Source: http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/wormeley/princess/princess-2-I.html
From: The Ruin of a Princess.
translated by Katherine Prescott Wormeley. New York: The Lamb Publishing
Company, 1912. pp. 311-324.
[Page 311]
APPENDIX I.
Montreuil.
IN 1792 the Commune of Versailles
took possession of Madame Élisabeth's much loved Montreuil, which was
thenceforth called the "Maison d'Élisabeth Capet." Seals were placed
upon it until inventories were made and the property in it sold by the agents
of the National Domain. After that it was let to various persons, and used for
various purposes until finally it fell into a state of dilapidation and was
sold, on the 6th of May, 1802, as a National domain by the Commune of
Versailles to Citizen Jean-Michel-Maximilien Villers, living in Paris, rue de
l'Université, No. 269, for the sum of 75,900 francs.
Some of Madame Élisabeth's
servants remained on the place for a time to take care of it for their new
masters. But her faithful Jacques Bosson and his wife, who had charge of the
cows and dairy, being obnoxious to the revolutionaries on account of their
nationality (Swiss), were thrown into prison, where, being foreigners and
friendless, they languished for some years. Among the archives of Versailles is
a pathetic letter to the municipality dated March 7, 1793, from one of Madame
Élisabeth's servants asking for food for her dogs; he says they are three large
dogs, and he no longer has the means to feed them. The cows were sold, the hens
died for want of care, the garden was torn up and devastated, the fruit stolen.
Some of the inventories of the
property (made by order of the Department of National Domain in October, 1792)
are very interesting, especially those of the garden and grounds, and of the
library. There were 487 plants in the greenhouses, of 145 different species. Of
these 35 were orange-trees, and 15 pomegranates. Many of the plants, the Latin
names of which are given, are choice varieties of their kind even at the
present day. [Page 312]
In the nursery grounds were 14
kinds of young trees and shrubs; 1413 in all; of which 300 were Scotch pines,
250 ash-leaved maples, 150 Arbres de Sainte Lucie [?] spireas, dogwoods,
syringas, lilacs, cherries, etc.
The library contained 2075
volumes; a remarkable collection for that period, with a wide outlook in
history, memoirs, biography, and essays on the political condition of France.
Of history, there were 406 volumes, among them Hume's England, Robertson's
Scotland, Gibbon's Roman Empire, histories of all the countries of Europe, of
Constantinople, Japan, the Ottoman Empire, Arabia, Siam, etc. Of memoirs and
biography, 203 volumes. These were chiefly French, beginning with Villehardouin
and coming down to Mme. de Staal-Delaunay and the Letters of Mme. de Pompadour.
There were many classics, chiefly translated; the Bible in 31 volumes; all the
great poems (among them "Le Paradis Perdu") and the chief French
dramatists; also 42 volumes of Fairy tales; the Arabian Nights, Robinson
Crusoe, and a small, a very small sprinkling of novels. But most interesting of
all are the books she bought in the last year of her living life, before the
tomb of the Temple closed upon her. Among them were:–
Reflections on the Revolution in
France by Mr. Burke, 1791.
Speeches and Letters of Mr. Burke,
1790, 1791.
The Constitution of England.
Rights and Duties of a Citizen.
Political Situation of France, and
its present Relations with all the Powers of Europe, 1789.
The Evil and its Remedy; Memorial
on the Militia of the Army, 1789.
The True Patriot.
The King's Household: what it was,
what it is, and what it should be, 1789.
Principles opposed to the System
of M. Necker, by M. de Favras, 1790.
Present situation of France, 1791.
The Naviget antyciras, or System
without Principles, 1791.
The reign of Louis XVI. placed
before the Eyes of Europe, 1791. [Page 313]
Impulse of the Heart and Mind, or
Justice rendered to the Queen, 1791.
Plan for a Free and Happy
Constitution, 1790.
Among a mass of papers preserved
in the archives of Versailles, sad and sorrowful reading as they are, there is
one amusing little record of Madame Élisabeth's extravagance in a detail of
dress. It is a bill of her shoemaker, named Bourbon, rue Neuve des Augustins,
Paris, for shoes supplied to her nearly every other day from April 6, 1792, to
June 30, a short three months; never more than two pairs at a time were sent,
and the dates are given. There were 27 sendings and 32 pairs of silk shoes
[taffetat]: 16 pairs of black, 5 pairs of gray, 3 of blue, 2 of russet, 2 of
puce, and one each of carmelite and green–all of silk. It is true that Madame
Élisabeth mentions having walked for three or four hours in the garden, and
speaks of "the shocking mud," crotte indigne, so perhaps it is no
wonder that silk shoes lasted only two days.
