The Purpose of this study is to examine the character and status of the Imam-Hatip Schools (IHS) as the centre for religious education in contemporary Turkey. These schools have successfully met the people's needs an desires for religious education at the pre-collegiate level. As indicated earlier, these schools were chosen for study because of their remarkable vitality and ability to attract an ever-increasing number of students, even in spite of the state's opposition to religious education in the context of modernisation and secularisation. The goal of this study is to determine how certain aspects of IHS values and character fit into the national educational system.

The IHS system was established an maintained as a result of public demands an pressures. Many people worked diligently for the survival and continuation of these schools, pooling their spiritual and financial resources over many years. From the very beginning, people have donated materials, land, and labour according to their financial capabilities. To a great extent, the IHS system owes its survival to private efforts in the face of seemingly insurmountable obstacles.

In order to build a particular IHS, a small number of dedicated people forms an association called "İmam-Hatip Lisesi Kurma ve Yaşatma Derneği," an association to build an maintain the IHS. This group actually raises the walls of the IHS. The association solicits donations to support their work; in general, such requests have been responded to favourably. Many examples can be given, but the story of the establishment of an Imam - Hatip School in the small town of Manyas in Western Anatolia after the military intervention of 1980 will be illustrative.

The congregation was waiting to perform the Teravih prayers in the village mosque late one evening in the month of Ramadan. The peasant congregation was not keenly interested in what the preacher had said; they were tired from working all day long in the fields while fasting. The preacher, who taught the religion course in the town high school, was disappointed. Unexpectedly, this ordinarily quiet man raised his voice. With deep emotion, he told the congregation that he was talking about a matter of great importance: the construction of the town's IHS. It was so important that he had left his wife at home while she was delivering a baby in order to speak to the congregation and enlist their support. The preacher's passion motivated the congregation and he was able to collect a generous contribution. This type of story, which indicates the deep emotional resonance Islam evokes in its Turkish followers, is often heard.

There are numerous examples of stories told, retold, and believed by religious people that, whether actually true or not, demonstrate significant public commitment to the development of the IHS system. For example, it is told that an elderly woman showed up at the door of the Association to Build and Maintain the Manyas İmam-Hatip School and handed over some wrinkled money, which had been saved for her own winding sheet. She knew the community would bury her anyway. Another day, a villager pledged the money from the sale of his only cow without worrying whether his children would get any more milk, just for the sake of training younger generations in religious matters. In another example, a young female student stopped the religion teacher on the street and donated her only bracelet when she learned that the IHS needed money for the construction of the building. In doing so, she expressed her hope that some of her brothers or sisters could learn about their religion in better circumstances than she had experienced in her education. Even more remarkable is the story of a member of a political party whose leader opposed the IHS system. During a municipal council meeting, he proposed that the city sell a tract of land to the IHS for a nominal, symbolic amount of money, thereby publicly demonstrating his support for the cause.

These stories, which are part of the history of just about every IHS, confirm the widespread involvement - even competition - of a large sector of the population in supporting these schools financially. It is not an overstatement to say that the spirit and motivation of the people have become the backbone of the IHS' s rapid expansion.

Popular support is confirmed by recent statistics. As of 1994 - 95, there were 395 IHSs scattered throughout Turkey. Certain regions, however, such as the Western and Central Anatolian provinces, have more IHSs than others. Eastern Anatolia and the highest degree of urbanisation centres also have the fewest schools. This is almost certainly because this very religious region is extremely poor and lacks the community resources to undertake such efforts.

The buildings of the existing IHSs were constructed through various means. Almost 66 % ( 262 ) of the IHSs were constructed by private social associations and foundations ; 19.35 % ( 75 ) of the IHSs were built through co-operative efforts between the public and the state. Only 9.65 % ( 36 ) of the IHSs were built solely by the state, and the remaining 6 % ( 21 ) of the buildings were state property temporarily reassigned for IHS use.

Turkey, as is true of many developing countries, has a relatively young population. Education of junior and senior high school-age children continues to pose significant problems. For a long time, the Turkish government has systematically appealed to citizens to construct and support schools. From time to time officials at the highest level-the ministers of education's, prime ministers and presidents have launched "kendi okulunu kendin yap" (build your own school) campaigns, inviting communities to build vocational or regular elementary, junior high, and high schools for themselves. These campaigns, however, have had only limited success. The major exception has been the IHS, where the public, without paying any attention to whether their efforts were publicised, has continued to build IHS buildings and dormitories. In comparison to other publicly-supported secondary school construction projects, the IHSs have consistently received wider and more enthusiastic public support.

