheless
possible to see connections between the fantastical and realistic aspects of
rap by analysing the role of fantasies in a subculture. Fantasies can be seen
as the projection of the values and attitudes of a community. The lived
experiences of a community dictate what is seen as important, admirable or
desirable in a hero. Rap fantasies make desirable
experiences and attributes available to the members of the rap subculture. [7]
This
use of fantasy figures to display a person or community’s values is seen in
other aspects of society. Walt Whitman, for example, created a fantastic
self-image which appealed to those seeking an earthy, robust American literary
voice. Whitman’s image was a very deliberately constructed fantasy: while
admitting privately that “The actual W.W. is a very plain personage,”[8]
Whitman's poetry presents an entirely different conception of self. In “Song of
Myself” he introduces himself as “Walt Whitman, a kosmos, of Manhattan the
son/Turbulent, fleshy, sensual, eating, drinking and breeding.”[9]
Similarly, in “Starting from Paumanok” he writes:
No dainty dolce affettuoso I,
Bearded, sun-burnt, gray-neck’d, forbidding, I have arrived,
To be wrestled with as I pass for the solid prizes of the universe,
For such I afford whoever can persevere to win them.[10]
As
well as creating a larger-than-life self-image in his writing, Whitman also
used a visual image to support his created identity. Whitman's original edition
of Leaves of Grass included a photo of himself in farming clothes,
radiating working-class strength — a visual image as much at odds with the
reality of his lifestyle as his poetry was.
There
are many other fantasy figures in society, and these are used by members of the
public as a way of articulating aspects of their own identity. A contemporary
Australian pop
song invites listeners to align themselves with rough “yoboes” or pretentious
“wankers” by choosing their hero: “So who is your favourite genius, James Hird
or James Joyce?”[11] James Hird is an AFL
player, James Joyce is an author, and they act as heroes for different sections
of the population. Thus a hero can represent a subculture to the mainstream, by
embodying the attributes valued by that subculture.
Fantasy,
then, is connected to the “realism” of the rap community because it manifests
attitudes of that community, providing exaggerated images which members of the
subculture can admire or reject as ways of negotiating their identity. In the
rap subculture, the nature of the fantasies projected by rappers is heavily
governed by conventions ¾
some fantasies are more “authentic” than others. The remainder of this chapter
focuses on the content of these conventions, and the extent to which the
Beastie Boys participate in them.
I propose to explore three main conventions of
“authenticity” relating to fantasy. These conventions are all touched upon in
the Beastie Boys’ rap, “No Sleep Till Brooklyn.”[12] First, the Beastie Boys are
presented as skilled rappers: “Itchy
trigger finger but a stable turntable/ I do what I do best because I'm illing
and able.” Second, the Beastie Boys are depicted as sexually attractive and surrounded by women: they have “girls on
the jock,” watch “all the girlies shaking,” and drink ale with “all the fly
women.” Finally (and embracing the other elements), there is a rebellious “attitude” in the rap which
celebrates leisure and rejects the mainstream work ethic. As they put it:
“While you're at the job working nine to five/The Beastie Boys at the Garden -
cold kickin' it live.” Their holiday image is neatly summarised early in the
rap:
My job ain’t a job – it’s a damn good time
City to city – I’m running my rhymes
On location – touring around the nation
Beastie Boys always on vacation.
These three elements of fantasy are explored in more
detail in the following sections.
At first, it may seem surprising that verbal skill
is an attractive fantasy image. The origins of rap, however, reveal that verbal
jousting was a representation, and at times a sublimation, of aggression in
urban youth culture. As with Jamaican sound systems, rappers would engage in
verbal “battles,” and the most skilled rhymer would gain respect from the
street culture. Technical skill in the rap subculture, then, is a marker of
power and a way of establishing respect. It can be seen as the source and most
important aspect of a rapper’s created identity. As Shusterman explains:
while
the rapper's vaunting self-praise often highlights his sexual desirability,
commercial success, and property assets, these signs of status are all
presented as secondary to and derivative from his verbal power.[13]
In
the raps of the Beastie Boys (and indeed in almost all rappers’ work) the need
to prove oneself as a skilled rhymer manifests itself in two ways. First, and
most obviously, they continually boast about their abilities. On Hello Nasty alone, they make claims like
the following:
And when I grab the mic you scream “ooh God
damn!”
