Israelis and Palestinians today to a great extent face the same situation that Judah Magnes and his friends wanted to solve in another way more than 60 years ago. ...

But the binational idea deserves more than the 400 pages of this book, because in spite of its marginal nature, the subject refuses to disappear from public discourse, and like its opposite - the idea of "transfer" - it emerges repeatedly, both in Israel and among the Palestinians, in almost every fundamental discussion about the future of the relations between them. That is happening, of course, because Israelis and Palestinians have not yet succeeded in organizing their relations, and to a great extent are facing the same situation that Magnes and his friends wanted to solve in another way.

For that purpose they resorted to rather complex ideological acrobatics: The Zionist movement, they said, basing themselves on Ahad Ha'am (Asher Ginsberg, the foremost advocate of cultural Zionism), doesn't have a monopoly on Jewish nationalism. As liberal religious people, they believed that Jewish national identity is not conditional on the Jews dispossessing the Arabs. Heller believes that this is a legitimate approach, and even acknowledges its morality, but doesn't tend to give it a place in the Zionist world, in my opinion rightfully: Anyone who doesn't believe in a Jewish majority is not a Zionist - at least not according to the accepted Israeli definition of Zionism.

Basically, Heller has recorded a conflict between pessimists and optimists. The Zionists didn't believe in the possibility that the Arabs would accept them, and therefore reached the conclusion that prevails until today: Only Israel's power of deterrence will convince the Arabs to let it exist. That is also what Dayan said in his lecture. But if Zionism prevents a peaceful future - perhaps it isn't worth the price. Some of those espousing the binational idea did in fact believe that, writes Heller, and left the country, or didn't settle here in the first place.

Today it's easier to leave; the Canadian embassy in Tel Aviv offers good emigration programs. In order for young people to want to build their lives in Israel, they must first of all believe in the possibility that there will be peace. The belief in coexistence and in peace reflects an optimistic approach to life; perhaps it is no coincidence that even today, it is adopted mainly by people who have a good life overall - like the people who established Peace Now and read Haaretz.

A cruel paradox has brought about a situation in which the Israeli peace movement was forced to adopt the principle of separation, including the fence, whereas people who want to remove the Arabs from the country settled among the Arabs.

Both these groups consider their activities an expression of true Zionism. Stern might have rejected the disengagement plan of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and the dismantling of the settlements, always hoping for coexistence. He was against barriers, like the handful of people who even today favor a binational future. They are not Zionists; perhaps Zionism requires a new definition. Heller is not in favor of that, but his book is likely to be instrumental in bringing it about.