APPENDIX II.
First Examination of Madame
Élisabeth by Fouquier-Tinville, May 9, 1794. From the Official Record.
THIS day, twentieth floréal, year
two of the Republic, before Antoine-Quentin Fouquier . . . we have asked the
name, age, profession, place of birth, and residence of Élisabeth Marie Capet
sister of Louis Capet, age thirty, born at Versailles.
Q. Did you conspire with the late
tyrant against the safety and liberty of the French people?
A. I am ignorant to whom you give
that title; but I have never desired anything but the happiness of the French
people.
Q. Have you maintained
correspondence with the internal and external enemies of the Republic,
especially with the brothers of Capet and yourself? and have you furnished them
help in money?
A. I have known none but those who
loved France. I have [Page 314] never
furnished help to my brothers; and since the month of August, 1792, I have
received no news of them, nor have I sent them any.
Q. Did you not send them diamonds?
A. No.
Q. I call your attention to the
fact that your answer is not correct as to the diamonds, inasmuch as it is
notorious that you sent your diamonds to be sold in Holland and other foreign
countries, and that you sent their proceeds, by your agents, to your brothers,
to help them in maintaining their rebellion against the French people.
A. I deny the charge, because it
is false.
Q. I call you to notice that in
the trial which took place in November, 1792, relatively to the theft of
diamonds made from the ci-devant crown property, it was established and proved
that a portion of the diamonds with which you formerly adorned yourself came
from there, and it was also proved that the price for which they were sold was
sent to your brothers by your orders; that is why I summon you to explain
yourself categorically on those facts.
A. I am ignorant of the thefts of
which you speak. I was at that period in the Temple, and I persist in my
previous denial.
Q. Did you not have knowledge that
the journey determined upon by your brother, Louis Capet, and Antoinette, to
Saint-Cloud on April 18, 1791, was imagined only to seize the occasion to leave
France?
A. I had no knowledge of that
journey further than that my brother wished for change of air, not feeling
well.
Q. Was it not at your solicitation
and that of Antoinette, your sister-in-law, that Capet fled from Paris on the
night of the 20th of June, 1791?
A. I learned during the day of
June 20 that we should start that night, and I conformed in that matter to the
orders of my brother.
Q. The motive of that journey was
it not to leave France and unite yourselves with the émigrés, and the enemies
of the French people? [Page 315]
A. Never did my brother, or I,
have any intention of quitting our country.
Q. I observe to you that that
answer does not seem correct, for Bouillé had given orders for several bodies
of troops to be at a point agreed upon to protect your escape, and enable you,
your brother, and others to leave French territory.
A. My brother was on his way to
Montmédy, and I never knew him to have any other intentions.
Q. Have you knowledge of the
secret conferences held in the apartments of Antoinette, ci-devant queen, with
those who called themselves the Austrian committee?
A. I have perfect knowledge that
none such were ever held.
Q. I call you to observe that it
is, nevertheless, notorious that they were held between midnight and three in
the morning, and those who attended them passed through what was then called
the Gallery of Pictures.
A. I have no knowledge of it.
Q. What did you do on the night of
the 9th and 10th of August, 1792?
A. I remained in my brother's
room; we did not go to bed that night.
Q. I call your attention to the
fact that, having each your separate apartments, it seems strange that you
should collect in that of your brother; no doubt that meeting had a motive,
which I call upon you to explain.
A. I had no other motive than to
be always near my brother when there was disturbance in Paris.
Q. That night did you not go, with
Antoinette, into a hall where the Swiss Guard were making cartridges, and
especially were you not there between nine and ten o'clock that night?
A. I was not there, and I have no
knowledge of that hall.
Q. I request you to observe that
your answer is not correct; it has been proved at several trials, that
Antoinette and you went several times in the night to the Swiss Guards, that
you made them drink, and urged them to continue the making of cartridges
several of which Antoinette bit off herself.
A. That never happened; I have no
knowledge of it.
Q. I represent to you that the
facts are too notorious for you [Page 316]
not to remember them, and not to know the motive which assembled troops
of all kinds at the Tuileries that night. That is why I again summon you to
declare if you still persist in your denials, and in forgetting the motives for
this assembling of troops.