The crème de la crème is who I am[14]
They
also boast about having a “golden voice”[15]
and “the ill technique”[16].
They're the “rhythm ace”[17]
and they “rock the mic so viciously”[18].
The use of the word “vicious” is evidence of the link drawn in raps between
skill and physical power, based on rap’s origins. Rhyming is portrayed as a
source of the rapper's strength: “cause writin rhymes to me is like Popeye to
spinach.”[19].
The power that comes from rapping is aligned with physicality and violence. In
“Professor Booty”[20], the Beastie Boys rap:
I’ll pull the rug out under your ass as I talk
on
I’ll take you out like a sniper on a roof.
The
act of talking, in this fantasy scenario, achieves the same results as using a
gun or enacting other violent acts ¾
thus technical skill is presented as part of the rapper’s powerful image.
As
part of general claims of skill, rappers will often make the more particular
claim that they improvise their raps ¾
despite the inherent difficulty of passing off a recorded rap as spontaneous.
The Beastie Boys claim that “words are flowing out just like the Grand Canyon,”[21] that they “can groove with the beat when I let go,”[22] and that they “grab a hold of a mic and let the words glide.”[23] Claiming spontaneity can establish a number of attributes: lack of
artifice, lawlessness, and even supernatural influence. Further, of course,
rapping spontaneously is rapping skillfully: ““Cause I can flip a rhyme off the
tip of my tongue/Switching up the rhythm like the rhyme’s a piece of chewing
gum.”[24]
The
second way the rapper’s identity as rhyming legend is constructed is through
displays of technical ability. Exploring these displays involves a discussion
of form rather than content in rap lyrics.. There are general conventions about
technique in rap, such as the use of rhyme and trochaic tetrameter. The basic
rap pattern of four heavily accented syllables in a line, and the use of (near)
rhyme at line end and within lines, can be seen in “So What’cha Want”:
x / x x / x x / x x /
It’s wack when you’re jacked in the back of a ride
x x / x x / x x / x x /
With your know with your flow when you’re out getting by
These
basic techniques, however, can be manipulated to demonstrate superior skill. A
rapper has the “flow” when he or she raps several lines with the same line end
rhyme: the Beastie Boys demonstrate this in “Girls”, which has fifteen lines
ending with the sound “ay”, and in “Intergalactic”, where the three verses,
each of sixteen lines, end with the sounds “ile”, “eem” or “op.”[25] Innovative use of speed and
rhythm, such as the dramatic rhythmic change halfway through “Sounds of
Science,”[26] also establishes the
rapper’s skill. In a gratuitous display of rapping ability, “Dropping Names”[27] begins with the Beastie Boys repeating the line “He thrusts his fists
against the post and still insists he sees a ghost.” This tongue twister
establishes their verbal dexterity, and thus enhances the perception that the
Beastie Boys are skilled rappers.
Thus
technical skill can be seen as an element of the rap fantasy as defined by
genre conventions. Verbal ability is a source of respect for the rapper, since
rap has its origins in street-based competition. The vast majority of rappers,
including the Beastie Boys, boast about their ability and give displays of
rhythm and rhyme which emphasise their skill. In this way, the Beastie Boys
satisfy one of rap’s conventions of “authenticity.”
