According to Marquina, no existing notion of security gives backbone to the EMP and that the documents themselves contain incoherence and imprecision regarding the concepts of co-operative security, preventative diplomacy and ‘good neighbourliness’ [73]. He also claims that these principles remain under-explained in both conceptual and operative aspects. Despite such views, however, one could legitimately argue that there exists a degree of coherence, albeit not organisational symmetry, let alone isomorphism, within the EU’s intention, in that economic problems can only be tackled once issues of political legitimacy are adequately addressed. Ultimately, most Mediterranean players seem to agree that institutionalised regional co-operation would have to involve, least of all in terms of implementation, the private sector, business enterprises and individuals [74]. Aliboni argues that such an initiative is the result of a remarkable and successful effort by the EU to innovate and reinforce its Mediterranean policy, in that its efforts towards a ‘structured strategy of regionalism’ are now clearly marked by elements of change predicated on the establishment of a free trade regime and the search for a common area of peace and stability to provide security and support economic development [75]. But the economic objectives, which are to be met through a series of institutional reforms, hide security risks since accelerated market liberalisation in the southern rim could produce greater waves of socio-political instability. Moreover, the EMP has not yet either operationalised or regularised political co-operation, something that may prove vital in case of further economic recession in the southern rim. These mechanisms are cited in the Barcelona document (encouraging information exchanges and establishing dialogue mechanisms) and in the Action Plan that was set out at the beginning of the process. Joffé makes the point that the EU, in seeking to employ a meaningful global and comprehensive approach, should provide the following set of mechanisms: support for responsive and participatory political processes sustained by the encouragement of economic transparency and accountability within a codified and independent legal structure; collective co-operative security alongside viable economic restructuring; and a financial commitment to the creation of a vital human and physical infrastructure that will make the economic refashioning of the region into a ‘win-win situation for all’ [76]. In general, the EMP aims at correcting the structural deficits evident in past European policies and can be seen, in Gillespie’s words, as ‘emblematic of a process’ being constituted from a dynamic set of international exchanges, but still falling short of a meaningful Partnership [77]. At the same time, it is a vital step in the process of animating some confident expectations towards the emergence of a common ‘Euro-Mediterranean consciousness’, laying the groundwork for the creation of an international regime [78].