Öcal's survey of 188 principals (exactly half of the total number in the IHSs) in July 1987 found that 40.43%(75) of the principals indicated that their schools had sufficient capacity, while 59.57% (112) indicated that they did not have sufficient capacity to accommodate the incoming students. Looking at the development of the IHS system and the growing number of students demanding religious education, it would be accurate to conclude that the future will likely imitate the past. Even those IHSs with sufficient capacity will soon face difficulties accommodating students. Already, 60% of IHSs have had to annex nearby buildings to increase their capacity. It appears that there will be a need for additional IHSs as long as the population continues to grow.

It is important to note here that those providing financial support have not been interested in owning these IHS buildings and dormitories. Rather, they are interested in facilitating the expansion of the IHS system and in making religious education available to increasing numbers of students. In the 1991-1992 academic year, 68.14% (261) of IHS buildings belonged to the Treasury of Turkey. Although 65% of the IHS buildings were constructed by voluntary associations, only 25.84% (99) actually belonged to these associations, 4.17% (3) were owned by local municipalities, and 1% (4) were owned by individuals and private administrations, out of a grand total of 391 IHSs. In most cases, after the IHS buildings and dormitories were completed, ownership was turned over to the state treasury on condition. Thus the IHS buildings were constructed solely to provide religious training and not for personal gain. These sincere efforts have significantly eased the Ministry of Education's financial burden.

Although the state has provided some funs for construction of IHS buildings and dormitories, most of these schools were and continue to be erected primarily through community efforts. A contemporary Turkish economist, Sabahattin Zaim, has aptly summed up the attitudes of the Turkish governments toward the IHS. " Significantly enough, the Ministry of Education has acted in collaboration with the financial support of citizens." The governments are interested in this collaboration for at least two reasons : they need to satisfy public demands for religious education, and at the same time they need to expand the national education system ( particularly the number of years of study). By collaborating with the public to build more IHSs, the government can add more school without the expense of building them. Once a building is completed, however, the government provides for the instructors and operating expenses. It is important to note that if these IHS facilities were allowed to operate as soon as they were completed, the numbers of students might have increased far more than has actually been the case.

Besides constructing buildings for the IHS, the associations underwrite most of the educational equipment, provide some scholarships for needy and deserving students, and build and operate housing for students whose families do not live near the IHS. There are two types of student housing: separate buildings adjacent to the main IHS building, or dormitory facilities within the IHS building.

In the 1991-92 academic year, 212 IHSs provided student housing. One hundred of these dormitories were in separate buildings. The state provided funds for the construction of 29 of these facilities and co-operated with the public in constructing 16 others. Fifty-five dormitories were constructed by associations, foundations and other private institutions.

There were 112 more dormitories not considered separate from the main IHS buildings; 99 of these were located inside the IHS buildings in separate areas for boarding students. Thirteen dormitories, located in small towns, were managed by the IHS but accommodated both IHS and other secondary school students (half the boarders were IHS students). Such mixed dormitories were turned over to the IHS for administration because of the IHSs' successful record in student housing management.

Ownership of the dormitories follows the same pattern as ownership of the IHS buildings. Almost 69% (146 out of 212) dormitories belong to the state. Associations and foundations own 29.24% (62), and 1.88% (4) are owned by private administrations.

The 212 IHS dormitories in use in 1991-92 housed 10,000 paying and 21,950 non-playing students, the latter being supported by government scholarships. An additional 1,480 students were accommodated in private dormitories erected by the Social Help and Solidarity Foundations and turned over to the management of the General-Directorate of Religious Education. In the same period, 2,800 scholarships were made available to IHS students by private organisations. In order to receive a government scholarship, students must pass qualification exams in various subjects. After finishing their college education, scholarship recipients must serve for a certain period of time in appropriate government-assigned jobs. Graduates who do not wish to take such positions must repay their scholarships.

Special physical features of the IHSs include the following: twelve have multi-purpose spaces such as auditoriums and gymnasiums; 15 have housing for administrators; 66 have mosques or mescids attached to the main buildings for vocational training and to provide a place of worship for the surrounding communities. As a training ground for future imams and hatips, the mosques and mescids of the IHSs provide a safe and supportive environment for students to practice leading prayers and delivering Friday hutbes in a congregation made up mostly of friends an teachers.

The responsibilities of the IHS associations do not end when the buildings have been completed. They always come through with financial and spiritual support when the state fails to meet its responsibility to the IHSs.

The budget allocated to the Directorate-General of Religious Education was 3.25 % of the total budget for national education in 1988, 3.19% in 1989, and 4.05 % in 1990. Probably the major portion of these allocations went to the IHSs because they were considered the core of religious education. The overwhelming majority of IHS administrators reported that the government funds allocated for the IHS have been insufficient to meet expenses. Thus, some of the expenses of the IHSs are necessarily provided by the associations and the supporting foundations. Only 3.19 % of the IHS principals reported that they were able to manage with the government budget allocations. How, then, are the majority of the administrators able to run these schools? The answer is simply that they secure help from the IHS associations.

