My Family History

Little Family in The History of Muhlenburg KY

 * * *

Pioneer James Weir, of Greenville, made a number of trips from Lewisburg, or Kincheloe's Bluff, to New Orleans in the early days. The date of the first was about six years after he settled in Muhlenberg, when he was about twenty-seven years old, and as far as known it is the only one of which he ever wrote a description. The original manuseript is still in existence, and for a copy of it I am indebted to Judge Lucius P. Little, of Owensboro, who will publish the story in his forthcoming book on "Old Stories of Green River and Its People."

Journal, by James Weir, 1803.

I arrived at Natchez on the 9th March. It is a beautiful little town situated on a high bluff rising from the river by a gradual ascent, & a fertile & level country seems to make off from the town. From the eligibility of this place I think it is found to be the center of trade for the Western Country. There are about 500 dwellings in this place. They are mostly Americans from South Carolina & Georgia. There is a number of large stores there. Goods are sold about the same price with Nashville. I suppose from what I have seen that Natchez is, or the inhabitants of the town are, as much given to luxury & dissipation as any place in America. There is great abundance of cotton in the vicinity of Natchez. That is their staple commodity. There were 5 sea-vessels (schooners or brigs) lying there waiting for loading. It is thought that in time shipping will come there in great numbers as it will not take them more than 5-6 days, if so long, to come up from Orleans if the wind is moderately in their favour. I left the Natchez on the 12th for the New Orleans and on the morning of the 13th I arrived at Loftier Heights just as the soldiers were firing the morning gun. Loftier Heights is a place of defense occupied by the troops of the United States under the command of Gen. Wilkinson. The garrison is in good order and the troops look well. This place is 45 miles below Natchez on the line between the Spaniards & Americans. The river is from there to the Orleans very good and we sailed night and day. From the Heights to the Atchafalaya is 15 miles. This is a place that boatmen dread as it has been said that boats were sucked out there and were not able to return but were taken into lakes that empty into the sea, though I found no difficulty in it, nor do I believe that it is so dangerous as has been represented. From this to Point Copee is 25 miles.

At Point Copee the French are settled on both sides in one continuous village which yields a beautiful prospect. From Point Copee to Baton Rouge is 35 miles. Here is the principal Spanish garrison that is kept on the river & here did I experience some of their tyranical laws.

I arrived there in the evening and went to the Commandant & got my passport signed. He sent down to my boat & bought a ham of bacon. I thought from this example I might sell on without hesitation. I continued to sell till the next day at 12 o'clock when I was taken by a guard of Spanish Regulars who told me that I must go into confinement together with all my crew, save one to take care of the boat for selling without permission. I desired to see the Commandant for I hated the thought of going into a calaboose, but all in vain.

We were hurried into a nasty prison amongst a number of Spanish transgressors who were almost naked. I then began to think of Baron Trenk in the jail of Magdaburg & that it might perhaps be my lot to be there without cause, possibly for months or years as our liberation or confinement depended wholy on the will of a capricious tyrant. I walked through this nasty prison very uneasy still looking through the iron grates and ruminating on my sad misfortune. I sat down at length on the straw & began to console myself that I was not the first that had been in confinement unjustly & that I was not alone as I had one of my company with me, a Mr. Hobbs who was merely a passenger in my boat. After we had been there about half an hour the interpreter came & told us we must come out & go before the Commandant. We went out cheerfully expecting to be liberated knowing ourselves to be innocent.

We were brought before the Commandant who sat in his judgment hall. He demanded of me why I had sold bacon &c without permission from him. I told him that I did not know that it was necessary, and if I had transgressed against his laws it was through ignorance I being a stranger in their land & also that he was the first to purchase from me himself and that he did not tell me that it was necessary to have a permit & therefore I thought it ungenerous of him to put me into confinement. He took offense at this mode of expression and ordered us both back to confinement. The interpreter began to intercede for us but all in vain. Then Mr. Hobbs, who was with me, began to plead that he was only a passenger & that he ought to be set at liberty. The commandant agreed he should be liberated but I was sent back to confinement. I directed Hobbs to stay by my boat & not to leave the place till he saw the result. He said he would stay by me if it was for 6 months & use every exertion to get me out. He went to the boat & I to my prison with a heavy heart.

