請選有赤子心腸, 肯為人民捨命做事的人. 不選霸權分贓的黨派.
奔 騰 (一)
宋楚瑜 政 見 (九)
www.GeoStroke.com
十鍵盤 中文輸入法
www.10-key.com
GEOSTROKE
By John Pomfret
Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, July 3, 1999;Page A15
TAIPEI, Taiwan - While political reforms are stymied in mainland China, Taiwan is preparing for what could be its most open presidential election ever and a breakthrough on the road to full democratization.
At the center of a pre-election brawl is James Soong, a 57-year-old powerhouse in the ruling Nationalist Party, whose businesses have made it the world's richest. He is also an architect of Taiwan's democratic reforms.
Soong and President Lee-Teng-hui, 76, used to be close political allies. But in 1997, Lee surprised Soong by abolishing his post as governor of Taiwan to diminish his political stature. Now, Soong has shocked Taiwan's political system by planning a run for president.
Lee, who owes his two terms as Taiwan's president in part to Soong's support, has tapped Vice President Lien Chan to succeed him on the Nationalist Party ticket next spring.
In an election with great significance for relations with China and import for the United States, Soong is saying new things about China, America and Taiwan's relations with the two. In a rare interview, he laid out a program for foreign affairs that would break significantly with the Nationalist government's current policy and move Taiwan much closer to Beijing. Quoting Mao Zedong, John F. Kennedy, Confucius and Bill Gates, the Ph.D. from Georgetown University appeared eager to challenge the tight hold that Lee has exerted over the island for the past 11 years.
"Taiwan needs a strong president," Soong said, "not a strongman."
Soong's challenge would not mean much except for the fact that he is, by far, the most popular politician in Taiwan, Soong won strong support from native Taiwanese, comprising 85 percent of the island's population, have historically been bitter toward the Nationalist Party. The party fled to Taiwan in 1949 after losing the civil war to China's Communists. The Communists consider Taiwan a renegade province, and threaten to invade if it declares independence.
Island-wide polls regularly place Soong as the top of presidential candidate heap. In one survey, 53.4 percent of those asked Soong understood their problems, compared with only 3.6 percent for Lien.
Even more significant, in a recent poll of 982 residents in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a hotbed of anti-mainlander sentiment, Soong beat out former Taipei mayor Chen Shui-bian, the main native Taiwanese candidate, by 40.5 percent to 27.8 percent. Lien came in third with 13.6.
If he wins, Soong's presidency could present China's rulers with an enormous challenge. China's Communist government has belittled Taiwan's democracy because it associates elections with Lee. On mainland China, he is viewed as a traitor, craving an independent Taiwan.
But with Soong at the helm, pursuing his version of a "sunshine policy" toward Beijing, China's Communists will have a hard time condemning Taiwan's democracy. Indeed, many reformers in China are hoping Soong will win.
For the past 20 years, Soong has been at the heart of Taiwan's political reforms. Partly at his urging, President Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law in 1986 and took the first steps toward allowing political opposition. And he managed the first two democratic elections for the Nationalist Party.
For that reason, it is ironic that today Soong is viewed as the plucky challenger. The man trying to barge onto the presidential ballot is the same man who perfected the Nationalist' nomination process, which ensured that party elders control which candidates run. Now he wants to democratize the party's nomination process because it "cannot stand up to any democratic test," Soong said.
Soong's program for Taiwan's relations with China would also signal a major political change. Under a his government, Soong said, Taiwan would open the "three links" to China…direct trade, shipping and mail. Lee has opposed this opening because he has said it would increase China's influence over Taiwan. But now, if a Taiwanese businessman wants to travel to China, he has to travel via Hong Kong, adding a day to his trip.
"One of the biggest challenges facing Taiwan is economic, "Soong argued. "One of our solutions is …to become an Asian Pacific operations center for multinational companies. But if we don't have free access to the mainland, how can Taiwan be an Asian center?"
Soong also would curtail Taiwan's "dollar diplomacy" competition with China for diplomatic recognition from small, poor countries. He might even shelve its struggle to regain a seat in the United Nations.
Soong said he would play down Taiwan's push toward participating in an American-led theater missile defense (TMD) shield. He said investing in such a scheme, and placing hope in the United States to extend the system to cover Taiwan, would infuriate Beijing, "The best defense for Taiwan is democracy, not TMD," Soong said.
Additionally, Soong said he would be willing to begin a political dialogue with Beijing, marking a break with the policy of the Nationalist Party.
He emphasized, however, that none of these moves would be made without the support of all of Taiwan's major political parties, including the Democratic Progressive Party, the main opposition group, which in the past has said Taiwan should declare independence. And, he added, any agreements made between China and Taiwan would have to approved by all of Taiwan's voters in a plebiscite.
"What we should emphasized is the right to remain free, democratic and prosperous, " Soong said, " but we shouldn't rule out the possibility of … a solution to the mainland problem. It doesn't mean we should surrender."