The sacrifices made by the Turkish people for the IHS system have not been seemly financial. People become more active and make their desires known so that these schools will continue for generations to come. For example, Hacı Veyiszade, who played a very important role in the establishment of the IHS in Konya, says that while he was teaching there, he promoted the Islamic world view to the students. This was severely opposed by the secularist principal. When Veyiszade discovered the principal's views, he opted to keep quiet for the time being, reasoning,

We had longed for many years to have such a school [IHS] to teach our religion; now, we have this opportunity. Even for the sake of one student, I am ready to bear thousands of hypocrites, It is ridiculous not to use the opportunity when we have been wishing desperately to have even the smallest chance. We cannot wait for the best opportunity to arrive, rather we must take advantage of what we have.

This teacher was interested in the survival and expansion of the IHS. Whenever controversy over the Islamic view threatens the existence of these schools, people have done their best to avoid argument and have even appeased the secularists to a certain degree. Nevertheless, their commitment to religious education for children remains strong. One of the reasons the IHS system has been successful in a secular state has been the responsible teachers, students, parents, and administrators who have maintained a low profile and avoided controversy.

After 44 years of steady growth, the IHS represented a large proportion of the student body of 1994-95, which was 476,175 students. About one out of fifteen students, ages 11 to 18 were enrolled in the IHS system. This population does not include older students who came the IHS already trained in Qur'anic recitation and other vocational skills. These are the most successful IHS students because of their previous religious education.

Since most school facilities until quite recently were located in urban areas, the rural population of Turkey did not enjoy equal access to education, privilege, prosperity, and upward mobility. This situation, which applied to Imam-Hatip schools as well as regular schools, has created a serious imbalance in the distribution of opportunities for education and employment in the country.

Since the beginning, the majority of IHS students either came from villages or were the city-born children of recent migrants from the villages to the cities. Housing became an issue for many students because of their social background, i.e., students who came from long distances needed room and board while attending school. The dormitories were expanded in order to respond to student needs. Providing an equal educational opportunity for students who lack adequate financial resources has always been a major accomplishment of the IHS.

More than any other educational institution in Turkey, the IHS system provides equal opportunity in education for students who otherwise would not be able to attend school. This is partly because the IHSs offer living accommodations for students who come from far away. Furthermore, scholarships from individuals and organisations as well as some from governmental sources have been made available for IHS students in greater numbers than for any other high school student.

Today, most IHS students come from the metropolitan areas, and relatively fewer students are from the remote areas. However, this trend has not reduced the need for students housing. Despite the fact that the IHS are scattered throughout the country, not every small town or large city district has one. In the major cities, inadequate public transportation has been one of the factors contributing to the high demand for student housing. Sometimes, enrolment restrictions force students to attend an IHS far away from home and to find living arrangements there, rather than attending an IHS close to home.

In the last fifteen years, a small number of students have begun to come from the Turkish republics in Central Asia and from the Turkish minority in the Balkan states, e.g., West Thrace (now a part of Greece). The number of such foreign students rose from 25 in 1987-88 to 176 in 1989-90. IHSs also provided room and board for children of teachers and deceased members of the armed forces, and victims of natural disasters.

It is important to note also that the IHS has attracted increasing numbers of female students. Three female students attended the IHS for the first time in the 1963-64 academic year. Fewer than 800 female students studied in both the junior and senior sections of the IHS in the 1960s and early 1970s. Since the establishment of separate IHSs for girls, a tremendous increase in the number of female students has occurred, starting in the 1975-76 academic year. Their number reached 69,171 (49,904 in junior high and 19,267 in senior high) in the 1989-90 academic year. This figure roughly corresponds to one third of the total IHS students.

The lesser opportunities afforded female students during the earlier period indicate a pattern of gender discrimination in the early IHS system. In 1972, a governing statute issued by the Ministry of Education during the second Erim cabinet (a military-backed reform government) stated that in order to attend the IHS one must be a male, which excluded female students. This contradicted the Fundamentals of National Education Law which affirms equality of opportunity, and the universality and equality of education: "All citizens, male and female, are assured equal opportunity" and "Educational institutions are open to every individual, regardless of language, race, sex and religion. No individual, family, group or class will be accorded any privilege in the educational system." The issue was taken to the Council of State, which decided that this governing statute violated the equality of education, and universality and equality of education. The Council ruled that female students were eligible to attend the Imam-Hatip schools. Thus, an obstacle was removed for the female students to attend to the IHS. Although female students are ineligible to become imams and hatips, the quality of the religious and academic education attract large numbers of female students to the separate IHS branches for girls. While many parents did not send their daughters to the co-educational IHSs that operated until 1975, now that separate girls' schools have been established, parents enthusiastically support their daughters' enrolment. Due to the favourable educational environment of the girls' IHSs, there is a new and dynamic opportunity for female education among the religiously-oriented people.

