Tuesday, Jan. 20, 1998 Building's sale to Bush's partners loses millions for teachers' fund Spokesman says governor had no knowledge of the investment, part of a blind trust Associated Press ************************************************************************************************************** HOUSTON - The pension fund for Texas teachers lost $44 million in 1996 with the sale of an Austin office building to a firm run by three business partners of Gov. George W. Bush, the Houston Chronicle reported Monday. Bush officials say the governor could not have known of the sale because his investments have been kept in a blind trust since his 1994 election. About 800,000 teachers depend on the Texas Teachers Retirement System, which sold the Frost Bank Plaza building in 1996 to Crescent Real Estate Equities, a Fort Worth real estate investment trust. The 1994 trust was formed by several of Bush's business partners in the Texas Rangers baseball team, including Fort Worth millionaire investor Richard Rainwater. Crescent's top operating officers, President Gerald Haddock and Vice President John Goff, also are part-owners of the Rangers. ``The governor's investments are in a blind trust and he does not know what's in that trust,'' said Ray Sullivan, a Bush spokesman. ``He had no knowledge of the building transaction and was not involved in any way. It's outrageous and false to suggest any link between the governor and the sale of this building.'' In 1984, the pension fund loaned $60 million on the building to a political ally of Democratic Gov. Mark White. When White's friend fell victim to the real estate bust in the late 1980s, the pension fund repossessed the building with nearly $49 million outstanding on the loan. The fund then had to put $50 million into major structural repairs. Of the $99 million investment, the pension fund recouped approximately $55 million in rents, interest from the loan, and the $36 million sale price when TRS sold the property to Crescent. That left a $44 million loss on the project, according to TRS records examined by the newspaper. Despite the loss, the pension fund has made more than $166 million in the sale of 16 foreclosed properties, including the Frost Bank Plaza. Bush was managing partner of the Rangers until he became governor. The Rangers last week announced a proposed team sale that would net Bush about $10 million if it's approved later this year by major league baseball. Garry Mauro, the Texas land commissioner who is seeking the Democratic nomination to run against Republican Bush this fall, said Bush's business partnership reinforces what most people think - that government only helps the rich and powerful. ``At the very least, Texans ought to expect their governor to pledge not to do business with the state,'' Mauro said. ``People today think that only rich and powerful people are affected by government, and this is one more example.''
************************************************************************************************************** SAN ANTONIO EXPRESS-NEWS SURVEY FUELS DEBATE OVER DROPOUTS; S.A. REPORT DIFFERS FROM TEA DATA Saturday, October 30, 1999 Section: A SECTION Edition: METRO Page: 01A Cecilia Balli, Express-News Staff Writer Illustration: Express-News Graphic
Two of every five students who enter a Texas public high school never receive a diploma, and half of those who are lost are Hispanic, according to a study by the Intercultural Development Research Association. IDRA, a San Antonio think tank that studies education equity issues, found in its 1999 attrition study that nearly 152,000 students who entered high school in the 1995-96 school year weren't enrolled at the end of last year, when they should have been seniors.
The percentage of dropouts was greater for minorities, the study found. Fifty-three percent of Hispanic and 48 percent of African-American students never made it through the system, compared with 31 percent of Anglos.
And boys left school at a larger rate than girls - 45 percent versus 38 percent. "In many cases, from the research we've done on why they leave school, they leave because they're not being successful," said Albert Cortez, director of the agency's Institute for Policy and Leadership. "And the reason they're not being successful is because schools are not providing the programs they need." IDRA, credited with prompting the state to begin keeping count of dropouts, has completed the same attrition study for 13 years, and found that the rate of students who never finish school has increased by 9 percentage points since 1985-86. Its analysis is one of three such attempts to figure out how many Texas students drop out of school. Studies by the Texas Education Agency and the National Center for Educational Statistics have offered more optimistic numbers. TEA officials cautioned Friday that IDRA's study doesn't track individual kids or consider that students leave the system to be home-schooled, enroll in a private school or pursue a General Educational Development (GED) certificate. "It doesn't say anything about why those students left the system," said Chriss Cloudt, TEA associate commissioner for policy, research and planning. "You can't necessarily assume that the difference (in enrollments) represents the students you lose to the system for dropping out. They may not be there for a variety of reasons." But Uri Treisman, director of the University of Texas' Charles A. Dana Center, which does research on Texas schools, said the magnitude of IDRA's study lies beyond disagreements over calculations. "What IDRA has done is a major public service in keeping the issue of dropouts - which is a horrible issue and a major issue facing Texas education, in my view - in the public's eye, and we owe them an enormous debt," Treisman said. "You need groups like IDRA, who have the independence and the courage, to tell the true story." How the story unfolded While dropout figures put out by any source today are immediately questioned, they are numbers that weren't available as recently as last decade. In the early 1980s, Cortez said, IDRA researchers were studying successful schools.