The poor dejected Spaniards that were my companions in this solitary place began to eye me with attention & one of them got up and made signs for me to sit down on his blankets. I sat down and mused to myself. I had no company for I could not understand them. While I sat thus in dejection & had no hopes of coming out shortly there came a messenger to the door & asked me what I had to advance in my behalf respecting the affair for which I was confined. I told him I had nothing more to say than what I had already told the Commandant, his master, & that he might tell him that if he did confine me here without a cause I would see the Governor at the New Orleans who would certainly see justice done & perhaps by his removal from office. In about 10 minutes the messenger returned & told me I was to be set at liberty. The iron bolts were again turned & I was once more set at liberty.

When I returned to the boat the crew was overjoyed to see me once more. We then pushed off our boat & set out for the Orleans, resolving to stay at that unfortunate place no longer. From Baton Rouge to Orleans, 180 miles, nothing more particular occurred on our voyage. We sailed night & day as in this part of the river there are no sawyers. When we came within 100 miles of Orleans the river is levied on both sides to keep the water from over flowing the settlements. Here you are presented with beautiful prospects on the levy on both sides of which are houses, large & beautiful farms, orange groves, sugar cane & sugar houses all the way to the New Orleans. When we came in sight the masts of the vessels that lay in harbour appeared like a forest of old trees. We got in amongst them with some difficulty and landed just above the Gate.

I arrived at the New Orleans on the 23d of March 1803 a handsome city much larger & better situated than I did expect. There is a number of wealthy American merchants residing there & they carry on business largely; houses that may be relied upon either to deposit property with or to do business by consignment. Orleans is not a place of defence. Their garrisons and forts are out of repair. They have about 400 Spanish Regulars. They are a poor looking starved like crew. I am persuaded that 100 Kentucky men could take the place if it was the will of Government for I suppose that one third of the inhabitants of the Orleans are Americans in possession of the place.

New Orleans is situated low. The country falls off from it. About 3 miles back it is so swampy that no person can settle on it. It is a fine place for fish & oysters in the lake that lies about 3 miles back from the city. New Orleans is a very rich place and a great place for doing business & would be a great acquisition to the United States if they were in possession of it. The French & Spaniards living there are for the most part very much of gentlemen & more to be relied on than many of our American citizens that are settled there. Some of them that I became acquainted with treated me with the greatest civility & freindship. 1

I set out from the Orleans for Philadelphia on the 6th of April on board the schooner Roby, Capt. Martain, Master (a very worthy and respectable man, a Quaker. We had a fair wind down the river to the mouth viz 105 miles. Just before we came to the Balize or mouth of the river we struck a sander & stuck fast for 3 days. On the evening of the 4th we carried out our anchor & used every exertion by all hands & draw her off, yet nevertheless, I felt not satisfied, for I thought it was ominous of bad success. We had to wait till the next morning for a pilot to take us out the mouth of the river as the channel is very narrow and often changes so that it is impossible for any person to come out or in without a pilot who examines the channel every day & sets up stakes on each side next morning early.

The pilot came to us & the winds blew fair & we went out (together with seven other vessels) into the main ocean. Then it was that I began to feel sea sick in good earnest. The waves rolled high and the water looked green & loathsome as the hated Styx, (spoken of by the heathen poets.) We had 14 passengers on board. They were all sick save one. There was nothing to be heard but vomiting and cries of the sick. I bore it patiently knowing the sickness was not unto death & hoping that in a few days the worst would be over, but I continued sick almost throughout my whole journey. I had no appetite to eat & all kinds of victuals to me were loathsome till I arrived in the Delaware. We had a fair wind for 4 days after we left the Balize which blew us on rapidly. We sailed a south course till we came in sight of the Havannah. We then changed our course to E. N. E. The winds were contrary almost continually. We made no progress but were rather beaten back. Thus we were beat about in most horrid tempests, sometimes in sight of the Florida shore & sometimes in sight of the Land of Cuba & it was with difficulty that we could keep off the rocks & sands. The crew was in the utmost consternation & wished themselves on shore in any part. The Captain nevertheless preserved a calm and unshaken mind, bid us be of good cheer, that when adverse fortune had spent herself, we would have better winds & that he hoped to land us all safe at Philadelphia yet.