The
second convention of “authenticity” related to rappers’ fantasies is the
projection of the rapper as sexually successful. In its more innocuous form,
this sexual success involves claims about how attractive the rapper is, and how
many attractive partners they have slept with. In many cases, however, the
conventions about sexuality in rap extend to misogyny and homophobia, as
rappers assert their sexual dominance. My analysis of the Beastie Boys shows
that they follow the conventions relating to the portrayal of the rapper as
sexually attractive. Their presentation of sexual dominance, however, is more
mixed. While many of their raps express negative attitudes towards women, this
is done in a self-deprecating, humorous way which may soften the misogyny of
these raps. Further, their later raps show a new respect for women. While these
aspects may be seen as improvements in mainstream society, they may also mean
that the Beastie Boys are seen as “inauthentic” because they don’t follow rap
conventions about the presentation of women.
It
should be noted that my discussion is confined to male rappers, who make up the
vast majority of rap artists. There are, however, women rappers, and some of
these (such as Lauryn Hill, M.C. Lyte and Roxanne Shante) have challenged the
conventional portrayals of women in rap.
The
Beastie Boys frequenty make the claim that they are sexually desirable. As they
put it:
Got rhymes that are rough and rhymes that are
slick
I’m not surprised you’re on my dick[28]
In
other raps, the Beastie Boys have “girlies on the tippy cause my homie is
famous”[29]
and claim that “ladies flock like bees to a hive.”[30] Whole songs, such as “Girls”[31] and “Hey Ladies” are devoted to the theme of the Beastie Boys’ sexual
attractiveness.
A
rapper’s image of sexual attractiveness can, in many cases, lead to lyrics
which negatively portray women. Irving, in fact, suggests that white males find
a point of entry into rap music through its misogyny: “an equivalence is built
between white males and black males through the denigration of ‘woman’, who is
set up as both other and contemptible.”[32]
Examples of misogyny in rap are easily found. Kool Moe Dee says that it's “time
to make sure that the girlie stay poor/String ‘em out, so they will always want
more.”[33]
The group N.W.A. features a number of horrifically sexist raps, including “One
Less Bitch”, a rap about killing prostitutes. Their rap “Straight Outta
Compton” includes the lines: “So if you're at a show in the front row/I'm a call you a bitch or
dirty-ass ho” and “So what about the bitch who got shot? Fuck her!/You think I
give a damn about a bitch? I ain't a sucker!”[34] The
group also speaks of violence against women in “Findum Fuckum and Flee”,
rapping that “if
a bitch tries to diss me what the fuck I lick her I smack the bitch up.”
In
their early years, the Beastie Boys certainly participated in the rap
community's misogynistic attitudes. In “The New Style,” they say that “we
rag-tag girlies back at the hotel/And then we all switch places when I ring the
bell.[35]“
Violence to women is also present, with a reference to “doing it” with a
“whiffleball bat.”[36]
The concerts of the Beastie Boys' Licensed to Ill tour had sexist
elements such as dancing women in cages and a 25-foot hydraulic penis, which
was covered in cream for female fans to lick.[37]
The
tone of the Beastie Boys' sexism, though, is slightly different to that of
other rappers. The injection of humour and self-deprecation into their raps
possibly makes them easier to hear — even if, from a feminist perspective, they
are equally oppressive of women. The rap “Girls”[38] is a classic example of the Beastie Boys' adolescent views of women.
Reading the lyrics, they seem extremely offensive:
The aural experience of the rap, however, adds important interpretive elements. The rapping is done by M.C.A. in a sing-song, child-like voice which evokes the playground. The musical backing includes a synthesized, tinkly melody which is looped, simple snare drums, and the other two Beasties singing “bom bom bom.” The rap sounds like a light-hearted spoof of a pop song — Rolling Stone magazine describes it as “irresistably delinquent doowop.”[39]
The visual images of the Beastie Boys also support this more light-hearted approach towards sexuality. The clip for “She’s On It,”[40] for example, features girls in skimpy bikinis, but also portrays the Beastie Boys as goofy, geeky teenagers. This provides a point of entry into the music for goofy, geeky listeners ¾ but also, to a large extent, removes the threatening element of the band’s misogyny. Thus the Beastie Boys’ attitudes towards women could be perceived as deviating from the conventions of misogyny in the rap subculture.