But when they asked for information about who was graduating, school administrators had little to provide, and explained they weren't required to track those figures. With a push from several legislators, including then state Sen. Ciro Rodriguez of San Antonio, the state passed a law in 1986 that required TEA to collect and calculate dropout rates each year and by class from seventh grade through the 12th grade. The law requires the state reduce its four-year, or "longitudinal," dropout rate to less than 5 percent by 2000. Under the accountability system used to monitor school performance, TEA considers annual dropout rates along with test scores and attendance when grading campuses. But dropout numbers are reported by individual school districts - in most cases by counselors - making it difficult to verify how many, and why, students abandon school.
Last school year, then-Education Commissioner Mike Moses announced the state would use a new recording system known as the "leaver report," which would force school staff to provide a specific reason for why each student left. Poor reporting would have a consequence in that districts that didn't account for a significant number of students who left school would be rated "unacceptable" for poor data collection.
Sixteen districts received that slap this fall, including Austin, Fort Worth, El Paso, Houston, Arlington and Ysleta. The Travis County Attorney is investigating the Austin School District, which TEA says didn't account for almost 17 percent of students who left school, on charges that it tampered with student information. But while many had thought the new report would reveal an alarmingly higher dropout figure, TEA concluded the annual dropout figure in 1997-98 remained the same as the previous year - 1.6 percent. Cortez believes the reason is the "leaver" system gave districts new categories under which to excuse students who left school without counting them as dropouts.
The system, for example, doesn't count as dropouts students who said they were returning to their home country or leaving school to get a GED. "The state is facilitating the process by playing with definitions and creating categories that allow districts to get small numbers as a result," Cortez said.
"So the state facilitates some things and the districts basically follow suit. It sets up a situation where districts can be encouraged to underreport." The state has an extensive data collection system that allows the state to track individual students as they progress through school, but he said TEA is not capitalizing on it to truly address the dropout problem. "Our running battle with the state," Cortez said, "is that we feel rather than reducing the number of dropouts, the basic game has been about reducing the dropout numbers." The future of reporting TEA officials see things differently. As the tracking system becomes more sophisticated, Cloudt said, the state is moving away from counting any student that leaves a school as a dropout.
For example, if a district reports that a student has withdrawn, TEA employees can crosscheck other data sets to determine whether he or she enrolled somewhere else, or eventually completed a GED. "We built a data system that includes a whole series of checks," Cloudt said. "I know of very few states that can do that." "To some extent," she said, "I think our numbers get questioned because we have a system that permits us to do more accurate counts than other states ... It has a lot to do with the fact of how good our data system is." Cloudt said TEA found 90.7 percent of students who were seniors in 1997-98 and freshmen three years earlier completed school, although that doesn't mean they all received a high school diploma. Accounting for students since the seventh grade, she said, the state determined their six-year dropout rate was 14.7 percent that same year. In 1985, the National Center for Education Statistics found Texas had a dropout rate two-thirds that of Florida and New York, which also have large enrollments and comparable demographics. Meanwhile, Treisman said, "everyone connected to education knows this is a massive problem." While the state has focused extensively on raising standardized test scores, it appears its new preoccupation quickly is becoming dropouts - at least how to track them. Last month, State Comptroller Carole Keeton Rylander announced her office would investigate how districts report dropouts. And two different legislative groups - the Senate Education Committee and a group composed of members of TEA, of the Legislative Budget Board and of the State Auditor's Office - are holding interim hearings and discussions to decide how to tackle the issue in the next legislative session. Treisman said while he hopes for better data collection, ultimately the focus should shift to how to save the faces that are masked by the numbers.