On the evening of the 4th of May one of the passengers a young man from Monongehala of the name of William Kelly jumped over board and drowned himself without any known cause (except the apparent danger of our voyage & seasickness of which he had greatly suffered.) He was noticed to sit pensive all that day till evening when he pulled off his shirt & immediately jumped overboard. We called to him and threw him a rope but he would not receive it, but swam immediately from the vessel. We turned the vessel about in order to take him up but it was impracticable as the wind blew very high. We could see him swimming for the space of 20 minutes, when he jumped up almost out of the water and cryed out twice very loud & sunk down & we saw him no more.

Great was the solemnity that pervaded through the whole crew. All seemed to regret the loss by so sudden death of so fine a young man who had so lately been our most jovial companion. We also seemed to conjecture that it did presage the destruction of all the crew & vessel. I went to bed but slept very little. I still fancied I could see poor Kelly jump out of the water & cry out for help.

The next morning there blew up a mighty storm with much thunder and dreadful flashes of lightning that rolled along the skies. The waves became most dreadful such as we had never seen before. They often ran over our vessel and came into the cabin windows till it was knee deep on the floor. Then it was that I began to think that we must certainly perish. However, through the skill of our captain & sailors & the mercy of God we were preserved to encounter a more eminent danger. Cruel & adverse fortune seemed never too weary to persecute us. The winds subsided & the clouds blew away & bright Phebus began to emerge from the deep & seemed to promise us a pleasant day. But how short was this interval of pleasant calm. It was like the prosperity of the wicked but of short duration.

We were calmly reclining ourselves on our beds talking over the dangers we had so recently escaped when it was cried out on deck "a waterspout! a waterspout! & it is coming towards us." We all ran up on deck when we perceived it not far distant from us & progressing on towards us. (Now a waterspout is a thing much feared by sea men. It is a body of water drawn up out of the sea into the clouds and then falls down with wonderful velocity and if it strikes a vessel it commonly sinks it.) I found our captain (who had hitherto appeared unmoved in all danger) began to appear much alarmed and the form of his visage was changed and all the sailors began to be in utmost confusion. The captain ordered all the passengers below. They mostly went down, but I resolved to stay on deck & see the event. The captain tried to make sail to get out of the way of it but it was all in vain. For then it seemed as though it would go before us. Then we struck sail thinking to fall back & let it pass on before us yet all our exertions seemed in vain. For though our vessel occupied but a small part of the wide extended ocean & this unhappy phenomenon was I suppose 2 miles off when we saw it first yet it came directly and immediately to us as though directed by a supernatural power for our certain destruction.

Now this horrid scene begins to approach, the air is darkened, it roars like one continual peal of thunder. The captain cried out, "It is done! we are all lost!" The stoniest hearted sailors began to cry out "death, certain death! Lord have mercy on us!" The passengers began to flock up from below. Horror & paleness overspread each countenance & all crying out for mercy. I stood near to the cabin door & held by a rope expecting every moment to launch into the unknown regions of eternity. It came up & struck the stern of our vessel with a dreadful shock. She wheeled round with a great force & sunk down into the sea till the water came up to our shoulders on the mail deck when I never expected to see her rise again. It tore away our main sail & our top sail & our flying jib & the greater part of our rigging & drew them up into the air as in a whirlwind so that we saw them no more. It took the hat off the mate's head together with a number of other articles off the deck. After having shattered us most intolerably it passed by our vessel which rose out of the water. We tried the pump & found that the hull of our vessel was yet sound to the inexpressable joy of the captain and all the crew. It was some time before we recovered from the shock we received. When it struck the vessel it was like the shock of thunder when near, or electrel fire. Indeed it was 3 days before some of the crew was well. Now all hands are employed in clearing away the shattered rigging & in trying to erect a small sail for we had no canvas on board & we had to sew together the ruins of the old in the evening. We raised two small sails tho of little consequence & tried to stand our course. Tho' the winds were yet contrary we kept in the Gulf Stream which beat us on to the North.