There are a number of interrelated socio-economic factors that seem to have affected the expansion of the IHS. Among these are the social origins of the students, which in turn might reflect the cultural and ideological orientation of Turkish society; the educational attainment of students' parents; and the economic status of those who are interested in pursuing religious education.

The IHS, which has both junior and senior divisions, corresponds to the secondary level of education. As is the case in all secondary schools, the junior division (three years) is open to elementary school graduates. Having completed the junior level, students advance to the senior division (a four year program). An extra year beyond the regular high school (three years) is added in order to accommodate for the time spent on vocational training and the slightly reduced academic load. Over the four years of IHS senior high school, then, there are more hours of instruction. In general, the same courses are offered at both the junior and senior levels as those given in all state secondary schools. The same textbooks are required for the various academic subjects, as well. The IHS curriculum, however, includes additional religious subjects.

Because the academic program is virtually the same as the regular junior and senior and high schools, students transfer between the IHS and other secondary schools during the different levels of study. (A small number of students who transfer to the regular high schools are not comfortable with the IHS lifestyle.) Regular senior high schools offer a much better preparation than the IHS for the university entrance exams. This is because the school day in the IHS is divided between religious and academic subjects; the vocational subject matter is not included in the entrance examinations.

Transfers into the IHS required passing qualifying examinations in religious subjects. Students who availed themselves of this option were generally dissatisfied with the nature of secularist education and were highly committed to pursuing their education and were highly committed to pursuing their education in religious schools. These students were always welcomed by the IHS student body.

All IHSs became senior high schools offering four years of instruction as a result of the August 4, 1971, decision of Talim Terbiye Dairesi Başkanlığı (the Directorate of Education and Training). Students entered the IHS after completing the regular junior high school program (see chapter three). The three-year junior division of the IHS was eliminated. The new curriculum considerably reduced the vocational courses in the surviving senior division of the IHS, directly affecting the quality of vocational education provided in the IHS. This situation caused a decline students' interest, and for the first time, a decrease in the number of incoming junior high students was observed from 1972 to 1974.

As a result of political changes after the military intervention of 1971, two decisions of Education and Training had a positive effect on the future of the IHS. The first decisions (number 632, November 28, 1975), recognised the IHSs equivalency to the regular high school. IHS diplomas since then have read, "Senior High and the Imam-Hatip School." Consequently, IHS graduates became eligible for admission to the national universities. The second decision (number 394, August 25, 1974) introduced Qur'an, Arabic language, and religion courses into the junior high curriculum. Thus, the IHS junior high division was reinstated and IHS education was once again a seven year program.

The IHS curriculum is a mixture of religious and secular academic courses. The religious subjects, which are called Meslek Dersleri (Vocational Courses), are Qur'an, Exegesis, Hadith, Creeds and Theology, Jurisprudence, Life of the Prophet, History of Religions, Preaching and Vocational Training, and Arabic Language. The secular academic courses, called Kültür Dersleri (Cultural-Academic Courses), are Turkish Language and Literature, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Chemistry, History, Geography, Psychology, Logic, Sociology, History of Islamic Arts, Foreign Language, National Defence, Tourism, History of Reforms and Kemalism, Healt and Hygiene, and Physical Education. These courses are also offered in regular junior and senior high schools. The textbooks used in the IHS are all written by Turkish authors.

The Qur'an classes are divided into two sections: recitation (yüzünden okuma or kıraat) and memorisation (ezberleme or hıfz etmek). Recitation includes tecvid (art of reciting the Qur'an), which aims to preserve the original reading of the Qur'an. Correct recitation is considered the prerequisite for memorising selected sections of the Qur'an, as well as the prerequisite for the advanced level of recitation required for use in congregational worship. Another subject related to the study of the Qur'an is its commentary or exegesis (tefsir). The kind of tefsir literature read in the course is elementary and introductory in nature. Certain chapters (sureler) and verses are taken as the basic of translation and interpretation of the Qur'an.

The study of hadis (prophetic tradition) covers the spiritual and technical importance of the life of the prophet Muhammad and the ethical codes modelled in his life. Islamic history (siyer), explores the life of the prophet and subsequent generations.

