Age
of Absolutism
The Age of
Absolutism
It's
difficult to determine exactly when the Enlightenment begins. Since the
Enlightenment is primarily about changes in the world view of European culture,
the process cannot really be said to have a beginning, for when a world view
changes it essentially draws on previous shifts in world view. The
Enlightenment is commonly dated to the middle of the eighteenth century and the
activity of a group called the philosophes. This was the name for the French
rationalist philosophers who clearly stated the importance and consequences of
Enlightenment thought.However, the Enlightenment is more convincingly dated to
the new natural science of Isaac Newton, the social and political theories of
thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, and of John Locke; and the philosohies of
Blaise Pascal and René Descartes. All of these thinkers and innovations have
clear beginings. Newtonian thought came from the thought and science of Francis
Bacon, Galileo, Kepler, Copernicus, and ultimately, Roger Bacon in the
thirteenth century. The social and political theories of Hobbes can be traced
back to the Northern Renaissance, and the thought of Locke has its origins in
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Finally, the philosophies of Pascal and
Descartes are in a long line of thought dating back to the fourteenth century
and clearly stated in the philosphical skepticism of Michel de Montaigne in the
middle of the sixteenth century.
European
history throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries took a variety of
contradictory turns. England saw the complete overthrow of the monarchy in the
middle of the seventeenth century and its replacement first by a republic and
then by a weakened monarchy later in the century; finally, at the end of the
seventeenth century England would see the revolutionary erosion of the
monarch's powers in England's "Glorious Revolution." For all this
drama, however, the rest of Europe saw an astonishing growth in the power of
monarchs over their states. The two centuries that include the Enlightenment
saw the development of absolute monarchies and more tightly-centralized
national governments; the growth of the absolute monarchy is regarded by many
historians as the origin of the modern state. Europe consequently saw the slow
breakdown of local power and control and the rise of national power and large
central government. Because this growth in absolute and centralized power of
the national government and the monarchy, this age in European history is
generally called the Age of Absolutism (1660-1789). It begins in the reign of
Louis XIV and ends with the French Revolution.
The Age of
Absolutism
Absolutism
came about as a result of the crises and tragedies of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. The Reformation had led to a series of violent and cruel
wars of religions; states erupted into civil war and thousands of innocent
people died in the name of national religions. Absolute monarchies were
originally brought forth as a solution to these violent disorders, and Europeans
were more than willing to have local control taken away in exchange for peace
and safety.
In order
to achieve this stability, absolutists claimed that in practical affairs
several key elements of the national government should be solely in the hands
of the monarch: 1) the military, 2)tax collection, and 3)the judicial system.
These were powers normally held by the aristocracy and local gentry; the
national control of these meant the formation of a national civil bureaucracy
whose officials were answerable only to the king. This bureaucracy had to stand
against the most powerful institutional forces opposed to the king: the
nobility, the church, representative legislative bodies, and self governing
regions. So the absolutists faced the problem that in order to centralize the
administration of the state, the government had to somehow take political
authority out of the hands of the nobility and others who were not especially
interested in giving that authority up.
In Europe
absolute monarchs could not completely break the power of the nobility, so they
brought them into their new bureaucratic institutions. The church, however, was
a different matter. Most absolutist monarchs tried to get around the church by
nationalizing it, that is, by imitating the actions of England's Henry VIII in
the early sixteenth century. While Henry had himself named head of the church
of England, the absolute monarchs in Europe only managed to gain some
administrative and judicial control over the clergy. The most difficult battles,
however, would be with representative legislative bodies; it was just such a
battle that brought about the French Revolution.
Jacques-Benigne
Bossuet
Medieval
political theory justified kingship by arguing that the king ruled by the will
of God. Jacques-Benigne Bossuet (1627-1704) adapted the medieval concept of
kingship in his theory of the Divine Right of Kings, which argued that the king
ruled absolutely by will of God, and that to oppose the king in effect meant
rebellion against God. God's purpose in instituting absolute monarchy was to
protect and guide society.Bossuet spelled out his arguments in the treatise
Politics Drawn from the Very Words of Scripture in 1709; most of these theories
he developed for Louis XIV in France. In this work, Bossuet argues that God
institutes monarchy for the welfare of the people; for that reason, absolute
rule is not arbitrary rule. The monarch cannot do as he pleases, but must
rather consistently act in the best interests of society. As a political
theorist attached to Louis XIV, he helped Louis establish the first and fullest
absolute monarchy in Europe.
Louis XIV
This monarch who fully embodied absolutist principles&emdash;Louis
XIV, the Sun King&emdash;ruled France from 1643 to 1715. In many ways,
Louis was the embodiment of the modern age for the whole of Europe. Many
countries and monarchs turned to him as a model for the new, modern government,
while some countries, such as England, reacted against this model. Historians
like to consider the reign of Louis XIV as the beginning of the modern state.
Most of the practices of the modern state were more or less instituted in the
France of Louis XIV: centralized government, a centralized civil bureaucracy,
national legislation, a national judiciary that controlled most judicial
activity, a large, standing military under the direct, rather than indirect,
control of national authorities, and a national tax collection mechanism in
which taxes went straight to the national government rather than passing
through the hands of regional nobility.