On the 26th & 27th the winds blew fair. On the 28th the wind shifted to the North & beat us back 2 degrees. We are now in the latitude of Charlestown & in sight of the Capes. The passengers prayed the captain to land them there for they began to despair of ever getting round to Philadelphia but he refused. So we beat on in great distress & confusion as our water was nearly exhausted & our ship in miserable repair, however the wind changed more favorably & on the 8th day of May we arrived in the Cape of Philadelphia & on the 9th we got a pilot & proceeded up the Delaware river (viz 120 miles to Philadelphia). We had a fair wind up the river & sailed up very pleasantly. A more beautiful prospect I never saw than in passing up the river. On either side is one continuous village with the most beautiful houses, meadows & orchards that yielded a most delightful prospect & a sweet & salutary perfume as the orchards & flowers were now in their bloom. I forgot all my difficulties, my seasickness left me and I felt uninterrupted felicity from the charming prospects. Vessels continually passing & repassing us with the same winds and towns arising on every side & ships coming in from all parts of the world. We spoke vessels in the river, some from the East & West Indies, from England, France & Spain & from all parts of the United States. On the 12th we arrived in Philadelphia, truly a large and elegant city most pleasantly situated. The people are remarkably plain & very civil. A great many of the inhabitants of this city are Quakers, mostly merchants and very attentive to business.

On the 23d I set out from Philadelphia for Pittsburg. On the 24th I arrived at Lancaster a beautiful inland town, I suppose superior to any in the United States. I stayed there 3 days, then set out for Pittsburg. On my way I passed through several handsome little towns. The country is well settled by industrious citizens. They have fine orchards meadows & barns, & houses tho they charge travelers very high. On the 13th of June I arrived at Pittsburg a handsome little town in the forks of the Monongahala & Allegheny rivers. It is the place where most of the Western merchants embark with their merchandise to come down the river which causes money to be very plenty there. I stayed there 4 days to wait till the wagons came in with my goods. I purchased a boat, put in my goods & set off down the river. We passed by some handsome little towns on the way. I think it will be one day a continuous village on the banks of the Ohio from Pittsburg to the New Orleans. The river was very low. I floated night & day yet I was 4 weeks & 4 days from Pittsburg to the Redbanks, where I arrived on the 4th day of July, being one day more than 5 months from the time I set out from Lewisburg to the New Orleans.

C, Two Local Stories by Edward R. Weir, Sr.

Edward R. Weir, sr., of Greenville, son of pioneer James Weir, was the author of a number of short stories. Only two are still preserved, and they are here briefly outlined.

"A Visit to the Faith Doctor" was published in the November, 1836, issue of The Western Magazine of Cincinnati. When it first appeared in print it was the subject of much lively discussion in the Green River country, and especially in Muhlenberg County. Although the story caused Mr. Weir to lose a few votes, he nevertheless gained many others, when in 1841 he ran for the Legislature, to which he was elected by a large majority. The first half of the tale is a somewhat one-sided discussion of faith cures, in which the author quotes from the old Greek scribes and many of the writers of his own day. The last half is the account of an experience he had in visiting a "faith doctor" near "a little town on Green River," all of which is followed by a short argument on faith cures in general. The whole subject is treated ironically and by no means seriously. Nevertheless it was evidently written with a view of trying to prove what he considered "the absurdity of belief in faith doctors."