Kelam (Islamic Theology) and Akaid (Creeds) deal with the comprehensive study of the creed and doctrines of Islam. Texts on the question of the knowledge of God and His attributes are the primary source of study in these courses. Fıkıh (jurisprudence) deals with the performance of the pillars of Islam and self-purification. Islamic schools of thought and major differences among them are also explored in these courses. Because it is followed by most of the Turkish people, the teachings of the Hanafi School are taken as the basis of religious obligation, and this school of jurisprudence alone receives emphasis in the fıkıh course.

Dinler Tarihi, (the history of religions) is taught in order to give an understanding of the other world religions and their basic beliefs. Hitabet and Mesleki Uygulama, (Preaching and Vocational Practices) aims to prepare students for future work in the religious field. The students are taught how to give Friday sermons and other related professional requirements.

The teaching of the Arabic language focuses on the science of grammar and syntax (dil bilgisi) and morphology (sarf). Different levels of Arabic texts are used according to class level. The goal is to instil the necessary language knowledge and to prepare students to read the Arabic texts. Practically speaking, the teaching of Arabic language is inadequate in the IHS, and very few students become competent in it. One reason for this that there is no assigned preparatory year for the purpose of learning Arabic as there is in the other foreign language schools (Anadolu). Instead, Arabic is simply treated as a second language. Another difficulty is the lack of auxiliary books, cassette tapes, and instructional facilities such as language laboratories. (This is also the case for other foreign languages throughout the educational system.)

Several proposals have been made to improve Arabic language instruction in the IHS. One of the proposals is to use the Arabic language as an instructional language in all IHS courses. This practice was introduced in the Christian missionary schools of the late 19^th and early 29^th countries. The practice increased rapidly in both private and public schools in the 1980s. This trend was adopted by the IHS, which began to use English and German as instructional languages in the Anadolu IHS. On the basis of this history, using the Arabic language in the IHS would provide an outstanding opportunity to master it during the student's course of study. This language proficiency would also facilitate communication between the Arabic-speaking countries and Turkey.

The junior IHS curriculum includes regular secular courses, the study of the Qur'an, and the Arabic language. Academic courses constitute 78% of the curriculum, and vocational courses make up the rest. During the author's study in the IHS in the 1970-73 academic years, cultural courses constituted 60% of the curriculum and 40% was devoted to vocational courses. A number of religious courses previously taught in the IHS have been eliminated in favour of academic courses such as Exegesis, Prophetic Tradition, Creeds, Jurisprudence and Life of the Prophet.

In the senior high division, the proportion of time devoted to vocational courses increases over four years: 31% in the 9^th and 10^th grades, 41.46% in the 11^th grade and 44% in the 12^th grade. A corresponding decrease in the number of academic courses occurs: 61% in the 9^th and 10^th grades, 51% and 49% in the 11^th and 12^th grades, respectively. Counselling and pedagogic workshops constitute 7%. Thus, there is approximately a 10 to 12 percent increase in religious subjects in the 11^th 12^th grades compared to 9^th and 10^th grades.

Designed by the Ministry of Education, this curriculum was intended to train ""enlightened" religious personnel; although there have been certain deficiencies in their training, these religious professionals have received constant public support.

Apparently, the division in the curriculum between "religious" subjects and "non-religious" subjects increased students' awareness of the dichotomy between religious and secular education. However, the religious context was designed basically for the purpose of providing fundamental knowledge of Islam, and not to change students' way of IHS is described as having a significant impact on the correct understanding and practice of Islam in its students' lives.

Despite the efforts made by the government to suppress the practice of religion, IHS students began to relate and apply their knowledge more broadly to their lives. This ran counter to the official policy spelled out in the governmental educational committees and conferences, which advocated that the teaching of Islam was a private matter, a system of beliefs and rituals that must be confined to God and the individual, such that no Islamic social and political expression was allowed. Apparently, religious subjects helped to infuse historically-maintained Islamic values into the characters and personalities of IHS students.

Since the educational modification of 1973, the IHS has officially had two functions. The first is to train religious professionals; the second is to prepare students for higher education (see chapter three). Due to the lack of information on IHS graduates in recent years, I have had to rely on much earlier information. The research indicates that in the 1984-85-86 academic years 40.44% (19,450) students were able to enrol in higher education., 23.62% (11,359) took religious positions in the PRA, and 35.94% (17.290) did not hold any kind of job. Thus, 64% of the students either continued their education or held religious positions. This percentage seem to be very high in comparison to other vocational schools (Girls' Vocational schools, 24%; Accounting schools, 34%; Technical schools, 43%).

The government-defined objectives for the IHS have been met with great success. IHS graduates have been appointed to every level of religious service and have successfully entered into a wide range of majors at the national universities. Thus, they perform a range of functions in the socio-political life of Turkey.