"Some people see conspiracy everywhere. What I look for is what I can use to make the system better," he said.
"Dropouts, this, that - yes, big problem," Treisman said. "Now let's work on it."
************************************************************************************************************** The Education Governor Will Bush rob school kids to pay for a tax cut? by Louis Dubose
In its relationship with Governor George W. Bush, the Capitol press corps is usually well-behaved. That, in part, is because the Governor has eliminated the adversarial relationship that normally separates the press from elected officials. The Governor, in fact, is so amiable that he is disarming, often departing a press conference with a friendly gesture - while Press Secretary Karen Hughes hangs on to fight with reporters.
Hughes is rarely reluctant to fight. When the Governor released his budget in January, the pack got a little unruly and pressed him about his failure to include in the budget the sales tax holiday he had promised while campaigning. After the Governor departed, Hughes spent ten minutes with reporters, arguing that Governor Bush had made no promises while campaigning but only stated the positions he supported. "In the future, we'll have to say, 'He broke a campaign position,'" a wire service reporter told an angry Hughes.
Yet now and again - despite best the efforts of Karen Hughes - reporters insist that the Governor answer a question he clearly doesn't wish to answer. Such was the case on the ante-penultimate day of the session, when Governor Bush invited reporters in for a bill signing - in this instance, the Children's Health Insurance Program bill.
Press coverage during a legislative session is event-driven and immediate, so by the end of May no one seemed too interested in the fact that in February the Governor had tried to set CHIP eligibility levels so high that 200,000 of the 500,000 children who will now be covered by the bill's provisions would have been excluded.
What mattered at the moment was that the end of the session was two days away, and a House-Senate conference committee was deadlocked over different versions of the education bill. To break the impasse, Senate Republicans had proposed taking $250 million out of kindergarten and pre-kindergarten, and remedial programs for ninth graders - in order to have enough money to fund tax cuts the Governor had promised (or positioned) when the session began. Reporters wanted the Governor to take a position on cutting kindergarten funding to provide more money for the $2 billion that he wanted in tax cuts. One reporter after another asked him about kindergarten vs. tax cuts, but it seemed the Governor didn't want to define a position or make a promise:
What do you think about taking a quarter of a million dollars out of the education bill and putting it into tax cuts?
Negotiations are still ongoing, when it comes to the final form of the education bill. Let's just see what happens. I'm confident I'm going to have a good education bill that I'll be able to sign. I believe we are going to have a very good education package that will have teacher pay, and good strong property tax cuts, as well as sales tax cuts and business tax cuts.
If you had to choose between tax cuts and kindergarten, what would it be?
I think it's best, that you'll see, as the day works, you will see we will end up with a good package that all of Texas can live with.
Is mandatory kindergarten important to you?
Mandatory kindergarten will not be in the bill. That's already been decided.
What is your position on mandatory kindergarten?
I'll be happy with the bill if it doesn't have mandatory kindergarten.
What's wrong with mandatory kindergarten?
We can't afford it in the state of Texas. As I understand it, about 85 percent, as I understand it, 80 percent of the children go to kindergarten anyway.
Why can't we afford it?
Because there's other priorities, as well. I think the thing to do is wait and see how the bill comes out of the conference committee. And wait and see that the bill will be good for Texas.
But in your priorities, tax cuts are more important than mandatory kindergarten.
My priority is a fully financed education system should go hand in hand with tax cuts. Wait until you see what the product is before you are guessing. I know you're anxious.
But there will be tax cuts and there won't be mandatory kindergarten.
There will not be mandatory kindergarten. That decision was made a couple of weeks ago.
So in your priorities, tax cuts are more important than mandatory kindergarten?
My priority is education funding. There's $3.8 billion up for education funding. My priority is teacher pay. My priority is social promotion. My priority is tax cuts. And I think that we're going to end up with a good session.
[Karen Hughes, interjecting: Let me make sure everybody understands. If any school district chooses to have mandatory all-day kindergarten, the state funds that right now. That is already in the state budget, right now.]