"A Deer Hunt" was published in the Knickerbocker Magazine of March, 1839, under the heading of "Random Sketches by a Kentuckian--E. R. W." In the same number of the magazine appears an article by Washington Irving and a poem by Oliver Wendell Holmes. Mr. Weir begins his story with a few remarks on the great forests around Greenville, which I have omitted.

A Visit to the Faith Doctor.

Many of the ancient writers held the belief of supernatural power being given to man, and that there were some who could cure as well as give diseases by prayer, exorcisms, laying on of hands, etc. ...

Steele says in the Tatler, "It is not to be imagined how far the violence of our own desires will carry us toward our own deceit in the pursuit of what we wish for." Imagination is a powerful emotion, and it has been satisfactorily proven that it will not only effect cures of "ineurable diseases," but will frequently produce death. Witness the case of the Jew in France, who on a very dark night passed safely over a bridge which consisted of a single log, whilst below him was an abyss of several hundred feet. On the next morning he was shown the fearful danger he had escaped, and so great was his emotion that he fell dead. Another is a case of a person whose fear of the plague was so great that when he entered a room where a plague-striken man was, he instantly expired. Again, where a criminal was bled to death without bleeding a drop of blood.

[Mr. Weir then proceeds to tell about a visit made by two ladies and himself to the Faith Doctor's farm. One of the ladies was afflicted with an inflamed eye, and had decided, as a last resort, to call on this wonderful man. Their party of three left Greenville "one warm day in August," and after an interesting ride, during which they paused long enough to partake of an excellent dinner, they arrived at the "Doctor's domicile." Tradition says this house was in Ohio County, near Livermore.]

It was a one-story log house with two rooms, and did not differ in any respect from those that we had passed during the day, save that a number of benches were ranged in front of the door. ...

We dismounted and walked in. There was no person in the room, and we had time to look around the place into which we had thus introduced ourselves. But there was nothing to mark that we were in the dwellingplace of the wonderful man. I looked around for the books, the musty records of ancient knowledge, over which he might have pored and from which he might have gathered the power he was reputed to possess. But in vain we looked for these. No huge ironbound tome met our gaze. Everything was most provokingly plain, nothing mysterious, nothing which we might not find in any common farmer's cabin.

The neat little bed which stood in one corner of the room was like all other beds. The old-fashioned clock, enclosed in a still more antiquated case, ticked on like any other clock. From a furtive glance which I cast into a cupboard I found that the Doctor and his family did eat, for it was well stored with cold meats and cold pies.

Before I had time to extend my discoveries any farther his daughter came into the room. She was quite a pretty girl, but unfortunately for the poetry of the thing, she forgot to slip on her stockings. Shoes without stockings, you know, do not look well. We enquired for the Doctor. He was "in the meadow at work." We looked in that direction and beheld him astride of a haystack, which he appeared to be "topping off." A messenger was dispatched for him, and we prepared for the interesting interview.

From the house we had a full view of the meadow, and before it was possible for the little boy, whom we had sent, to reach him where he was, we saw him slide from the stack, snatch up his hat and start for the house at about half mast. Then thought I, "he has an intuitive sense that he is wanted," but the next moment "the woeful want of dignity" struck me more forcibly. The cause of his haste was soon explained: there was a rush among the green corn; then a bark, and a squeal, and forth rushed a gang of hogs, closely followed by Towser and Ponto, while just behind came the Doctor, encouraging his dogs by name, who soon succeeded in clearing the field from intruders.

His first salutation, when he saw me, was, "These nasty critters--people will leave the gate open, and they destroy all my truck!"

[The callers apologized for their negligence, after which the consultation began.]

Five minutes sufficed. He merely asked her name, which eye was affected, and how long it had been so. He took down her answers in writing and told her that the optic nerve, which we all knew before, was affected. I was very anxious to close the scene. So, hurrying the lady to her horse, I returned to bid the Doctor farewell. ... We were told he accepts no compensation for his service--that he asks no pay; but he is not averse to his family receiving presents. Nevertheless I asked him if he would make any charge for what he had promised to try to do, to which he answered: "Yes, I charge you this: next time you come, shut the gate."