Let us look at the kinds of career choices IHS graduates have. A considerable number of graduates have. A considerable number of graduates began to hold religious positions following graduation. Their responsibilities were to impart the teachings of Islam to the Turkish population. Their focus was to inform Muslims and guide them through their relationship with God and other Muslims.

As of 1991, the Presidency of Religious Affairs had 74,789 personnel (84.47% of the total available positions in the PRA) to perform religious services at various levels, such as imams, müftüs, vaizs, teachers for Qur'anic Courses and administrative jobs in the Presidency of Religious Affairs. However, the presidency had 13,750 vacant positions (15.53% of the total positions) for which personnel were needed to meet the demands for religious services throughout the country. As more and more mosques are built in Turkey, public demand for religious services throughout the country. As more and more mosques are built in Turkey, public demand for religious professionals increases. The majority of religious personnel (68%) were graduates of the IHS. Those who had higher education constituted 6,101 (8%) in the presidency. As will be discussed below, a large number of IHS attended the Tfs, and it is possible to estimate that at least 70% of the higher religious personnel are IHS graduates.

The officially understood role of religious personnel is to cultivate Islamic beliefs, rituals, and values and to transmit this religious knowledge to the average citizen who may have little or no knowledge of Islam. Through the network of religious professionals, a large number of Turkish people who have no formal ties to institutional education are receiving religious instruction.

From its inception in 1951, the IHS has had good relationships with the surrounding communities that shared their beliefs and values. The IHS has remained a key institution, preserving the religious identity of the population in the face of cultural transformations. That a broad range of the population has been included in the IHS system was perhaps an inevitable consequence of the nature of this education.

With regard to the resurgence of Islam, the IHS has been considered a significant source of religious influence on the urban and rural populations of Turkey. Some observers have noted that the graduates of these schools will be the seeds of a new religious class. These observers have wondered how strong and influential IHS graduates will be in Turkish society, and what position they will take with regard to the current social and cultural transformations. These are crucial questions for the future of the Turkish Republic.

Access to higher education will eventually accelerate the involvement of IHS graduates in the socio-economic and cultural life of the country. Until 1975, the only option for IHS graduates was to go to the Yüksek Islam Enstitüleri (Higher Islamic Institutes), which had first been established in 1959 in Istanbul by the Ministry of Education. In 1982, when the number of Institutes had increased to eight (Istanbul, Konya in 1962, Kayseri in 1965, Izmir in 1966, Erzurum in 1969, Bursa in 1975, Samsun in 1976 and Yozgat in 1980), they were transformed into Theology Faculties (İlahiyat Fakülteleri) and became departments in the general university system under the centralised Higher Education Council in 1982. In recent years, some more Tfs were added for a total of 18 due the expansion of the university system. The Institutes' graduates, like those of the Tfs, had been appointed as vocational teachers in the IHS system and also as teachers of religion courses in the regular high schools. Other graduates went on to hold higher religious positions such as müftüs, vaizs and administrative jobs in the PRA, as mentioned earlier.

Before discussing the IHS graduates in higher education, it must be noted that there are not enough universities to accommodate the present demand; admission to the national universities has been, and still is, intensely competitive. The universities were only able to accommodate 23.5% of the total applicants in 1989. Earlier, this percentage was even lover; around 10% of applicants were admitted between 1977-1981. Besides the problem of limited capacity in the universities, university education has been the only form of post -secondary education available in the country. In 1987-88, 57%of all students went on to junior high, 97% went on to high school, and 23% went on to higher education. Another there hundred thousand students awaiting university admission are added every year to this crowd due to population growth.

The structure of the Turkish educational system has brought high school students seeking higher education to a very narrow door. Over a million students are waiting. In addition to the difficulties of admission, the expense required to prepare for the university entrance exam and the manpower hours lost to the economy has reached into the trillions of Turkish liras, roughly the entire budget of the Ministry of Education. This failure of the Turkish educational system results from a serious lack of effective planning and has been a huge economic loss for the country's economy.

Since 1975, the IHS graduates have successfully entered diverse majors in the national universities: Theology, Education, Economics and Public Administration, Engineering, Medicine and Law, and Political Science. In 1989, according to the University Exam Centre statistics, 22% of the IHS applicants were admitted to universities. The ratio of admission was 22 percent ( 21% male and "^% female) compared with regular high school at 23% ( excluding private and special schools). As these statistics demonstrate, IHS students had no greater difficulty than the graduates of regular high schools in obtaining admission.