Don't [some schools] choose not to have it because they don't have enough money?
Governor Bush: Most schools do. This issue - let's wait and see how the bill turns out - I think we are going to have a good bill.
Governor, some people are saying that you are indecisive and refuse to take a position, as you did on the Hate Crimes Bill. Here you are not saying whether you support that $250 million dollars being taken out of education and put toward tax cuts.
This is an ever-changing process. People can say what they want to say. I think when it is all said and done, you can talk to the people who were involved in the process. I've stated my opinions, and I've laid out an agenda that's good for Texas. And we'll see what part of the agenda is enacted into law.
Kevin Bailey is not so circumspect, and he's not running for president. The Houston Democrat, who chairs the progressive Legislative Study Group, said that "taking money from kindergarten to use it for tax cuts is bad policy." Bailey said there was no disagreement in the L.S.G., the House Black Caucus, and the House Mexican-American Caucus: "Everybody agreed - as far as I know there was complete consensus - that we were not going to support taking money away from kindergarten, pre-K and remedial programs for ninth-graders, to pay for tax cuts." The L.S.G. urged House Public Education Committee Chair Paul Sadler to oppose the Republican raid on kindergarten funding in the conference committee. Sadler prevailed.
During floor debate a week earlier, Dallas Democrat Domingo García, in the cliché of the session, had "raised the bar" on kindergarten, arguing that Bush's tax giveback to homeowners was not warranted when many children in the state do not have access to kindergarten. García had the Texas Education Agency run the numbers to determine what fully funded mandatory kindergarten for all children in the state would cost, and he made his proposal in an amendment to the education bill. "For $1.2 billion," García said, "we could provide free kindergarten for every child in the state of Texas. And we could reduce the class size from kindergarten through fourth grade to eighteen students per teacher."
The amendment failed. "At least it demonstrated what we could be getting for the money the Governor is using for tax cuts," García said.
The Governor's tax giveback, for this biennium, will be almost $2 billion.
- L.D. ************************************************************************************************************** Send ’Em Back to School Will school kids suffer for Bush's tax cut? by Molly Ivins
If the unofficial motto of the 76th session is Let’s Not Embarrass the Governor, we’re not doing real well here. The Gang That Couldn’t Legislate Straight fell to and fouled up the governor’s tax plan this month – and that was just the Republicans.
The plan to make a few selected cuts in the sales tax – diapers, school supplies, over-the-counter meds – sort of got away from everybody, and what was supposed to be a $178 million package suddenly more than doubled, to a $450 million package. On the theory that any tax cut is a good tax cut, House Republicans decided to exempt "small businesses" from the franchise tax if their annual gross revenue is a mere $250,000 – rather a jump from a previous proposal of $100,000.
In the excitement of exempting this, that, and the other, in no coherent pattern, the Rs thereby put a serious dent in the monies available for the Governor’s cherished $2 billion property-tax cut. The Republican-controlled Senate has passed a $1.1 billion property-tax relief bill, and the House was considering a $480 million plan – until the Republicans spent a bunch of it on other tax cuts previously uncontemplated. Representative Kenny Marchant, chairman of the House Republican caucus, said any tax cut is a good tax cut, and he doesn’t think they jeopardized the Governor’s plan at all. Okay.
The trouble with the Guv’s plan is that the numbers never did add up, from the beginning. Unless he’s willing to take it all away from the schools – and he keeps saying education is his most important priority – a big cut is not there. The latest word is that Bush is threatening to call a special session if he doesn’t get his $2 billion property-tax cut.
Part of the problem is our school finance system – the one we so notably failed to reform last session. If you try raising teacher pay statewide, in some cases you end up increasing the inequities in per-pupil funding, once more triggering the involvement of the federal courts, on the grounds that the whole system is so grossly unfair that it’s unconstitutional. Texas doesn’t even have fully funded kindergarten yet, not to mention a few other needs, like repairing buildings that are falling apart, making classes smaller, equalizing the fiscal gaps between districts and, oh yes, paying teachers more.