[Upon her return home the patient was confined to her room with a fever and headache. However, she rapidly recovered, and regained the full use of her eye, and the faith doctor had in her another enthusiastic convert.]

From the slight conversation I had with the Doctor, and from what he has said to others, I gather that his plan of operation is by prayer, and that his creed is founded upon that passage of Scripture, "Verily, if ye have faith as a grain of mustard seed," etc. By his neighbors he is said to be a truly pious and estimable man, and that he possesses some intelligence. From this I would humbly beg leave to differ: I think him a very ignorant man, who may probably have succeeded in forcing upon himself the belief that his prayers "avail much."

[The article concludes with the argument that if prayers and petitions can result in such wonders through this Faith Doctor, whom he declares "arrogant and impudent," how much more effective would be the result, and reverential the act, if the afflicted, instead of "laying his case before this pretender," would "pray to God and not to man."]

A Deer Hunt.

A bright, frosty morning in November, 1838, tempted me to visit this forest hunting-ground. ... On this occasion I was followed by a fine-looking hound, which had been presented to me, a few days before, by a fellow-sportsman. I was anxious to test his qualities, and knowing that a mean dog will often hunt well with a good one, I tied up my eager and well-trained Bravo and was attended by the stranger dog alone.

[After a brisk canter of half an hour (which is very interestingly described) the sportsman sighted a deer, the object of his hunt. One version of the tradition has it that Mr. Weir first saw this stag on the hill three miles east of Greenville, which since the publication of this story has been called "Buck Knob."]

On the very summit of the ridge, full one hundred and fifty yards distant, every limb standing out in bold relief against the clear blue sky, the stag paused and looked proudly down upon us. After a moment of indecision I raised my rifle and sent the whizzing lead upon its errand. A single bound and the antlered monarch was hidden from my view.

[The chase continued for several hours, and led the hunter many miles from the starting-point, until finally he had a second shot at the animal.]

Again I poured forth the "leaden messenger of death," and meteorlike he flashed by us. One bound and the noble animal lay prostrate within fifty feet of where I stood. Leaping from my horse and placing one knee upon the stag's shoulder and a hand upon his antlers, I drew my hunting knife. But scarcely had the keen point touched his neck, when with a sudden bound he threw me from his body, and my knife was hurled from my hand. In hunter's parlance, I had "only creased him." I at once saw my danger; but it was too late. With one bound he was upon me, wounding and almost disabling me with his sharp feet and horns. I seized him by his widespread antlers and sought to regain possession of my knife, but in vain; each new struggle drew me farther from it. Cherokee (my horse). frightened at this unusual scene, had madly fled to the top of the ridge, where he stood looking down upon the combat, trembling and quivering in every limb.

The ridge road I had taken had placed us far in advance of the hound whose bay I could now hear. The struggles of the furious animal had become dreadful, and every moment I could feel his sharp hoofs cutting deep into my flesh; and yet I relinquished not my hold. The struggle had brought us near a deep ditch, washed by the heavy fall rains, and into this I endeavored to force my adversary; but my strength was unequal to the effort. When we approached the very brink he leaped over the drain; I relinquished my hold and rolled in, hoping thus to escape him. But he returned to the attack, and throwing himself upon me, inflicted numerous severe cuts upon my face and breast before I could again seize him. Locking my arms around his antlers, I drew his head close to my breast, and was thus, by a great effort, enabled to prevent his doing me any serious injury. But I felt that this could not last long; every muscle and fibre of my frame was called into action and human nature could not long bear up under such exertion. Faltering a silent prayer to Heaven, I prepared to meet my fate.

At the moment of despair I heard the faint bayings of the hound. The stag, too, heard the sound, and springing from the ditch, drew me with him. His efforts were now redoubled and I could scarcely cling to him. Yet that blessed sound came nearer and nearer! O how wildly beat my heart, as I saw the hound emerge from the ravine and spring forward, with short quick bark, as his eyes rested on his game. I released my hold of the stag, who turned upon this new enemy. Exhausted and unable to rise, I still cheered the dog, that dastard-like fled before the infuriated animal, who, seemingly despising such an enemy, again threw himself upon me. Again did I succeed in throwing my arms around his antlers, but not until he had inflicted several deep and dangerous wounds upon my head and face, cutting to the very bone.