According to one study, IHS graduates had no one dominant reason for choosing particular majors once admitted to the universities. Choices sometimes reflected the current popularity of a field and/or the prestige of a particular profession. For example, among IHS graduates applying to universities in 1986, medical school was the most popular major. Medicine was listed by 34.48% of these applicants as their first choice on the university examination forms. This percentage declined to 7.92% in 1988. However, the percentage listing the study of law as their first choice rose from 16.50% in 1986 to 33.16% in 1988. Public administration was the first choice of 13.00% in 1986 and 17.64% in 1988. The shift of interest was smaller for the theology faculties, which were the first choice of 6.6% in 1986 and 9.15% in 1988.

Students are placed in majors by the university exam centre, according to their test scores. This placement did not take into account students' preferences as indicated on their applications. Instead, students were assigned to majors using a predetermined formula. High-scoring students were most likely to be placed in their first-choice major.

Although all majors were theoretically open to IHS graduates, they still had a considerable degree of interest in pursuing higher religious education in the Tfs. Of all students admitted to the Tfs in 1986, 18.31% listed it as their first choice; in 1987 and 1988, 9.78% and 9.84% listed the TF as first choice. Second in popularity were the teaching-related majors, followed by law and public administration.

IHS graduates pursuing majors other than religion feel that going into secular fields benefits both religion and the country. They are eager to disprove the idea that religion is an obstacle to upward mobility and a hindrance to the improvement of Turkey as envisioned by the reformists. They believe that there is a need for people with religious identity who know religion and act according to its guidelines in every part of daily life, indicating the assimilation of Islamic teachings across the society. The views of IHS graduates, therefore, are in line with Islamic teachings about that Islam is universal and a way of life. They are in disagreement, however, with the secularist view, which confines religion to individual matters. They affirm the view that Islam does not separate the "mundane" from the "sacred", but rather puts all domains of life under its jurisdiction. In other words, according to IHS graduates, whatever profession they might pursue, it is possible and desirable to take the religious guidelines with them.

It is important to note here that Mustafa Önder Kıyıklık, a graduate of the Kartal IHS in Istanbul, obtained the best score among the 1,200.000 nation-wide contenders in the 1994-1995 academic year on the university entrance exam. This stunning victory for the IHS shocked its opponents, for the obvious reason that there were hundreds of regular, private and special high schools whose aims have been nothing else but to prepare students for higher education. The IHS system challenges them with its ability to compete with any high school in the country--including special and prestigious schools—on the basis academic achievement.

Originally, the secularist perception of academic achievement was that studying religion would automatically put students behind in pursuit of academic achievements and opportunities for the future. This was proven incorrect in light of the accomplishment mentioned above. It appears that this academic accomplishment was not the first, nor will it be the last. Students attend the IHS to learn about their religion and to cultivate their religious identity. To the credit of their schools, they have proven themselves capable of functioning successfully in whatever profession they hold. For example, Kenan Evren was the head of a military coup in 1980, which imposed a restriction against opening any new IHSs until the year 2000; he later became president of Turkey from 1982 to 1989. When he needed to defend himself in a lawsuit, he chose one of the best lawyers in the country, who happened to be an IHS graduate.

Part of the IHS identity formation consists in building not only confidence, but actual success. Being able to function in any given profession with—and indeed because of their religious orientation reflects the fulfilment of the desires of most of the Turkish people. They seek to educate the younger generation in religious values while training them simultaneously to be good administrator's, doctors, lawyers and engineers.

In conclusion, the expansion of the IHS system was a result of endless sacrifices undertaken by a large segment of the Turkish people. They have contributed financial support for the IHS buildings, dormitories, and practice mosques, and providing scholarships and educational equipment. These IHS supporters accomplished all this without seeking any financial gain for themselves . They were interested in facilitating the religious education of an increasing number of Turkish children and not interested in personal wealth.

Since the beginning , the IHS has managed to attract an ever increasing number of students from diverse social backgrounds. However. Most students' fathers were wage-workers or civil servants, from lover-middle class families with an elementary level education or lees. A large proportion were on the poverty line.

In particular, the IHS contributed to the increased opportunities for girls' education in the 1970s and 1980s. Despite parental reluctance to send their daughters to school, the conducive environment and the kind of education provided in the IHS boosted the enrolment of female students in these institutions over time.

According to my findings, students' determination to attend the IHS was very happy attending the IHS and successful in assimilating its religious values and teachings. This is reflected in students' willingness to recommend the IHS to friends and relatives.

Religious education as provided in the IHS was the driving force behind the expansion and rapid growth of these institutions. Through a combination of basic academic courses and religious courses, the IHS curriculum aims to prepare students for future religious positions and to equip them with the same academic knowledge they would obtain in regular schools. Although the religious courses were designed simply to provide information about religion, these courses influenced the students' character development and their way of thinking, contrary to the expectations of official policies.