Chapter XI of the House Appropriations Bill is where items "considered to be desirable and necessary, but not budgeted elsewhere in this Act" get put. Both education and health and human services are in this category. The total in Chapter XI for the next biennium is $6.8 billion. Education funding is short $2.97 billion; health and human services $2.72 billion short – out of a theoretical "surplus" of $5.6 billion, of which Bush wants a $2 billion tax cut. You figure it out. Also on the "wish list" in Chapter XI is protection of natural resources – $212.5 million short.
Texas is last – fiftieth – the absolute dead last of all states, in per capita government spending. You want low taxes, low services? We’ve got the lowest services there are. There is nowhere with lower per-head spending than our state, and yet the Governor’s highest priority is a tax cut. We’re thirty-eighth in teacher salaries, forty-seventh in spending on social services, and forty-ninth in spending on environmental protection.
Just consider the pathetic matter of funding a full day of kindergarten for Texas kids – it would cost about $165 million a year, which truly is peanuts. Think about everything you know about how important it is for kids to get ready to read, why Head Start works so well, all the research showing the importance of early childhood development. Does anyone ever ask what the cost of not having kindergarten is to our kids?
In a discouraging session, perhaps the lowest point was the hearing on Senator Rodney Ellis’ bill to exempt the mentally retarded (I.Q. under 65) from execution. Try to think of some arguments for executing the mentally retarded. Our old friend Representative Arlene Wohlgemuth, she of the legislative terror tactics, argued against a resolution simply noting that 1.5 million Texas children do not have health insurance. She said we cannot assume that children are poor just because they have no health insurance: "Their parents might be making $10,000 a year. Or they might be making $1 million a year. It is still our right in this country not to have health insurance." So there. Special credit goes to the nine Republican House members who not only voted for the James Byrd Jr. hate-crimes bill, but also helped make the debate on it one of the few impressive moments of the session. The bill finally died, reportedly because Bush didn’t want to sign it or veto it – because it includes protections for homosexuals, which angers the religious right. His sound bite on the subject is: "All crimes are hate crimes." Forgery? Embezzlement? Armed robbery? Prostitution? Oh, well.