Blinded by the flowing blood, exhausted and despairing, I cursed the coward dog, who stood near, baying furiously, yet refusing to seize his game. O how I prayed for Bravo! The thoughts of death were bitter. To die thus, in the wild forest, alone, with none to help! Thoughts of home and friends coursed like lightning through my brain. That moment of desperation, when hope itself had fled, deep and clear, over the neighboring hill, came the bay of my gallant Bravo! I should have known his voice among a thousand! I pealed forth, in one faint shout, "On, Bravo! on!" The next moment, with tigerlike bounds, the noble dog came leaping down the declivity, scattering the dried autumnal leaves like a whirlwind in its path. "No pause he knew," but fixing his fangs in the stag's throat, at once commenced the struggle.

I fell back completely exhausted. Blinded with blood, I only knew that a terrific struggle was going on. In a few moments all was still, and I felt the warm breath of my faithful dog as he licked my wounds. Clearing my eyes from gore, I saw my late adversary dead at my feet; and Bravo, "my own Bravo," as the heroine of a modern novel would say, standing over me. He yet bore around his neck a fragment of the rope with which I had tied him. He had gnawed it in two, and following his master through all his wanderings, arrived in time to rescue him from a horrible death.

D, Duvall's Discovery of "Silver Ore"

FAMILY OF GEORGE LITTLE, quoted from Guffie - Through the Years, by Elizabeth Smith Cox     p21/22

The Little family was among the very first to inhabit this community now known as Guffie.  Their migration to this particular area from South Carolina had been encourage by their kinsman, Captain John Handley who had come into possession of thousands of acres of land lying the lower Green River Country.  His vast holdings had been acquired 

through land grants issued by the Government in payment for service in the American Revolution.  Also, he was a surveyor which was

 to his advantage.  Handley had promised the Littles a homestead if they would settle here and had made contracts to that effect, all of which were not fulfilled, possibly due to his death ca 1816. 

(See Equity Suit – Box 11, Circuit Court Suits Daviess County, Kentucky)

Much of the following information concerning the family is taken from a Sketch on George Little, History of Daviess County –1883 – pages 129-133 said to have been written by a great, grandson, Lucius Powhattan Little.

George Little, progenitor of the family, was a native of Dumfries, Scotland born ca 1733 and came to America in early manhood.  His first known residence was near Carlisle in the Colony of South Carolina.  He was married by 1760 to Mary (?) and the birth dates of their ten children ranged from 1761 to 1784.  Being a loyalist at heart he was opposed to the Colonies rebellion again the Mother Country, 

however when war came he joined 

the American Army.  During his time of service he attained the rank of Captain.  On the 12th day of May 1780 

he was taken prisoner at Charleston.  When peace came he was soon reunited with his family and continued his agricultural pursuits though somewhat handicapped by a bullit (sic) wound in his hip suffered in battle.  No record of a land bounty or other remuneration for his military service has come to our attention. 

 In his lifetime only those veterans in destitute circumstances were eligible for a pension and he did not qualify.

Recorded in Grant Book of 96th District, South Carolina – the following: Granted to George Little  250 acres on Tyger River by William Bull, Lieut. Governor in Council on 11 August, 1774.    Granted to George Little   92 acres by William Moultree, Governor on December 4, 1786.