This deviation is even more noticeable in the band’s alter albums. Here, the Beastie Boys articulate positive attitudes to women. “Sure Shot”[41] includes the lines:
I
want to say a little something that's long overdue
The disrespect to women has
got to be through
To all the wives and the
mothers and the sisters and the friends
I want to offer my love and
respect to the end.
By Hello Nasty, the Beastie Boys’ pro-women attitudes are explicit. On “I Don’t Know”, they rap:
What makes you
feel
And why you gotta be
Like you got the right
To look her up and down.[42]
To be fair, it should be observed that some elements of the Beastie Boys' early work also suggest respect for women. “What Comes Around”[43] includes the lines:
With two black
eyes your girl ain't that pretty
Why you wanna beat that brat with a bat
Why you wanna beat your girl like that
While the language in this quotes is still tough ¾ particularly the use of the word ‘brat’ ¾ this rap counters misogynist attitudes to at least a degree. Recently, the Beastie Boys have also spoken in the media about sexism. While accepting an MTV Music Video Award, Ad-Rock spoke about the safety of female fans at concerts.[44] In another incident, the Beastie Boys refused to share a stage with the band The Prodigy unless The Prodigy agreed not to perform their hit, “Smack my bitch up.” This generated considerable controversy and claims of hypocrisy, and is an example of the tension between the current and early images of the Beastie Boys.
There
has been a similar ideological shift in the Beastie Boys’ attitudes towards
homosexuals. Many raps are homophobic, and the Beastie Boys participated in
these attitudes in their early years. For example, one of the mooted titles for
the Beastie Boys' debut album was Don't Be a Faggot.[45]
In 1999, however, Ad-Rock sent this letter to “Time Out New York”:
I would like to take this opportunity to
formally apologize to the entire gay and lesbian community for the shitty and
ignorant things we said on our first record, Licensed to Ill. There are
no excuses. But time has healed our stupidity.[46]
These changes of attitude in the Beastie Boys
potentially mean that they are “inauthentic,” since they do not follow the rap
conventions about the assertion of sexual dominance. There is an argument,
though, that these conventions themselves may be changing. A number of rap
groups espouse more tolerant attitudes: the group A Tribe Called Quest, for
example, have a rap called “The Infamous Date Rape”[47]
which counsels respect for women's right to refuse sex. The majority of rap
produced today, however, focuses on the sexual attractiveness and dominance of
the male rapper, and to the extent that the Beastie Boys buck this trend, they
are distancing themselves from the conventions defining “authentic” fantasies
for the rap subculture.
Attitude.
The
most amorphous, and yet perhaps most significant, element of the rap fantasy is
“attitude”. An “attitude” is like an aesthetic, a tone which pervades and
supports more specific content in rap lyrics.
In the rap subculture, there is a convention which dictates that rappers
should present a rebellious “attitude”. There is a potential tension between
obedience to convention and rebellion against mainstream culture. Rebellion,
however, can take a number of forms. In this section I examine the adolescent
cheekiness of the Beastie Boys’ rebellious “attitude”, and contrast it with the
more aggressive, political rebellious fantasies of other rappers. The question
underlying this comparison is whether or not the rap conventions of
“authenticity” demand political engagement as well as general rebellion in the
presentation of a rapper’s “attitude.”
Ashurst-Watson
sums up the Beastie Boys’ “attitude” when she describes their work was “pretty
much the idiotic, rebellious, middle-class ‘I don’t like my parents’ kind of
rap.”[48]
Particularly in their early years, the Beastie Boys were the epitomy of
adolescent distrust of authority figures. Their first massive hit, “Fight for
Your Right”, is the story of antagonism between youth and parents and teachers.
The final verse is:
“Don't
step out of this house if that's the clothes you're gonna wear”
“I'll kick you out of this house if you don't cut that hair”
Your mom busted in and said “What's that noise?”
