JOAN OF ARC AS MILITARY COMMANDER
by John Egan
Joan of Arc is the most astonishing figure in the whole of medieval history. What makes her story so especially compelling is that she is the most thoroughly documented figure in European history until the modern era. Her two trials, one of condemnation and one of rehabilitation, the latter in which 115 eye witnesses gave direct testimony to the events of her life and military career, are an enduring and unimpeachable record of a story so fabulous, it’s still hard to believe. Perhaps most astounding, the affirmations of her Captains indicate that Joan was in actual command of the French army, responsible for the strategic, grand tactical and tactical decisions which reversed the course of the Hundred Years War.
Joan’s military career began when she arrived at the fortified town of Vaucouleurs in February 1429. She was there to convince the garrison commander, Robert de Baudricourt, to give her a military escort to Charles Valois, or the Dauphin, as Joan referred to him. Baudricourt, of course, refused to see her. But since the town was small he could not avoid her forever. Eventually, she cornered him in the marketplace and demanded to be taken seriously. Baudricourt laughed her off. He told her that he had seen her before, a year ago, when she had approached him with the same fool’s mission. Undeterred, she continued to eloquently present her case. A crowd gathered, there not being that much to do in a provincial town, even nowadays. Joan then made a lengthily speech, something she was wont to do, being a highly intelligent and articulate girl. The gist of it was that she was the only one in the world who could save France. The commander shrugged her off and made to continue on his way when the extraordinary intervened. Her speech had swayed a knight, Jean de Metz. He knelt before Joan, and in a token of fealty, placed his hands in hers and vowed to serve her faithfully. This act, the greatest moment in the history of chivalry, made de Metz, Joan’s liegeman. He was in her service, and, according to the rules of chivalry, there was nothing Robert de Baudricourt could do about it. The garrison commander, fairly isolated and short of men, was further exasperated when another knight, Bertrand de Poulengy, stepped forward and also placed himself in Joan’s service. Baudricourt gave in to the inevitable. He assigned the king’s messenger to accompany them along with an archer to ride point. They, the knights and their two squires, safely escorted Joan through 300 miles of enemy territory to the Dauphin’s residence at Chinon.
The Kingdom of France was then in disarray and on the verge of defeat. It wasn’t even altogether clear just who was king. The French claimant, Charles Valois, his holdings reduced to a few, rather poor, provinces south of the River Loire, was unable to be sanctified at Rheims for the sacred site was in Norman/English territory. In addition, Charles was further discredited when his father had disowned and disinherited him. Fairly destitute, Charles and his Court could only idly wait, as their last great bastion on the Loire, Orleans, was about to fall to a Norman/English siege. When Orleans fell, there would be no barriers remaining to the complete conquest of France by the Norman/English claimants. Charles and his entourage literally kept their bags packed, ready for immediate flight to Spain.
It is important to note that the Hundred Years War was not a national conflict between England and France in the modern sense. In the 15th century, the current notion of the nation state did not exist. The entities we refer to as England and France were nominally under the suzerainty of a king but, especially in the case of France, were in reality a loose knit union of principalities ruled by princes often more powerful than the king. The Hundred Years War was a French dynastic struggle in which English soldiery formed the infantry core of the armies assembled by the Norman French rulers of England who were also claimants to the throne of France.
No doubt Charles Valois and his entourage thought they would play farm girl from Bar/Lorraine for a fool, but Joan was too smart for all of them. Driven by a passion that comes from direct revelation, Joan convinced Charles that she might help him. In a series of speeches to his Court and in private conversation, she told him that that his father had no right to disinherit him; that kingship was a matter solely for God and his angels to dispose, by the miracle of birth alone.
Charles sent her to Poitiers to be examined by Catholic clerics to protect
himself from charges that she might be in league with dark forces, a situation
which weighed heavily upon the medieval mind. After three weeks of interrogations
they found her pious and recommended that she be entrusted with any mission
Charles might have for her. Enlightened in Joan’s presence, the Dauphin
had her rigged up in armor, assigned her two pages plus two heralds which
automatically made her a Captain, the highest rank then known. She was
to join the French army with the commission to resupply and relieve the
bastion at Orleans from Norman/English investment. Accompanied by her two
original knights, she linked up with French army Captains Gilles de Laval
(Bluebeard), Jean de la Brosse, La Hire and Ambrose de Lore’. These
experienced officers, with the exception of Lore’, all had a long history
of losing struggles with the Norman/English. It is interesting to note
that they only became successful after serving with Joan.