Molly Ivins is a former Observer editor and a columnist for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. Her latest book is You Got to Dance With Them What Brung You. You may write to her via e-mail at mollyivins@star-telegram.com.
| County Name | Black | White | Hispanic | Total |
| Anderson | 52 | 32 | 73 | 40 |
| Andrews | 19 | 21 | 44 | 31 |
| Angelina | 18 | 23 | 42 | 25 |
| Aransas | 57 | 42 | 54 | 45 |
| Archer | . | 24 | ** | 22 |
| Armstrong | . | 19 | 50 | 21 |
| Atascosa | ** | 12 | 39 | 29 |
| Austin | 49 | 24 | 53 | 33 |
| Bailey | 58 | 23 | 49 | 38 |
| Bandera | 100 | 36 | 43 | 38 |
| Bastrop | 49 | 33 | 56 | 41 |
| Baylor | 100 | 17 | 75 | 25 |
| Bee | 47 | 28 | 52 | 43 |
| Bell | 43 | 27 | 47 | 34 |
| Bexar | 46 | 28 | 50 | 44 |
| Blanco | 50 | 15 | 53 | 43 |
| Borden | . | 41 | 33 | 41 |
| Bosque | 41 | 19 | 43 | 24 |
| Bowie | 40 | 24 | 54 | 30 |
| Brazoria | 49 | 42 | 58 | 47 |
| Brazos | 53 | 26 | 56 | 40 |
| Brewster | . | 29 | 24 | 27 |
| Briscoe | 100 | ** | 73 | 21 |
| Brooks | 50 | 54 | 47 | 47 |
| Brown | 46 | 34 | 45 | 36 |
| Burleson | 33 | 28 | 44 | 32 |
| Burnet | 50 | 39 | 57 | 43 |
| Caldwell | 49 | 36 | 56 | 46 |
| Calhoun | 71 | 42 | 71 | 57 |
| Callahan | 100 | 27 | 24 | 27 |
| Cameron | 65 | 34 | 56 | 55 |
| Camp | 16 | 27 | 84 | 30 |
| Carson | * | 4 | 20 | 5 |
| Cass | 20 | 20 | 51 | 20 |
| Castro | 7 | ** | 28 | 19 |
| Chambers | 36 | 27 | 36 | 29 |
| Cherokee | 24 | 33 | 67 | 35 |
| Childress | 35 | 16 | 23 | 20 |
| Clay | . | 23 | 47 | 24 |
| Cochran | 20 | 19 | 45 | 36 |
| Coke | 92 | 20 | 49 | 46 |
| Coleman | ** | 13 | 15 | 13 |
| Collin | 44 | 28 | 45 | 31 |
| Collingsworth | 29 | ** | 40 | 15 |
| Colorado | 44 | 17 | 60 | 33 |
| Comal | 53 | 33 | 56 | 40 |
| Comanche | . | 15 | 43 | 25 |
| Concho | . | 5 | 15 | 11 |
| Cooke | 56 | 28 | 66 | 32 |
| Coryell | 45 | 30 | 42 | 35 |
| Cottle | 48 | 11 | 19 | 18 |
| Crane | 29 | 18 | 36 | 27 |
| Crockett | . | 15 | 19 | 19 |
| Crosby | 39 | 0 | 38 | 28 |
| Culberson | . | 52 | 30 | 33 |
| Dallam | ** | 19 | 42 | 25 |
| Dallas | 51 | 32 | 64 | 47 |
| Dawson | ** | 12 | 42 | 30 |
| Deaf Smith | ** | 8 | 48 | 35 |
| Delta | 23 | 20 | 0 | 37 |
| Denton | 44 | 34 | 54 | 37 |
| Dewitt | 65 | 19 | 50 | 35 |
| Dickens | . | ** | 7 | ** |
| Dimmit | ** | 26 | 34 | 32 |
| Donley | 12 | 18 | 38 | 18 |
| Duval | . | 42 | 29 | 30 |
| Eastland | 33 | 26 | 39 | 28 |
| Ector | 49 | 32 | 54 | 42 |
| Edwards | . | 32 | 17 | 26 |
| Ellis | 44 | 35 | 58 | 40 |
| El Paso | 41 | 26 | 43 | 40 |
| Erath | 44 | 29 | 61 | 35 |
| Falls | 43 | 34 | 55 | 41 |
| Fannin | 37 | 24 | 56 | 27 |
| Fayette | 39 | 20 | 57 | 28 |
| Fisher | 100 | 10 | 54 | 28 |
| Floyd | 47 | 28 | 45 | 39 |
| Foard | ** | ** | 48 | 7 |
| Fort Bend | 46 | 33 | 58 | 42 |
| Franklin | 46 | 25 | 48 | 29 |
| Freestone | 17 | 22 | 36 | 21 |