Aw, mom, you're just jealous, it's the Beastie Boys!
You
gotta fight for your right to party
You gotta
fight for your right to party.[49]
In
this rap, the Beastie Boys articulate the frustration felt by youth living at
home. They mimic the voices of parents, and describe acts of rebellion ¾ having long hair, wearing the clothes you want to, and, climactically,
listening to the Beastie Boys. The second person voice of the song increases
the sense of directness and connection between the Beastie Boys and the
listening youth. The rebellious tone of the lyrics is enhanced by its sound,
which features a hard rock guitar riff, a whiny lead guitar solo, noisy drums
and the shouting of the Beastie Boys. The simple verse-chorus structure lends
itself to people singing along ¾ as
one critic has written, the rap “became an anthem for pseudo-rebellious youth
everywhere.”[50]
The “pseudo” in this quote is insightful ¾ there is no advocation of active rebellion in the song other than the
vague “fight for your right to party.” Further, the act of listening to a rap
fantasy could be seen to provide vicarious, and hence safe, rebellion. Whatever
the audience reactions, however, the “attitude” of the rap is clearly one which
sides with youth against authoritarian control.
The
anti-authoritarian stance continues in later albums. “Shake Your Rump” features
a confrontation between Mike D and a host of authority figures:
Running from the law the press and the parents
*Is your name Michael Diamond?*
No mine’s Clarence[51]
These
lyrics are best understood when heard rather than read. The second line is a
sample, spoken by an older male, in a disapproving tone. The final line, where
Mike D lies about his name, is rapped using a smarmy, nasal voice. The
impression conveyed is that a smart attitude will triumph over authority.
Claims
of rebellion in general are bolstered by accounts in raps of experiences which
are generally condemned by society. The Beastie Boys rap frequently about
drinking alcohol. Rapping about the cocktail called Brass Monkey, they state:
Over
the course of Licensed to Ill the Beastie Boys drink ale, Thunderbird
wine, Moet, Chivas, Martinis and more. On Paul's Boutique, they rap
about being “drunk as a skunk”[53]
and “sucking down pints till I' didn't know”[54].
The drug-taking of the Beastie Boys centres around marijuana (cheeba) and PCP
(dust). As they rap in”3 Minute Rule”:
I smoke cheeba it helps me with my brain
I might be a little dusted but
I’m not insane.[55]
These
lyrics, then, describe rebellious acts. Other lyrics resist social pressure to
be good citizens by embodying plain silliness: “Mullet Head”[56] is a sarcastic tribute to an outmoded hairstyle, and in the middle of
“Get It Together” Ad-Rock raps “Yes, you know I’m getting silly/Got a Grandma
Hazel and a Grandma Tilly.”[57] The use of obscenities, too, distances the Beastie Boys from mainstream
values: “cause I got nothing to lose/cause I don’t give a fuck.”[58]
The
“attitude” of the Beastie Boys, then, is an adolescent rejection of societal
control. This is manifested in direct challenges to authority figures in raps,
and more indirectly through the description of forbidden experiences, their
rejection of mainstream values and their adoption of a “smartass” (cheeky and
provocative) tone.
This
cheeky tone is supported by the technique of the Beastie Boys; in particular,
their use of double and triple rhymes adds to the wit and humour of raps. A double rhyme occurs when
words or phrases of two syllables are phonologically matched ¾ a triple rhyme matches three syllable words.
In the case of mosaic rhymes, phrases can be matched with words.[59] As Brogan has stated, in
the case of triple rhyme “[t]he effect in English since Byron has almost always
been comic.”[60]
Byron’s triple rhymes included “intellectual/hen-pecked you all.[61] The Beasties Boys use
triple rhymes such as shrubbery/rubbery,[62] cellular/hell you were[63], and more of this/Horovitz.[64] Double rhymes can be
similarly humorous” for example, snifter/shoplifter[65] and leaner/cleaner/Gardena.[66] This use of humour in rhyme
fits well with the adolescent playfulness of the Beastie Boys’ “attitude”.