When students graduate from the IHS, they usually hold religious positions transmitting religious teachings to the people, or they go into higher education. A considerable number of students pursue higher religious education in the Tfs. Many others pursue higher education in all majors. Even switching to a secular major appears not to turn them from the education they received in the IHS. On the contrary, these students continue to hold Islamic values and to disseminate Islamic teachings in all domains of life. They are symbolic of religiously-educated people capable of success in any field.

The conviction the lack of religious education was a factor in the growing moral decay resurfaced after the transition to a multi-party system in 1945. As a result of public pressure, religious courses were reintroduced into the elementary school on a voluntary basis. The Republican People's Party, even though it had held a militant secularist stance for more than a quarter of a century, re-established the Theology Faculty to train high-level religious personnel and religious scholars.

At the same time, the government planned the Imam-Hatip schools in order to meet the demand for religious functionaries such as imams and hatips. The question was how to accommodate religious education within the country's secularist system of education. The secularist answer was to introduce them as vocational schools. Another concern was raised about whether to put the Imam-Hatip schools under the jurisdiction of the Presidency of Religious Affairs or the Ministry of Education. The secularists insisted that these schools must be under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education in order to preserve the unified system of education and so as not to create a dual education system. The desire for control over religious education was a major motivation in the government's search for a unified system of education

The Imam-Hatip Schools began to attract the attention of an ever-increasing number of students. Parents sending their children to the Imam-Hatip schools wanted them to acquire a solid background in both religious and academic knowledge. Certainly they had no intention of neglecting basic academics in favour of religious education. Therefore, parents considered the combined curriculum of the Imam-Hatip schools to be the best option for their children’s education.

The Imam-Hatip school system has achieved remarkable success in the 44 years of its history. It began by educating 874 students at 7 Imam-Hatip schools. This was a modest beginning, much less than 1% of the total number of students in secondary level schools in 1951. By 1995, the number of schools increased to 395 with 476, 176 students, almost 7% of the total number of students in both junior and senior high schools. This remarkable achievement, especially given its history of struggle, carried with it a high expectation for the future of socio-political developments in Turkey. As we have seen, people wanted to see the Imam-Hatip school graduates well equipped in both religious and worldly matters, able to hold either religious or non-religious positions, and able to contribute productively to the future of the country.

The Imam-Hatip school graduates have gone for to fulfil the dreams of their supporters. First, religious life has been irrevocably shaped by the Imam-Hatip school graduates who have become the backbone of the Presidency of Religious Affairs, holding positions such as imams, müftüs, vaizs and teachers of Qur'anic courses. Their task has been to educate the Turkish population according to the teachings of the Islamic religion, and to transmit religious knowledge to the people. In fulfilling these responsibilities, the Imam-Hatip school graduates have played a major role in preserving the religious identity of the public in the midst of acute cultural transformations.

Imam-Hatip school graduates who pursued higher education in the Theology Faculties have been appointed to positions teaching vocational courses in the Imam-Hatip schools and religion courses in the regular secondary schools. Almost all junior high and senior high students have been taught religion by Imam-Hatip school graduates as part of the curriculum in the schools since 1982. Moreover, graduates of the Imam-Hatip schools have become the founders and writers of religiously-oriented magazines, journals, newspapers and publishing houses, promoting Turkey's Islamic heritage.

People's aspirations were further realised when Imam-Hatip school graduates became eligible to attend universities. These graduates have successfully entered all major in higher education and have become teachers, professors, doctors, engineers, economists, civil servants at every level of the bureaucracy, lawyers, judges and governors.

Furthermore, it is not unusual to come across graduates of Imam-Hatip schools pursuing master's and doctoral degrees in economics, biology, mechanical and environmental engineering, English literature and the humanities, even in Philadelphia-area universities. Many have been honoured to receive competitive scholarships from governmental sources and prestigious awards to pursue further education, even in foreign countries. This amply demonstrates the ability of Imam-Hatip school students to compete successfully with graduates of any other general high school program.

Especially, today, Turkey cannot have a comprehensive educational policy in the absence of religious teachings and fundamental principles of morality. Obviously, education should not only fill the minds of students with information, but also develop proper social conduct and religious precepts in the lives of the younger generation. Education must be conceived in a broader context in order to foster common ideas, values, aspirations and loyalties and to develop national identity and unity.

The lack of spiritual and metaphysical dimensions in secular education should be overcome by teaching the values found in the Imam-Hatip school system. The adoption of western ideals and methods in national education should be reduced to a minimum by retaining only the critical method of teaching and eliminating memorisation. The native-born Imam-Hatip school system has provided a genuine alternative to imitation of the West. The Imam-Hatip school as a system has proven itself by producing trustworthy students who are fully dedicated and responsible to their religion, society and nation.

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