A. I persist in my denials, and I
add that I know no motives for that assemblage. I know only, as I have already
said, that the constituted bodies charged with the safety of Paris, came to
warn my brother that there was an uprising in the faubourgs, and on that the
National Guard assembled for his safety, as the Constitution prescribed.
Q. At the time of the escape of
the 20th of June, 1791, was it not you who brought out the children?
A. No; I came out alone.
Reading being made to her of the
present interrogatories, she persisted in her replies, and signed with us and
the clerk. ÉLISABETH MARIE, A.-Q.
FOUQUIER,
DELIÉGE, DUCRAY, Clerk.
[Page 317]
APPENDIX III.
Extract from the Deliberations of
the Commissioners of the Commune on the Service of the Temple.
December 22, 1792, Year I. of the
Republic.
AT six in the evening the Council
assembled to deliberate on the two subjects here following:–
1st. Louis Capet appears to be
inconvenienced by the length of his beard; he has spoken of it several times.
They proposed to shave him. He manifested repugnance, and showed a desire to
shave himself.
The Council thought yesterday that
it might give him the hope that his request would be acceded to to-day; but
this morning it was discovered that Louis Capet's razors are no longer in the
Temple. On that, occasion was taken to discuss the matter again; it has been
amply argued and the result is a unanimous resolution to submit the matter to
the Council-general of the Commune, which, in case it judges proper to permit Louis
Capet to shave himself, will direct that there be given to him one, or two,
razors, of which he will make use before the eyes of four commissioners, to
whom the said razors shall be immediately returned, and who will register the
fact that the return has been made to them.
2nd. The wife, sister, and
daughter of Louis Capet have asked that scissors be lent to them to cut their
nails.
The Council having deliberated
thereon has likewise voted unanimously that this request shall also be
submitted to the Council-general of the Commune, which is hereby asked, in case
it gives its consent, to fix the method to be employed in the matter.
It is decreed that the present
deliberation shall be sent to the Council-general of the Commune this day, and
early enough for [Page 318] the answer
to reach the Council of the Commune in the Temple before night.
And the following do sign the
registers.
MAUBERT, DEFRASSE, JON,
ROBERT MALIVOIR, and DESTOURNELLES.
APPENDIX IV.
Signs agreed upon to make known to
the Princesses the Progress of the various Armies, etc.; and sundry
Communications from Madame Élisabeth to M. Turgy.
[THE Queen and Madame Élisabeth
arranged a system of signs with Turgy, the faithful waiter who brought up their
meals. These with several written communications from Madame Élisabeth,
conveyed to him in a variety of ways, Turgy took to Vienna in 1796, and gave
into the hands of Madame Marie-Thérèse de France. The following (in the French)
was copied from those originals].
The English put to sea: right
thumb on right eye; if they land near Nantes, put it on right ear; if near
Calais, left ear.
If the Austrians fight on Belgian
frontier, forefinger of right hand on right eye. If they enter France, on right
ear. If on the Mayence side, same with middle finger.
Savoyards, fourth finger, same
signs. Spaniards, fifth [little] finger, same signs.
Be careful to hold the fingers to
the place more or less time according to importance of the losses.
When they are within 15 leagues of
Paris keep the same order for the fingers, but lay them on the mouth. 1 [Page
319]
If the Powers speak about us, lay
fingers on the hair, using the right hand.
If the Assembly pays attention to
them, the same, using the left.
If it adjourns [s'en allait ], the
whole hand over the head.
If the rassemblements [collections
of émigrés ] advance here, and gain advantages, the finger of right hand on the
nose for one advantage, and the whole hand when they are within fifteen leagues
of Paris.
Use the left hand only for the
advantages of the French.
In answer to all questions use the
right hand only, not the left. [Here three lines are undecipherable]. Is there
a truce, raise your collar. Are they asking for us on the frontier, hand in
coat pocket. Are they negotiating, in waistcoat. Paris, are they provisioning
it, hand on chin. Has General la Marseille gone, on forehead. Are the Spaniards
trying to join the Nantes people, rub the eyebrow.
Is it thought we shall still be
here in August? After supper go to Fidel (Toulan); ask him if he has news of
Produse. If he has good news, napkin under right arm; if none at all, under
left. Tell him that we fear his denunciation may bring him into trouble. Ask
him whenever he has news of Produse to tell you, and then sign it to us.