Finally,
the visual images of the Beastie Boys enhance their “attitude.” In many cases,
the images of the group have a spoof element: their poses include old men (the
cover of their anthology, Sounds of Science), astronauts and
construction workers (on the video of “Intergalactic”) and 1970s cops (the
video of “Sabotage”). In other images, they adopt humorous facial expressions
or are seen through a distorted lens.
There
are members of the rap subculture, however, who draw a distinction between the
“attitude” of the Beastie Boys and more “authentic” rappers who concentrate on
political issues. While almost all raps have an “attitude” of rebellion, this
view of “authenticity” requires a further political (and often racial) edge
which transforms a general anti-authoritarian stance into a more threatening, proactive and confrontationalist “attitude.”
One of the groups with the most visible political
“attitude” is Public Enemy. Their concerts feature the group S1W — Security of
the First World — which uses military-style routines to emphasise the serious
political edge to the rap group. Their didactic role is frankly admitted:
Sister Souljah (pronounced soldier), part of the S1W team, goes by the name
“Sister of Instruction, Director of Attitude.” The album cover of Apocalypse
91, The Empire Strikes Black features the slogan “Justice evolves only
after injustice has been defeated.” Images of the band use poses which suggest aggression and power.
This overt political “attitude” is also present in
Public Enemy’s lyrics. For example, “By the Time I get to Arizona” is a fantasy
about the band’s violent reaction to the decision by the state of Arizona not
to commemorate Martin Luther King with a holiday. The rap’s introduction by
Sister Souljah explains the context and wishes the “black brothers” luck as
they “travel west to head off White Supremacists.” The rap features Chuck D
threatening to drive to Arizona and use violence to protest the decision: he's
“on the one mission/To get a politician/To honor or he's a goner”. The sound of
the rap is aggressive, with a slow, relentless beat which matches Chuck D's
even monotonic rap. In the middle of the rap, the musical accompaniment
introduces sounds which mimic the screaming of women. Towards the end, the rap
is backed by soulful women singing in harmony — perhaps suggesting a link
between Public Enemy's struggle against white injustices and the history of
racial inequalities. The threatening quality of this song made it extremely
controversial when it was released.
There
is an argument that political “attitudes” such as the one presented by Public
Enemy are more “authentic” than the more playful “attitude” of the Beastie
Boys. A Rolling Stone review of Licensed to Ill makes this point in its
comparison of the Beastie Boys and the black group, Run-D.M.C.:
where Run and D.M.C. declaim with the fury of the righteous, Mike D, MCA and Ad-Rock (“King Whine”) sneer and hoot like privileged hooligans.[67]
This
argument relies on the concept that in order to be perceived to faithfully
represent the community rappers must engage with the social, economic and
political injustices suffered by that community. Decker sees this happening in
the work of some rappers:
Unlike
most entertainers and politicians in the United States, many nation-conscious
rappers sustain their organic ties to the black community from which they came
and of which their music is a part.[68]
Decker
assumes that the “nation-conscious” aspects of the raps he describes are
manifestations of the “organic ties” between the rapper and the community
(which he also assumes to exist literally). Exponents of this argument often
refer to rap’s origins
as a site for the expression of sidelined political views. The video Rap,
Race, and Equality quotes an early unknown author making strong statements
against racial inequality:
These government officials corrupting
They make it hard, but let me tell you somethin'
That I'll be glad when we see equality.
The time will come for you and me to be free,
But in the meanwhile, lift your head and be proud.