Her head spinning with success and divinely intoxicated with her mission,
Joan met up with her army at the town of Blois, where it was encamped.
She didn’t make herself right popular with the men when she ordered the
camp followers away with the point of her sword. Cooler heads prevailed
and Joan acquiesced to a policy whereby the prostitutes would be allowed
to follow the army as long as they stayed out of Joan’s sight. Acceding
to the will of her Captains, she followed unwittingly along as they led
the army to Orleans by a route designed to avoid contact with the Norman/English.
This placed the army on the southern bank of the River Loire and meant
that the army could not directly enter Orleans, but would rather have to
be transported into the city on boats along with the supplies. Rightly,
Joan balked at her Captains’ plan, for she reasoned that she would not
allow her army to be divided and destroyed piecemeal. For the first time,
she realized that she might know more about how to conduct military operations
than they did. Joan was ready to return to Blois with the entire army and march it
back to Orleans by the northern route. The commander of the garrison at
Orleans, John, the Count of Denois, Bastard of Orleans, then interceded.
He begged Joan not to leave; for he pleaded that the people of Orleans
had heard of Joan’s arrival and would lose hope and surrender if they learnt
she had come and gone. Joan saw the wisdom in the Count’s argument. She
reluctantly entrusted the army to her Captains, and with the Bastard and
Captain Le Hire, entered the city in tumultuous triumph. The Norman/English besiegers had erected ten blockhouses of various
sizes to enforce the investment. The siege was not complete as it was still
possible to sortie out of the town in force and boats could still navigate
the Loire in and out of the city. The effectiveness of the siege lay in
the fact that medieval agrarian life was completely disrupted and the citizens
were slowing losing their strength to resist. Joan gave everyone newfound
courage. A few days after her arrival, a group of townsmen armed themselves
into a mob and took the weakest of the blockhouses by coup de main. The
attack was in full swing when Joan heard of it. She sprang to horse and
arrived in time to give the mob courage to maintain the assault. Hot blooded,
the rabble broke through and it was all Joan could do to halt the wholesale
slaughter of prisoners by the inflamed citizenry. Joyous in victory and
in sorrow for the bloodshed, she cried. But the girl was astute. She saw
that the Norman/English siege could be broken and since her army was not
yet arrived, she resolved to send the Norman/English commanders a letter,
advising them to surrender. Joan’s first letter to the Norman/English, written like Caesar in the
third person, gives keen insight into her character. It is incredible that
Joan is almost always referred to as “illiterate,” often vehemently. In
fact, Joan had dictated close to thirty letters, seventeen of which are
still extant. Some of them are signed in her own hand. She had her own
unique literary style, made lengthily speeches and at her trial of condemnation,
asked if she might have a copy of the articles against her “so that I might
ponder them.” After all, what’s so difficult about learning to read? A
child can do it. Her letter began: King of England, and you, duke of Bedford, who call yourself regent
of the kingdom of France, you, Sir John Talbot, and you, Sir Thomas of
Scales, who call yourself lieutenant of the aforesaid duke of Bedford,
render your account to the King of Heaven. Surrender to the Maid. What nerve! She is entirely ready to make peace, provided you are willing to settle
accounts with her and provided that you give up France and pay for having
occupied her… and go back to your own countries for God’s sake. And if
you do not do so, wait for the word of the Maid, who will come visit you
briefly to your great sorrow. I am the war commander, and in whatever place
I shall meet your French allies I shall make them leave it. And if they
will not obey, I shall have them all killed. And so on. This letter reveals Joan’s essential qualities as military
commander; her audacity and nerve. When the army arrived, she counted upon
her Captains to lead an immediate attack. They instead advised her to be
prudent. Scrupulously avoiding profanity, she told them, in effect, to
go to hell. She mounted her war-horse, donned a magnificent white and gold
mantle, and with her heralds trumpeting, gathered the army and led it to
the gates of the city for a sortie. There, she was met by the mayor who
blocked the gate and refused to lower the drawbridge. Joan drew her sword
and threatened to cut his head off right then and there. The bridge went
down immediately as her Captains hastened to join her or be left behind.