| Frio | 100 | ** | 37 | 32 |
| Gaines | 47 | 31 | 43 | 37 |
| Galveston | 48 | 35 | 60 | 41 |
| Garza | 50 | 24 | 34 | 29 |
| Gillespie | 60 | 27 | 57 | 35 |
| Glasscock | . | 22 | 59 | 38 |
| Goliad | 14 | 26 | 42 | 30 |
| Gonzales | 56 | 30 | 46 | 40 |
| Gray | 31 | 19 | 31 | 22 |
| Grayson | 45 | 33 | 58 | 36 |
| Gregg | 44 | 29 | 61 | 35 |
| Grimes | 55 | 34 | 62 | 46 |
| Guadalupe | 51 | 36 | 62 | 48 |
| Hale | 48 | 18 | 48 | 38 |
| Hall | 10 | ** | 47 | 26 |
| Hamilton | . | 20 | 52 | 24 |
| Hansford | . | 11 | 38 | 20 |
| Hardeman | ** | 9 | 56 | 18 |
| Hardin | 36 | 28 | 41 | 29 |
| Harris | 49 | 32 | 60 | 46 |
| Harrison | 45 | 39 | 70 | 11 |
| Hartley | . | 19 | 100 | 30 |
| Haskell | 25 | 2 | 27 | 10 |
| Hays | 52 | 34 | 61 | 46 |
| Hemphill | 100 | 26 | 75 | 50 |
| Henderson | 22 | 29 | 62 | 31 |
| Hidalgo | 30 | 22 | 51 | 50 |
| Hill | 49 | 26 | 59 | 34 |
| Hockley | 19 | 4 | 38 | 21 |
| Hood | 100 | 35 | 51 | 36 |
| Hopkins | 18 | 24 | 46 | 25 |
| Houston | 46 | 26 | 76 | 36 |
| Howard | 50 | 27 | 53 | 38 |
| Hudspeth | . | 12 | 34 | 29 |
| Hunt | 55 | 30 | 62 | 36 |
| Hutchinson | 11 | 19 | 40 | 21 |
| Irion | . | 17 | 41 | 23 |
| Jack | 25 | 17 | 11 | 18 |
| Jackson | 20 | 22 | 48 | 30 |
| Jasper | 37 | 28 | 71 | 32 |
| Jeff Davis | 100 | 57 | 40 | 57 |
| Jefferson | 52 | 29 | 64 | 43 |
| Jim Hogg | . | 43 | 27 | 28 |
| Jim Wells | 68 | 13 | 37 | 32 |
| Johnson | 54 | 40 | 60 | 43 |
| Jones | 3 | 22 | 31 | 23 |
| Karnes | 35 | 28 | 41 | 36 |
| Kaufman | 58 | 41 | 60 | 45 |
| Kendall | 0 | 38 | 66 | 44 |
| Kent | 0 | 27 | ** | 7 |
| Kerr | 6 | 35 | 61 | 42 |
| Kimble | . | 45 | 65 | 51 |
| King | . | 46 | . | 47 |
| Kinney | 100 | 13 | 37 | 31 |
| Kleberg | 60 | 18 | 62 | 53 |
| Knox | ** | 20 | 41 | 27 |
| Lamar | 28 | 30 | 38 | 29 |
| Lamb | 19 | 12 | 43 | 30 |
| Lampasas | 53 | 23 | 57 | 32 |
| La Salle | 91 | 30 | 46 | 46 |
| Lavaca | 48 | 14 | 66 | 23 |
| Lee | 47 | 21 | 64 | 35 |
| Leon | 16 | 32 | 42 | 31 |
| Liberty | 35 | 34 | 70 | 38 |
| Limestone | 17 | 27 | 44 | 27 |
| Lipscomb | . | 11 | 11 | 12 |
| Live Oak | 64 | 25 | 49 | 38 |
| Llano | . | 39 | 62 | 41 |
| Lubbock | 30 | 18 | 46 | 30 |
| Lynn | 29 | 24 | 16 | 20 |
| Madison | 42 | 29 | 54 | 35 |
| Marion | 38 | 40 | 40 | 39 |
| Martin | ** | 9 | 57 | 34 |
| Mason | ** | 9 | 28 | 13 |
| Matagorda | 38 | 24 | 50 | 35 |
| Maverick | . | 39 | 42 | 42 |
| McColluch | 44 | 15 | 41 | 24 |
| McLennan | 43 | 33 | 59 | 40 |
| McMullen | . | 35 | 34 | 33 |
| Medina | 24 | 27 | 46 | 37 |
| Menard | . | 42 | 19 | 31 |
| Midland | 45 | 21 | 53 | 35 |
| Milam | 34 | 26 | 57 | 35 |
| Mills | 100 | 17 | 28 | 21 |
| Mitchell | 8 | 13 | 31 | 20 |
| Montague | . | 24 | 57 | 26 |
| Montgomery | 33 | 34 | 56 | 37 |