Can you not, if anything new
happens, write it to us with lemon-juice on the paper they use to stopper the
water-bottle, or put over the cream? or perhaps you could put it in a ball,
which you could throw down in the room when you are there alone. Get possession
of the paper on the bottles whenever I blow my nose as I leave my room. The
days when you use that means, lean against the wall as I pass you.
If it is thought we shall still he
here in August hold the napkin in your hand. We hope you will not be harassed
again.
Do not fear to use the left hand
for bad news of the armies; we prefer to know all. If the Swiss declare war the
sign is a finger on the chin. If the Nantes people reach Orléans two fingers on
the chin.
What are they crying under our
windows? . . . (several [Page 320]
words illegible) received his pardon yesterday . . . Has he an idea that
we are informed? and will he not redouble in attentions to prevent it? Whatever
wrong the poor man has done it can only inspire pity, all the more because his
repentance followed immediately upon his fault. God has punished him very
severely. We pity him.
Is it true that fear has seized
the Parisians, especially young men? My sister may soon ask for almond-milk . .
. Has the Commune been changed? Is Tison's wife as crazy as they say she is? Do
they mean to send any one to us in her place? Is she well taken care of?
Consider carefully the
disadvantages of T's (Toulan's) demand, and do not let your zeal lead you to do
anything to your injury; if you yield, let it be only after you are urged, and
promised the greatest secrecy. Are you not expressly forbidden to speak to him?
Consider all that. Try to find out if they are not trying to throw the
disturbances on my companion [the queen] and take her property (Louis XVII.)
more than two leagues away from her. It was Fidel (Toulan) who gave us the
newspaper I mentioned. The manner in which you serve us is our consolation. Ask
Mme. de S. (Sérent) for answer on Miranda.
We saw a newspaper yesterday which
spoke of Saumur and Angers as if the R were still mistress; what does that
mean? Is Marat really dead? has it made an excitement?
Tell Fidel how touched we are by
his last note; we do not need his assurances to rely wholly and always upon
him; his signals are good, We only want Aux armes, citoyens! in case they
intend to reunite us. But we hope that such precautions will not be necessary.
Is your fate decided? answer this question. If it is necessary that we should
get your note quickly, lean towards us and lower your napkin. Tison sometimes
hinders our taking it at once. But we will watch for it; do not be uneasy. This
is only to be when you have something urgent to say to us.
Who is the municipal whom they
suspect of being in correspondence with us? Is it by writing, or merely by
giving news? Who said it? Have they no suspicion of you? Take care. [Page
321] You must give this, Tuesday, to
the person to whom you went Saturday; it is the woman. Give her something to
bring out the ink. Send no answer until Tuesday, so as not to multiply
packages.
Give Fidel this note from us, and
say to him that because my sister has told you that she sees the little boy go
up the staircase, through the window of the cabinet, this is not to keep him
from sending us news of him. Why do they beat the drums every morning at six
o'clock? Answer this. If you can without compromising Mme. de Sérent [one of
Madame Élisabeth's ladies], or yourself, tell her, that I beg her not to remain
in Paris for me. The proposal at the Cordeliers against the nobles worries me
for her. If anything happens at the Federation do not fail to let us know. What
foundation is there for all the victories they have been crying for the last
three days? If you have need of almond milk, hold your napkin low when I . . .
What has become of the English
fleet? and of my brothers? Have we a fleet at sea? What do you mean when you
say that all goes well? Is it hope of a quick end, of a change in the public
mind? or are things really going well? Are these executions of persons whom we
know? We hear them cried in the street. How is Mme. de Sérent, and my abbé
[Edgeworth de Firmont]? Constant [M. Huë]? does he know by chance any news of
Mme. de Bombelles, who is living near St-Gall in Switzerland? What has become
of all the persons at Saint-Cyr? Tell me if you have been able to read all
this; and cover the water-bottle with good paper that we can use.
As for Mme. de Sérent, as soon as
the law about the émigrés is wholly finished let her know, and continue to give
me news of her.
This is for Fidel. What you tell
me about that person [the queen] gives me great pleasure. Is it the gendarme,
or the woman, who sleeps in her room? Could she hear through the latter
anything more than news of those she loves? If you cannot be useful to her
there, put yourself in some place whence you [Page 322] will not be forced to move; but let me know
where, in case we have need of you. I do not consider what concerns me, but if
you cannot be useful to that person come and join me in case you are needed.