Joan personally led the assault upon the stronger Norman/English positions
and was wounded for the first time. This only kept her out of the fight
for a while. Her wound was dressed and she returned the next day to again
personally lead the attack the broke the siege. The date was May 7, 1429. The next day, Sunday, the Norman/English army drew up before Orleans
in battle order. Joan forbade her men to attack, not just because it was
Sunday, as she did prefer to honor the Lord’s Day, but also because she
knew that the enemy was already defeated. She advised her Captains to let
them retreat and the men obeyed. Here Joan exhibited for the first time
her essential grasp of grand strategy. The strategic imperative was the
relief of the fortress. With the redoubts taken, the siege was broken.
A pitched battle would gain little at the risk of losing all. This was the turning point not only in the whole war but also for Joan
as military commander. It is difficult to grasp that a young girl might
be so endowed with wisdom that she could immediately see long-term strategic
as well as tactical goals while experienced statesmen and soldiers did
not. However, there is nothing extraordinary about this. There are principles
of military action which are immediately discernible to some people the
way brilliant children intuitively grasp the essential strategic and tactical
principles of chess. For example, the Prince of Conde' took command at
21 with neither training nor experience and led the French army to major
victories. From this point on, it was Joan who made every strategic, grand
tactical and tactical decision for the French Army. She took advice to
be sure, especially since she had a loyal retinue of experienced warlords
by her side. But it was the Maid who always made the final determination. Joan didn’t linger. Within a few days she was with Charles. His advisors
wanted the army to attack the Norman/English bastions in Normandy, thus
isolating Paris. It was a good military plan but Joan took into consideration
long term strategic goals. Testimony from Dunois: And I remember that after the victories of which I have spoken," (which
he credits entirely to the Maid), "the Princes of the blood royal and the
captains wanted the King to go into Normandy, and not to Rheims. But the
Maid remained of the opinion that they should go to Rheims to anoint the
King and gave as reason for her advice that once the King was crowned and
anointed the power of his enemies would decline continually until finally
they would be powerless to harm him or his kingdom. Everyone (then) subscribed
to her opinion. Here was the single most significant strategic decision of the campaign
and the one that changed the course of French history. Traditionally French
kings were not just crowned at Rheims but were sanctified with an ancient
and precious holy oil, kept at Rheims. Charles would never be the
true king in the popular imagination until he was anointed with this oil
in Rheims. It’s true Charles had been named king seven years before by
Electors. But it is important to remember there were severe doubts about
Charles” legitimacy, even in his own mind. In fact, he was derisively known
as “King of Bourges” rather than of France, in reference to the few southern
provinces he still controlled. To oppose him, the Rectors of the University
of Paris, who would later burn Joan, had laboriously worked out the theoretical
foundation for the “Double Monarchy” in which the King of England was also
that of France. Charles Valois’ triumphal march upon Rheims and coronation,
which was so sudden and seemingly quite miraculous, shattered those theories
and eliminated doubts about his legitimacy forever. But to get to Rheims Joan had to escort Charles through enemy territory
and past a number of fortified cities, no easy task. This was the Loire
Campaign of 1429. Joan’s success here marks her not only one of history’s
Great Captains, but within the ranks of Napoleon and Alexander, for her
military victories altered the fate of nations. Her contemporaries remarked
upon Joan’s attributes as a military commander, and it’s rather amazing
that she is still given scant credit for the success of French arms after
she took command. Here is Thibault d' Armagnac, a knight and captain of Chartres: Except in matters of war she was simple and innocent. But in the leading
and drawing up of armies and in the conduct of war, in disposing an army
for battle and haranguing the soldiers, she behaved like the most experienced
captain in the world, like one with a whole lifetime of experience. The evidence indicates that Joan was especially skillful in the use
of artillery. Since the Norman/English relied on the longbow and as the
French were never able to develop a comparable arm, the gunpowder revolution
affected French arms more positively than their opponents. As early as
October 7, 1418, Charles VI gave a certain Jean Petit the title “Master
of Artillery.” On October 1, 1420, Dauphin and later Charles VII, gave
Pierre Bessonneau the title “Master General and Inspector of Artillery”
and this officer was with Joan on the drive on Paris. Also, one of her
younger officers, Ambrose de Lore’, defeated the Norman/English in a small
engagement prior to Joan’s arrival and no doubt Joan learned well from
him. The Duke of Alencon: In everything that she did, apart from the conduct of the war, Joan
was young and simple; but in the conduct of war she was most skillful,
both in carrying the lance herself, in drawing up the army in battle order,
and in placing the artillery. And everyone was astonished that she acted
with such prudence and clear-sightedness in military matters, as cleverly
as some great captain with twenty or thirty years experience; and especially
in the placing of artillery, for in that she acquitted herself magnificently. If Joan knew how to well place artillery, and there is no reason to
assume the Duke be lying here, then she must have intuitively grasped the
principle of concentration. The necessary corollary is that concentrated
artillery, well placed, will defeat archers in the open field. This must
be the reason why the course of the war was so suddenly and drastically
altered when Joan took command: The French changed their tactics. Artillery
became the decisive arm, and the French retained superiority in this domain
into the modern era. The Loire Campaign began with the fall of Jargeau on June 10, 1429.