The first wife, Mary was deceased before 1787 when he was married to his second wife, Rachel Cook? by that date.  George Little and wife Rachel signed deeds for sale of land in Union County: Book F, page 242 – Feb. 1787 and Book H, page 7—22 Aug.1791, (the latter recorded 3 Oct. 1803).  Later the remainder of the two tracts of land was sold to William Cooper 29 Oct. 1801 – Book G, page 109.  “Mary Little, wife of George Little

 released dower the same day”.  
This was the third wife, Mary (Handley) Douglas ((NB 1)), widow of Alexander Douglas.  She too was a native of Scotland whence she came in childhood and in early life married Douglas of Pennsylvania.   Born to this union were several daughters, one of whom was Elizabeth “Betsy”, wife of Jonas Little and another, Martha was married to Isaiah Hunt who came to Kentucky.   Nothing more is known about the children of Alexander and Mary Douglas.

In 1784 (or 85) Douglas had come to Kentucky with his brother-in-law, John Handley prospecting in view of ultimate settlement.   On their return trip they separated to go to their respective homes though Douglas never reached his destination and was believed to have been killed by the Indians.

According to plan Handley brought his family from Virginia to this section of the country.  Soon to follow was Anthony Thompson and family, his wife, Rachel being a sister to John Handley as was Mary (Handley) Douglas-Little.  A land bond dated 1793 from Handley to Thompson is recorded in Hardin County which covered this area at that time.  About the year 1802 Mr. Little in company with his sons, Jonas and John 

with families started on their journey 

from South Carolina to Kentucky.   After 

reaching Barren County they 

tarried there long enough to raise a crop.  John did not 

wish to accompany them further and went to Tennessee and later to Texas where he lived

 and died ((NB 2)).   George and son, Jonas moved on and settled a few miles north of Long Fall on Green River then in Ohio County.  The town of Vienna (now Calhoun) 

at that point had succeeded a fort of 

block house erected there some years before for protection from the Indians. 

Mr. Little had reached an advanced age and the time for toil had passed him before coming to Kentucky.  In personal appearance he is said to have been short and stoutly built with dark hair and eyes.  He features were marked and he spoke with a broad Scot dialect.  He was a pious man and had joined the Wesleyan movement in early life. On the first day of February 1815 he made his will.  He mentioned his children as follows:

Sons:		Joseph, Jonas, John, William and Thomas Little
Daughters:	Mary, wife of Abner Spray
		Sarah, wife of Richard Harris
		Susannah, wife of John Phillips
		Jane (deceased) had married John Hunt
		Nancy, wife of Henry Cockburn
Very little is known about these children except Jonas.  Most of them are believed to have lived and died in South Carolina.  It appears that the Spray family lived in the Curdsville locality, Daviess County.  Abner Spray served as Trustee of the Methodist Church in that village.  Aquilla Spray and wife, Cynthia with children: Mary (Spray) Galloway, husband, George Galloway and children are listed in 1850 census of Daviess County.

Shortly after making his will Mr. Little departed this life and was laid to rest in the Anthony Thompson Graveyard at Van Meter Springs (Highway 81).   More than one hundred years later the Daughters of the American Revolution, General Evan Shelby Chapter, Owensboro, held a memorial service at the burial site of George Little and Anthony Thompson, veterans of the American Revolution and erected a monument at the grave of each ((NB 3)).   Mary (Handley) Douglas Little, widow 

of George, married as her

 third husband, Edward Atterbury of Daviess County

 who died in 1824.  She survived several years,

 outliving most of her generation.  From youth to old age 

she was noted for her beauty, the grace of her manners and the rare charm of her colloquil 

(sic) powers (sic).   At death her remains were interred by the side of her second husband, George Little.   This was the first of the first public cemeteries in the county and many of the early settlers were buried there.   In recent years it has been abandoned and 

only two of the original tombstones can be found.









NB 1 – Notice the spelling of Douglas.   In other documents it is frequently spelled Douglass.

NB 2 – The timing implied here is incorrect.   John Little (p 96) is in the Ohio KY census of 1810 with George (p 99) and Jonas (p 100).   John seems to have left for TN between 1810 and 1820 as he is in the 1820 Williamson Co TN census (p 60).

NB 3 – The second photo at the link below shows Anthony Thompson’s marker as well.   It is legible in other photos from those not posted to the web.

http://www.geocities.com/littlednaproject/facts.htm

* * *