*1999 The Washington Post Company
~~~~~~
台灣正準備它民主道路上最開放、影響最深遠的總統選舉。
在筆者與宋楚瑜的訪談中，宋先生提出完整的施政理念。「台 灣需要一個有決心、魄力、遠見的政府負責人，而不是政治強人 。」宋如此說。
全島的民調顯示，宋先生是最受歡迎的總統候選人，在其中一 個民調中，有53.45%的民眾認為宋是最了解民間疾苦的候選人，對 比之下，連戰只佔了3.6的百分比。更顯著的是，在最近高雄的民 調中，宋得到了高達40.5%的支持率，超越前台北市長陳水扁的 27.85%，連落居第三，為13.6%。
過去二十年中，宋曾經親身參與台灣民主改革的規劃、決策與 執行，由於他的建議與推動，蔣經國總統在1986年解除戒嚴，並踏 出政治自由化的第一步，開始給予反對勢力合法的空間；同時，宋 曾幫助國民黨規劃與落實近年來台灣兩次最重要的民主選舉─1994 年的省市長選舉及1996年的首次總統大選。
宋論道，台灣未來最大的挑戰就是如何持續快速而均衡的經濟 成長。「我們政府曾經提出整合亞太營運中心的方案，但是如果我 們沒有重新思考三通的問題，台灣將如何成為亞太營運中心？」除 此之外，面對中共政權，宋認為台灣最佳的防衛不是任何現代化的 武器系統，而是它的自由民主。
「我們強調的是，台灣民眾享有自由民主富庶生活的權利。」
宋於是說：「我們應該尋求大陸政策的解決之道，但這並不代表我
們會向中共政權低頭。」
節錄自華盛頓郵報, 一九九九年七月三日，第15頁。
~~~~~~
秦金生回應華盛頓郵報爭議
宋楚瑜在華盛頓郵報專訪時提出
秦金生表示，國家大政必視實際需要進行調整；一味停滯，就 是退步。國家領導人面對變局，更不應該故步自封。宋被外國媒體 形容為「台灣民主改革設計師」是肯定宋是國家優秀人才，沒有什 麼不好。
有關三通部份的爭議，秦金生說，宋楚瑜一貫的主張就是在顧 及台灣安全、利益及尊嚴等前提下，推動兩岸三通的政策，台灣人 民生活維持自由民主的形態。（詳細內容請見老宋小舖老宋政治新 解中的『關於海的另一岸』。）
秦金生表示，宋楚瑜接受華盛頓郵報訪問的時間，是在5月2日 演講之後，及訪日之前，而宋楚瑜歷次提到兩岸三通政策，都有提 到台灣安全、尊嚴及人民自由民主生活的前提下，推動三通，所以 在接受華盛頓郵報訪問時，並沒有主張立即三通，而是在有前提下 推動三通，這一向是宋楚瑜對於兩岸政策的看法，而華盛頓郵報可 能基於篇幅沒有刊豋前提。宋楚瑜對於兩岸政策一向是考慮周延、 縝密，希望外界不要隨便扣帽子，包括這是宋楚瑜向中共、美國尋 求支持的說法都是扣帽子的作法。
秦金生強調，時代改變，國家重大政策也要隨之改變。像主張
兩岸加速交流就是變；堅持台灣民主自由就是不變；堅持台灣優先
也是不變。面對即將到來的二十一世紀，
政府的應變速度該有所調
整，
否則會影響國家競爭力。
*****
發佈日期：88年11月17日
* 應該是 真正 民主, 而不是什麼 "革命民主", 黑金民主 吧!
本站註.
楚瑜並深信：
民主政黨的理念在於追求清明的政治；
而楚瑜所主張者，只是希望國民黨能滌盪黑金、
澄清風氣而已。
楚瑜更深信：
民主政黨的使命在於傾聽民意、
回應民意；而楚瑜所主張者，
亦只是希望國民黨不要祇看上意卻不顧民意而已。
楚瑜對於國民黨的這些呼喊，
相信也正是鄉親同胞們對於國民黨的期望。
國民黨可以不理會國民黨的呼喊，
卻豈可無視於鄉親同胞的殷切期待？
此刻，楚瑜願對鄉親同胞說：
楚瑜自始至終都是一個十分忠誠且十分努力的國民黨員。
在過去幾十年的從政生涯中，楚瑜為黨國而努力，
可以說是夙夜匪懈、摩頂放踵；楚瑜對於黨國的忠誠，
更可以說是肝腦塗地、奮不顧身。楚瑜在各位鄉親同胞面前如此自況，
並無自矜自誇，相信許多鄉親同胞也可以為楚瑜作見證。
因而，如今謂要開除楚瑜，對於忠黨愛國、
始終如一的楚瑜而言，實不啻黨要處分一個黨員對於黨始終不渝的赤誠，
亦不啻形同黨要懲罰一個黨員對於黨生死以赴的奉獻。
楚瑜未背離黨，卻憂心處分楚瑜者已背離了黨。
*****
國民黨及其他黨派的現行 濁流 終究是淹蓋不住 的!!!
臺灣的黨派, 流氓都是沒有
真是 下流, 墮落.
選前選後是兩樣人, 卑鄙無恥莫過李登輝,
他 理 當是絕版.
李敖說: "宋楚瑜 現在是住公寓的李登輝 !"
希望他這回說錯了.下面有一只起碼的量尺, 大家來看看 他的政見 包括了多少 ?
*****