Historians also credit Louis with inventing the
"theater" of national government. This claim, though compelling in
some ways, is not entirely true. Earlier monarchs had, since the beginning of
the sixteenth century, largely thought of the monarchy as theater, as show, and
as display. The purpose of this theater was to demonstrate both the power and
the benevolence of the individual monarch; such a display was integral to the
legitimation of the monarch's authority and the dedication of the monarch's
subject to the state itself. Louis, however, elevated the "theater of
power" to unprecedented heights and clearly thought that every public
aspect of the monarch should contribute to this theater of power.
Fundamental
to Louis's theater of power was the display of monarchical wealth, power, and
largesse. To this end, he moved the monarchical residence out of the center of
Paris to a suburb in Versailles. There he built the single most opulent palace
ever built for a king of Europe: the palace of Versailles. It was an
awe-inspiring structure and was built as a stage on which to perform the public
rituals and to display monarchical power. The building itself was a little over
a third of a mile long; the outside was surrounded by magnificent gardens and
over 1400 fountains employing the newest hydraulic technologies. The inside was
an altar to French military might, room after room decorated with paintings,
tapestries, and statues celebrating French military victories, heroes, and, especially,
French kings.
Louis required every noble to spend some time at the palace
at Versailles. There he would stage elaborate performances and rituals designed
to show the nobility both his power and his benevolence. In these displays of
monarchical power he assumed the role of "Sun King." Neoplatonic
philosophers of the Renaissance and seventeenth century argued that the sun, as
the source of light, was the proper symbol for god and wisdom. Louis adopted
the Neoplatonic symbol for God to symbolize his own role as God's monarchical
representative.
The power and the benevolence that Louis put on display
was to some measure real power and real benevolence. In order to secure his
power, Louis had to centralize the military, take control of national taxes,
reign in independent territories such as Brittany and Languedoc, break up the
legislative assemblies, and impose a religious unity on the country
Until Louis XIV, the military in France had been largely a
private affair. Individual regions raised and paid for their own armies; when
the king required military help, the army came from these semi-private sources.
Louis began to build a state army of professional soldiers and began to bleed
the military power from these individual regions. This new centralized military
would owe allegiance only to the king; the danger of factionalism and rebellion
subsequently declined.
In order to pay for his new military as well as his expensive
theater of power, Louis seized control of national taxes. Until Louis's time,
taxes throughout Europe were collected largely by individual nobility on a
region by region basis. Nobles had been required to submit a certain amount of
taxes to the crown, but they were free to collect whatever they pleased and
keep the excess. In all the states in Europe, this was a massively inefficient
affair, at least from a monarch's perspective. When Louis assumed power, only
30 percent or so of the taxes due to the monarch actually got paid.
Louis
effectively cut out the middlemen. Rather than charging nobility to collect
taxes, Louis set up a bureaucracy to collect taxes directly from the peasantry
(the tax burden did not fall on the nobility at all). By the end of his reign,
Louis was collecting over eighty percent of the taxes due to the monarchy. But
Louis did not spend this money only on himself: he and his finance minister,
Jean Baptiste Colbert (1619-1683), used much of this money to expand and
improve roads and to invest in national industry. In fact, historians usually
credit Colbert as creating the first modern state in terms of financial
management: collecting taxes and then reinvesting those taxes in the
infrastructure and industries of the country.
Louis broke regional independence by dividing the country
into thirty-six generalités ; each generalité was administered by
an intendant, who was generally appointed from the upper middle classes rather
than the nobility. No intendant was ever appointed to a region that he lived
in; in this way, corruption would be kept to a minimum. These intendants were
appointed by the king and answerable only to the king. For the most part, this
bureaucracy functioned to collect taxes. In the most autonomous regions, such
as Languedoc and Brittany, Louis ruthlessly imposed obedience to the crown.
In
the matter of legislative assemblies, Louis had no patience whatsoever. The parlements
of France were largely regional in nature rather than national. Not only
did these parlements represent a diffusion of power from the king to the
populace, they also represented a diffusion of power from the king to separate
regions. Louis solved the problem of the parlements directly and simply:
if any parlement vetoed monarchical legislation, all the members of that
parlement would be exiled from France. Simple as that. The national
legislative assembly, called the Estates General, was never called into session
by Louis; in fact, it would not be called until 1789 at the heart of the crisis
that precipitated the French Revolution.
Finally, decades of bloodshed over religion made it obvious that
political unity would only be a dream unless religious unity were achieved
first. To that end, Louis, a Roman Catholic, actively worked to get rid of
heterodox religious groups: the Protestant Huguenots, the Quietists (mystical
Christians), and the Jansenists, whose beliefs were a combination of Calvinism
and Catholicism. The greatest threat to religious unity, as Louis saw it, were
the Protestant Huguenots. He destroyed their churches and burned their schools
and forced Protestants, under pain of imprisonment or death, to convert to
Catholicism. Finally, he overturned the Edict of Nantes and declared
Protestantism to be a crime against the state. All Protestant clergy were
exiled from France. Most French Protestants chose to leave France rather than
convert; the latter half of the seventeenth century saw the expansion of French
culture throughout Europe as middle-class French Huguenots brought their
culture, language, and artisanal skills to countries all over Europe.
In all the documents that we can find, it seems that Louis conceived his role as absolute monarch in terms of benevolence. His reign, he argued, was primarily about benefitting the people of France materially, spiritually, and militarily. He saw the political and religious unification of France as a means of protecting his French subjects from the ravages of political unrest and religious civil war. The collecting of taxes made this possible, and the reinvesting of taxes in infrastructure and industry were seen as means of increasing the general national wealth of the country.