Cause I'm black man, and I'll say it loud. [69]
The
flaw in this view of political rappers is that it ignores the way that
politics, just like adolescent cheekiness, is a constructed “attitude.” Ross
writes of performers whose:
career
genre conventions (“rebel rock” genres) oblige them to make statements on a
regular basis about social and economic justice. Such statements have more to
do with semicontractual agreements with audiences about, say, “keeping the
faith”, than they actually relate to those social and economic conditions
responsible for the conventions of “selling out”.[70]
This
analysis is pertinent to the use of politics in raps. Politics can be seen as a
gimmick, a way of creating a saleable fantasy. “By the Time I Get to Arizona,”
as discussed above, is an example of the scandal and media hype which can be
generated by raps containing racially political statements. This publicity can
be seen as the reason for a rapper adopting a political stance. Rubin describes
the way Public Enemy moved from more general raps to political raps as an
“angle.” He speaks of Public Enemy’s early days:
There
wasn’t any politics in the music at the time. [Chuck D] was just doing some
real good, real funny raps, about driving around in his [Olds] 98…I think the
politics became very much of an angle.
They were looking for something to make them different from the other
rap groups.”[71]
This
development in the work of Public Enemy can be seen to cast doubt on the idea
that political raps arise from genuine concern for the rapper’s community.
Samuels describes Public Enemy as creating “a highly charged theater of race,”[72] and Bayles writes that “There is no revolution, but it is being televised. Public Enemy wouldn’t have it any other
way.”[73]
Similarly,
the aggressive statements of ganster rappers about the political issues of life
in the ghettoes can be seen, in many cases, to be an adopted pose. Benjamin
writes of rapper Ice Cube:
Cube is
engaging in myth-making of a grossly self-aggrandizing sort. He is neither a boy from the hood like Ice
T, nor a militant activist organiser like Malcolm X. Cube is a poseur, a B-Boy wannabe son of the black middle-class
masquerading as a street tough.[74]
The
aggressive political angle of many raps has been described usefully by Ross, in
the context of analysing a Public Enemy rap, as a “hit-and-run aesthetic”[75] and the “presentation of an “attitude.””[76] Thus it can be seen that the idea that political raps are actually
authentic is a flawed one. However, the conventions of “authenticity” may still
dictate the presence of political statements in rap, leading to the possibility
that the apolitical adolescent “attitude” of the Beastie Boys is, to some
degree, “inauthentic”.
This
chapter has examined the conventions which govern the fantasy element of rap
lyrics. In particular, I have teased out three aspects of the rap fantasy.
Technical skill was seen to be a central element of the rapper’s persona, and
the Beastie Boys have made many claims and displays of their ability. Sexual
dominance was the second key element. This is manifested in claims of sexual
attractiveness, which can often lead to homophobia and misogyny. The Beastie
Boys participated in these conventions (at least to an extent) in their early
years, but have more recently taken a more pro-women and pro-homosexual stance.
Their new, soft image, is thus potentially not “authentic” because it deviates
from the hardcore rap norms. Third, we considered the “attitude” of the Beastie
Boys ¾ anti-authoritarian, adolescent and witty. This was contrasted with the
more racially-charged political “attitude” of rappers such as Public Enemy.
These political rappers can be seen as more connected to the rap community, and
hence more “authentic.”
The
convention that raps should be political privileges the importance of “race” in
establishing a rapper’s “authenticity.” The thorny relationship between “race”,
rap and “authenticity” is the focus of the following chapter.
[1] Anthony at 92.
[2] Jonathon Gold, “The Day of Dre”, Rolling Stone 666, September 30, 1993 at 38 cited in Bayles at 356.
[3] “High Plains Drifter,” Paul’s Boutique
[4] “The Scoop,”
[5] “Finger Lickin Good” Check Your Head.
[6] Anthony at 92.
[7] Ross at 99. And 101
[8] Introduction to Leaves of grass, Loving at x.
[9] Leaves of Grass at 48.
[10] Leaves of Grass at 27.
[11] TISM, “Wanker”.
[12] Licensed to Ill. Lyrics reproduced in Appendix 2.