For this campaign, a strong battalion of Scots, whom Joan held in high
esteem, also reinforced the French. “You Scots make good war” she told
them. Joan directed the timing of the assault and personally led it. This
was one of her hallmarks: She was in the vanguard of every attack and personally
commanded the rearguard in every retreat, although those would come later. It’s not altogether clear how the French defeated the Norman/English
in the pitched battle at Patay on June 18, 1429. We do know the armies
were in place the night before when the Norman/English tried to get out
of the fight by issuing a single combat challenge. Joan turned them down,
telling them she would take a closer look at them on the morrow. The Norman/English
then withdrew to a stronger position near Patay. With a set piece battle
in the offering, the French would have had time to set up their guns.
There are nonsensical accounts of the armies blundering into one another
in this battle with the Norman/English revealing their positions to cheer
a stag that bounded by. This popular story, from the English/Burgundian
side, only serves to discredit the great achievement of French arms at
Patay. There are no detailed accounts of the battle’s course from the French
side. We can surmise that the Norman/English were defeated with the same
innovative methods Joan used throughout the campaign. She was in control
of the troops. They obeyed her every command. Just as at Orleans and Jargeau,
she made the appropriate deployments and with the essential element of
correct timing, she properly directed the battle. Patay would not be a
replay of Crecy, Poitiers and Agincourt, with French battalions advancing
and retreating of their own accord to destruction. The French Army under
Joan’s authority moved with the unison of command and control that a Great
Captain lends to victorious troops. The Norman/English chose to defend
a field similar to Agincourt. The results were different. Their archers
did not stand. The French quickly pounded a hole in the Norman/English
center, broke through and routed the enemy army. The remnants of the Norman/English army retreated to Paris and the road
to Rheims lay open. The first town to fall in the drive on Rheims was the
city of Troyes. Garrisoned by a strong Burgundian force, Joan personally
reconnoitered the approaches and directed the disposition of troops and
artillery. Eyewitnesses report that her deployments were so powerfully
directed that the city surrendered rather than receive the assault. Dunois: Then the Maid crossed at once with the king’s army and left the encampment
beside the moats, and made admirable dispositions, such as could not have
been done better by two or three of the most famous and experienced soldiers. It is not reasonable to affirm that Joan’s only contribution to the
French Army’s astounding reversal of form was in the sphere of morale.
French soldiery at Crecy, Poitiers and Agincourt had fanatical determination.
Their problem was that they lacked firm and decisive leadership. They needed
a great general officer. In Joan, they found one. The results should, and
must, speak for themselves. Chalons fell next, and on July 16, Charles received a delegation from
Rheims, which offered the city’s acquiescence to his authority. Later that
evening Charles entered the city as a number of French collaborators crept
out the back gate, among them Bishop Pierre Cauchon who would be the prime
figure in Joan’s judicial murder. The coronation took place the next day. Four knights known as the Guardians
of the Holy Vial escorted the precious oil into the cathedral on horseback.