I cannot yet believe that you are
going away. Try to let me know what is decided; whether you remain and Tison's
wife returns. Could you throw a paper into the basket, or put it in a loaf of
bread? Tell me if it is through Mme. de Sérent that you hear news of a being
who, like me, knows how to appreciate faithful men [the Abbé Edgeworth de
Firmont]. It is with deep regret that I see you taken from me; the last and
only one that remains to me.
I am much distressed; save
yourself for the days when we may be happier, and able to give you some reward.
Carry with you the consolation of having been useful to kind and unhappy
masters. Advise Fidel not to risk too much for our signals. If chance lets you see
Mme. Mallemain [one of Mme. Élisabeth's waiting-women] give her news of me and
tell her I think of her.
Adieu, honest man [Turgy] and
faithful subject.
My little girl [Madame Royal]
insists that you made her a sign yesterday morning; relieve me of anxiety if
you still can. I have found nothing. If you put it under the bucket it must
have flowed away with the water and will certainly never be found. If there is
any news for us, let me know it if you still can.
Have you read my second bit of
paper, in which I spoke of Mme. Mallemain? Tell Constant [Huë] that I am
convinced of his sentiments; I thank him for the news he gives me, and I am
much grieved at what has happened to him.
Adieu, honest man and faithful
subject! I hope that the God to whom you are faithful will support you, and
console you in what you have to suffer. [Page 323]
APPENDIX V.
Louis XVI.'s Seal and Ring.
[CLÉRY did not continue in the
service of the dauphin, as the king requested. He was compelled to give up the
above-named articles to the Council of the Commune, and they remained in the
council-room of the Tower until they were mysteriously stolen. This was done
(as will be seen by the Narrative of Marie-Thérèse de France) at the
instigation of the queen, who was passionately desirous of rescuing these
memorials of her husband for her son. Eventually, after the queen's death,
Turgy took the seal to Monsieur, and the ring to the Comte d'Artois, as will be
seen by the following Note to Cléry's Journal.]
Having started from Vienna on my
way to England, I passed through Blankemburg with the intention of doing homage
to the king [Louis XVIII.] and presenting to him my manuscript. When His
Majesty reached this part of my Journal, he searched in his secretary and
showing me with emotion a seal, he said to me: "Cléry, do you recognize
it?" "Ah! Sire, it is the very one." "If you doubt
it," said the king, "read this note." I read it trembling, and I
asked the king's permission to print the precious document. The following is a
copy from the original:–
"Having one faithful being on
whom we can rely, I profit by him to send to my brother and friend, this
deposit which can be intrusted to no hands but his. The bearer will tell you by
what miracle we have been able to obtain these precious pledges. I reserve to
myself to tell you some day the name of him who has been so useful to us. The
impossibility, up to this time, of giving you any news of us, and the excess of
our sorrows, makes us feel even more keenly our cruel separation. May it not be
much [Page 324] longer! I embrace you
meantime as I love you and you know that that is with all my heart.
"M. A. [Marie
Antoinette]."
"I am charged for my brother
and myself to embrace you with all our hearts.
"M. T. [Marie-Thérèse.]
Louis."
"I enjoy in advance the
pleasure you will feel in receiving this pledge of friendship and confidence.
To be reunited with you, and to see you happy is all that I desire; you know if
I love you; I kiss you with all my heart.
"E. M. [Élisabeth
Marie]."
The ring was sent with a packet of
the king's [Louis XVI.] hair to Monseigneur le Comte d'Artois. Here is the note
that accompanied it:–
"Having at last found means
to confide to our brother one of the two sole pledges that remain to us of the
being whom we all mourn and cherish, I thought you would be very glad to have
something that came from him; keep it as a sign of the tenderest friendship
with which I embrace you with all my heart.
"M. A."
"What happiness for me, my
dear friend, my brother, to be able after so long a space of time to speak to
you of my feelings. What I have suffered for you! A time will come, I hope,
when I can embrace you, and tell you that never will you find a friend truer
and more tender than I; you do not doubt it, I hope.
"E. M."
Notes:
[Page 318]
1 Remembering all that Count
Fersen tells of the delays and the callous indifference of the Powers, each pretending
to wait for the others, it is piteous to think of these women watching daily
for signs of a deliverer who never came, but left them coldly to their one
deliverer, Death.–TR.
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