[13] http://www.engl.virginia.edu/~enwr1016/osc2x/hiphop.html accessed 24/03/00 at 10:11am citing Shusterman, Richard. “The Fine Art of Rap.” New Literary History
22 (1991) : 614-5
[14] “Body Movin” Hello Nasty
[15] “3 MCs and 1 DJ”, Hello Nasty
[16] “Unite”, Hello Nasty
[17] “Usnite” Hello Nasty
[18] “Super Disco Breakin”, Hello Nasty
[19] Professor Booty, Check Your Head.
[20] Check Your Head
[21] “Hey Ladies”, Paul’s Boutique.
[22] “Pass the Mic”, Check Your Head
[23] “Three MCs and One DJ”, Hello Nasty.
[24] “Finger Lickin Good”, Check Your Head.
[25] Note that some of the rhymes are inexact.
[26] Paul’s Boutique
[27] Paul’s Boutique
[28] “The New Style”, License to Ill
[29] “Dropping Names”, Paul's Boutique. “tippy” means penis, “my homie” in this context means myself.
[30] “Hey Ladies”, Paul’s Boutique.
[31] Licensed to Ill
[32] Irving at 114.
[33] “Do You Know what time it is?”, by Kool Moe Dee (self titled album)
[34] NWA Straight Outta Compton
[35] “the New Style”, Licensed to Ill
[36] “Paul Revere”, Licensed to Ill
[37] Charles Mundy at 58. Bayles somewhere too.
[38] Licensed to Ill.
[39] Rolling Stone Review of “Licensed to Ill”, online……
[40] Licensed to Ill
[41] Ill Communication
[42] “Song for the Man”, Hello Nasty.
[43] Paul’s Boutique
[44] Jenny Eliscu, “Woodstock Organizers Answer Ad-Rock” (September 14, 1999), Rolling Stone Online http://rollingstone.tunes.com/sections/news/text/newsarticle.asp?afl=rsn&NewsID=9157&LookUpString=16. Accessed when??
[45] Chris Mundy at 58.
[46] David Basham, MTV article.
[47] album details.
[48] Tricia Rose, “An Interview with Carmen Ashurst Watson”, in Microphone Fiends at 71.
[49] “Fight For Your Right”, Licensed to Ill.
[50] Virgin? at 29.
[51] “Shake Your Rump”, Paul’s Boutique.
[52] “Brass Monkey”, Licensed to Ill.
[53] “Sounds of Science”, Paul's Boutique
[54] “Hey Ladies”, Paul's Boutique
[55] “3 Minute Rule”, Paul’s Boutique
[56] “Mullet Head”, Ill Communication.
[57] “Get It Together”, Ill Communication.
[58] “The Maestro”, Check Your Head.
[59] “Mosaic Rhyme”, New Princeton at 802
[60] “rhyme”, New Princeton, at 1054
[61] IS this in Brogan??
[62] “The Vibes”, Ill Communication
[63] “High Plains Drifter”, Pauls’ Boutique
[64] “Shake Your Rump”, Paul’s Boutique
[65] “High Plains Drifter”, Paul’s Boutique
[66] “So Whatcha Want”, Check Your Head
[67] CDNOW website, http://www.cdnow.com/cgi-bin/mserver/SID=351947284/pagename=/RP/CDN/FIND/album.html/artistid=BEASTIE+BOYS/itemid=316907 3 June 2000, 11.27pm
[68] Decker at 101.
[69] http://www.engl.virginia.edu/~enwr1016/osc2x/hiphop.html accessed 24/03/00 at 10:11am
[70] Ross, Introduction to Ross and Rose, at 3.
[71] Interview by Robert Hilburn, “Rap – The Power and the Controversy”, Los Angeles Times, Feb 4 1990, Calendar Section, p79, cited in Bayles at 359.
[72] David Samuels, “The rap on rap” in New Rpublic Nov. 11, 1991, pp24 –29 cited in Bayles at 359.
[73] Bayles at 358.
[74] Playthell Benjamin, “Reckless rhetoric of a fairy-tale gangsta”, The Guardian, 11 March 1993, cited in Longhurst at 154.
[75] Andrew Ross at 106.
[76] Ross at 106.