Interestingly enough, it seems that the holy oil was the only traditional
coronation item the Norman/English had not removed to Paris. They probably
didn’t understand how significant it was in the popular mind. Folklore
had it that the oil was brought to earth by angels for the coronation of
Clovis, first king of the Franks. Charles was anointed with the oil and
confirmed king. With the coronation at Rheims, Joan’s prediction proved
correct: Charles VII ‘s power generally and steadily increased while his
opponents’ decreased. This was the high point of Joan’s career and for her, it all went downhill
from there. She wanted to lead the army on an immediate assault upon Paris
but Charles thought he might negotiate a peace with the Burgundians. The
three-week truce he arranged only allowed the Norman/English time to reinforce
Paris. When the French finally did attack they were unable to break through
the defenses and Joan was again wounded storming the bulwarks. Another
truce was established and Charles disbanded the army. Joan went into retreat,
probably donned women’s clothing again and managed the stable of fine horses
she had acquired from Charles. Now ennobled, and with her elder brother
directing her finances, Joan accumulated some wealth. Charles continued
to lavish fine gifts upon her. It seems Joan did wear and enjoy the
fabulous dresses and fine furs he gave her, just as Bishop Cauchon did
later charge, when he accused her of worldly extravagance. The evidence indicates that Joan might have used the wealth she accumulated
to support resistance movements that sprung up in the winter of 1430. One
resistance leader in Paris, the owner of the Hotel de l’Ours, was arrested
and killed by the Burgundians. Before his death Joan had tried to arrange
his ransom with a prisoner exchange. The evidence is sketchy but in the
winter of 1430 Joan traveled quite a bit, continued to write letters asking
the citizens of various cities for support, and the resistance flared up
at exactly the same time. By the spring of 1430 Charles had to admit that his negotiations had
failed. The Burgundians laid siege to Compiegne and Joan resolved to help.
“We have good friends in Compiegne” she said. Dressed again as a man, she
outfitted her own battalion of Italian freebooters, led them to Compiegne
and was greeted rightly as a savior. Never liking to waste any time, she
led an immediate sortie, which was repulsed. She was captured commanding
the rear guard. Joan was now the prisoner of John of Luxembourg and by the laws of chivalry
he could sell her to the Norman/English, ransom her to Charles or set her
free. His aunt, Joan of Luxembourg, forbade him to sell Joan. However,
the old lady died a few months later and he then sold his famous prisoner
to the Norman/English for ten thousand in gold. This was the Maid’s death
warrant. John’s wife and young daughter, both also named Joan, knew it
well, and his act split the family asunder. John never recovered their
good will and later tried to buy Joan back to mend his family ties. The
Norman/English only duped him, for they would never, even for one moment,
let Joan out of irons. The Norman/English plan for their prisoner was simple. They contrived
a phony trial conducted by their French collaborators in the University
of Paris. A guilty verdict would discredit Charles Valois, while also eliminating
their most dangerous foe. The outcome was seldom in doubt. The theologians
tried their best to give the proceedings an aura of legitimacy but it was
impossible. Joan was a not only a prisoner of war but also a political
prisoner, for in modern terms, she represented a political faction. Joan was denied counsel and was forced to defend herself. No charges
were ever proved, as no evidence was ever submitted. Joan was condemned
solely upon the interrogations conducted during her trail. Her own speech,
as interpreted by her enemies, was the only testimony against her. She
was not allowed to call any witnesses in her defense. Accused of witchcraft,
her learned accusers could not prove any sorcery. Regarding Joan’s visions,
the charge of heresy was also not shown, for in the Catholic tradition
to see angels and speak with them is not heresy, but rather an enlightened
condition to be attained. Eventually they broke her down and tricked her into signing a confession
with the promise that she would be kept with women in a church prison.
Instead, she was returned to a Norman/English dungeon. After three days
she recanted which led her to the stake. Most commentators go along with the notion that Joan had no real impact
upon martial affairs except in morale. The direct testimony of her compatriots
contradicts this. And so do the results. In Joan, we have a girl of nineteen
who was able to cogently argue arcane points of theology with university
rectors intent to destroy her, as well as triumphantly command an army
in one of history’s most decisive campaigns. She is surely one of the great
geniuses in the thousand-year history of medieval agrarian civilization
and it is time to finally reassess her status as a military commander.