| Moore | 60 | 24 | 56 | 40 |
| Morris | 31 | 27 | 72 | 31 |
| Motley | . | ** | 35 | ** |
| Nacogdoches | 46 | 24 | 59 | 33 |
| Navarro | 46 | 33 | 61 | 39 |
| Newton | 26 | 30 | 60 | 29 |
| Nolan | 52 | 29 | 50 | 37 |
| Nueces | 51 | 31 | 48 | 43 |
| Ochiltree | . | 32 | 57 | 39 |
| Oldham | . | 6 | 14 | 10 |
| Orange | 42 | 30 | 56 | 31 |
| Palo Pinto | ** | 33 | 53 | 34 |
| Panola | 40 | 34 | 61 | 37 |
| Parker | 62 | 38 | 63 | 40 |
| Parmer | 72 | 12 | 36 | 28 |
| Pecos | 88 | 14 | 31 | 29 |
| Polk | 14 | 45 | 52 | 42 |
| Potter | 51 | 36 | 62 | 44 |
| Presidio | . | 25 | 45 | 44 |
| Rains | 39 | 47 | 64 | 48 |
| Randall | 68 | 25 | 54 | 29 |
| Reagan | 33 | 4 | 31 | 20 |
| Real | . | 41 | ** | 32 |
| Red River | 33 | 36 | 74 | 37 |
| Reeves | 22 | 18 | 49 | 46 |
| Refugio | 8 | ** | 49 | 27 |
| Roberts | . | 7 | 0 | 7 |
| Robertson | 47 | 32 | 56 | 41 |
| Rockwall | 42 | 40 | 60 | 43 |
| Runnels | 29 | 16 | 48 | 29 |
| Rusk | 33 | 29 | 51 | 32 |
| Sabine | 36 | 36 | 64 | 36 |
| San Augustine | 35 | 21 | 0 | 28 |
| San Jacinto | 48 | 47 | 56 | 47 |
| San Patricio | 57 | 35 | 50 | 45 |
| San Saba | . | 26 | 46 | 32 |
| Schleicher | . | 3 | 36 | 20 |
| Scurry | 1 | 22 | 47 | 30 |
| Shackelford | . | 15 | ** | 13 |
| Shelby | 36 | 18 | 64 | 27 |
| Sherman | . | ** | 38 | 1 |
| Smith | 46 | 29 | 63 | 38 |
| Somervell | . | 27 | 38 | 28 |
| Starr | . | 24 | 48 | 48 |
| Stephens | 51 | 26 | 67 | 36 |
| Sterling | . | 15 | ** | 8 |
| Stonewall | 43 | 20 | 52 | 30 |
| Sutton | . | 13 | 33 | 24 |
| Swisher | 7 | 12 | 48 | 28 |
| Tarrant | 49 | 33 | 59 | 41 |
| Taylor | 36 | 29 | 56 | 35 |
| Terrell | . | 34 | ** | 4 |
| Terry | 70 | 15 | 48 | 37 |
| Throckmorton | . | 3 | 67 | 12 |
| Titus | 52 | 25 | 71 | 44 |
| Tom Green | 48 | 21 | 53 | 35 |
| Travis | 60 | 34 | 69 | 52 |
| Trinity | 36 | 36 | 78 | 40 |
| Tyler | 17 | 18 | 24 | 18 |
| Upshur | 31 | 30 | 63 | 32 |
| Upton | 0 | 9 | 42 | 27 |
| Uvalde | . | 19 | 52 | 43 |
| Val Verde | 22 | 31 | 47 | 44 |
| Van Zandt | 55 | 28 | 54 | 31 |
| Victoria | 46 | 29 | 60 | 47 |
| Walker | 58 | 28 | 71 | 44 |
| Waller | 41 | 31 | 67 | 42 |
| Ward | 57 | 32 | 39 | 37 |
| Washington | 55 | 17 | 56 | 31 |
| Webb | . | 44 | 40 | 41 |
| Wharton | 41 | 16 | 52 | 34 |
| Wheeler | ** | 12 | 28 | 12 |
| Wichita | 49 | 38 | 57 | 42 |
| Wilbarger | 19 | 16 | 61 | 29 |
| Willacy | ** | 11 | 47 | 44 |
| Williamson | 47 | 31 | 56 | 36 |
| Wilson | 43 | 25 | 45 | 33 |
| Winkler | 8 | 36 | 40 | 37 |
| Wise | 68 | 29 | 44 | 32 |
| Wood | 5 | 25 | 60 | 25 |
| Yoakum | 48 | 15 | 41 | 30 |
| Young | 35 | 22 | 50 | 24 |
| Zapata | . | 53 | 26 | 28 |
| Zavala | ** | 61 | 47 | 47 |
| Total | 48 | 31 | 53 | 42 |
|
Notes:
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