6. Conclusions
In the same way that the explorers are the "eyes and ears" of a patrol,
or of a column on the march, the Armed Propaganda Teams are also the source
of information, the "antennas" of our movement, because they find and exploit
the sociopolitical weaknesses in the target society, making possible a
successful operation.
DEVELOPMENT AND CONTROL OF FRONT ORGANIZATIONS
1. Generalities
The development and control of front organizations (or "façade"
organizations) is an essential process in the guerrilla effort to carry
out the insurrection. That is, in truth, an aspect of urban guerrilla warfare,
but it should advance parallel to the campaign in the rural area. This
section has as its objective to give the guerilla student an understanding
of the development and control of front organizations in guerrilla warfare.
2. Initial Recruitment
The initial recruitment to the movement, if it is involuntary, will
be carried out through several "private" consultations with a cadre (without
his knowing that he is talking to a member of ours). Then, the recruit
will be informed that he or she is already inside the movement, and he
will be exposed to the police of the regime if he or she does not cooperate.
When the guerrillas carry out missions of armed propaganda and a program of regular visits to the towns by the Armed Propaganda Teams, these contacts will provide the commandos with the names and places of persons who can be recruited. The recruitment, which will be voluntary, is done through visits by guerrilla leaders or political cadres.
After a chain of voluntary recruitments has been developed, and the trustworthiness of the recruits has been established by their carrying out small missions, they will be instructed about increasing/widening the chain by recruiting in specific target groups, in accordance with the following procedure:
*From among their acquaintances or through observation of the target groupspolitical parties, workers' unions, youth groups, agrarian associations, etc.finding out the personal habits, preferences and biases, as well as the weaknesses of the "recruitable" individuals.
*Make an approach through an acquaintance, and if possible, develop a friendship, attracting him through his preferences or weaknesses: it might be inviting him for lunch in the restaurant of his choice or having a drink in his favorite cantina or an invitation to dinner in the place he prefers.
Recruitment should follow one of the following guidelines:
*If in an informal conversation the target seems susceptible to voluntary recruitment based on his beliefs and personal values, etc., the political cadre assigned to carry out the recruitments will be notified of this. The original contact will indicate to the cadre assigned, in detail, all he knows of the prospective recruit, and the style of persuasion to be used, introducing the two.
*If the target does not seem to be susceptible to voluntary recruitment, meetings can be arranged which seem casual with the guerrilla leaders or with the political cadres (unknown by the target until that moment). The meetings will be held so that "other persons" know that the target is attending them, whether they see him arrive at a particular house, seated at the table in a particular bar or even seated on a park bench. The target, then, is faced with the fact of his participation in the insurrectional struggle and it will be indicated to him also that if he fails to cooperate or to carry out future orders, he will be subjected to reprisals by the police or soldiers of the regime.
*The notification of the police, denouncing a target who does not want to join the guerrillas, can be carried out easily, when it becomes necessary, through a letter with false statements of citizens who are not implicated in the movement. Care should be taken that the person who recruited him covertly is not discovered.
*With the carrying out of clandestine missions for the movement, the involvement and handing over of every recruit is done gradually on a wider and wider scale, and confidence increases. This should be a gradual process, in order to prevent confessions from fearful individuals who have been assigned very difficult or dangerous missions too early.
Using this recruitment technique, our guerrillas will be able to successfully
infiltrate any key target group in the regime, in order to improve the
internal control of the enemy structure.
3. Established Citizens, Subjective Internal Control
Established citizens, such as doctors, lawyers, businessmen, landholders,
minor state officials, etc., will be recruited to the movement and used
for subjective internal control of groups and associations to which they
belong or may belong.
*Once the recruitment/involvement has been brought about, and has progressed
to the point that allows that specific instructions be given to internal
cadres to begin to influence their groups, instructions will be given to
them to carry out the following:
*The process is simple and only requires a basic knowledge of the Socrates dialectic: that is the knowledge that is inherent to another person or the established position of a group, some theme, some word or some thought related to the objective of persuasion of the person in charge of our recruitment.
*The cadre then must emphasize this theme, word or thought in the discussions
or meetings of the target group, through a casual commentary, which improve
the focus of other members of the group in relation to this. Specific examples
are:-
Economic interest groups are motivated by profit and generally feel
that the system hinders the use of their capability in this effort in some
way, taxes, import export tariffs, transportation costs, etc. The cadre
in charge will increase this feeling of frustration in late conversations.-
Political aspirants, particularly if they are not successful, feel that
the system discriminates against them unfairly, limiting their capabilities,
because the Sandinista regime does not allow elections. The cadre should
focus political discussions towards this frustration.-
Intellectual social critics (such as professors, teachers, priests, missionaries, etc.), generally feel that the government ignores their valid criticism or censors their comments unjustly, especially in a situation of revolution. This can easily be shown by the guerrilla cadre, at meetings and discussions, to be an injustice of the system.
For all the target groups, after they have established frustrations, the hostility towards the obstacles to their aspirations will gradually become transferred to the current regime and its system of repression.
The guerrilla cadre moving among the target group should always maintain a low profile, so that the development of hostile feelings towards the false Sandinista regime seems to come spontaneously from the members of the group and not from suggestions of the cadre. This is internal subjective control.
Anti-governmental hostility should be generalized, and not necessarily
in our favor. If a group develops a feeling in our favor, it can be utilized.
But the main objective is to precondition the target groups for the fusion
in mass organizations later in the operation, when other activities have
been successfully undertaken.
4. Organizations of Cells for Security
Internal cadres of our movement should organize into cells of three
persons, only one of them maintaining outside contact.
The cell of three persons is the basic element of the movement, with frequent meetings to receive orders and pass information to the cell leader. These meetings are also very important for mutually reinforcing the members of the cell, as well as their morale. They should exercise criticism of themselves on the realization or failures in carrying out individual subjective control missions.
The coordination of the three-member cell provides a security net for reciprocal communication, each member having contact with only an operational cell. The members will not reveal at the cell coordination meetings the identity of their contact in an operational cell; they will reveal only the nature of the activity in which the cell is involved, e.g., political party work, medical association work, etc.
There is no hierarchy in cells outside of an element of coordination,
who is the leader, who will have direct but covert contact with our guerrilla
comandante in the zone or operational area. The previous diagram does not
indicate which new operational cell is the limit, but it indicates that
for every three operational cells, we need a coordination cell.
5. Fusion in a "Cover" Organization
The fusion of organizations recognized by the Sandinista government,
such as associations and other groups, through internal subjective control,
occurs in the final stages of the operation, in a tight connection with
mass meetings.
When the guerrilla armed action has expanded sufficiently, armed propaganda missions will be carried out on a large scale: propaganda teams will have clearly developed open support of the institutions; the enemy system of target groups will be well infiltrated and preconditioned. At the point at which mass meetings are held, the internal cadres should begin discussions for the "fusion" of forces into an organizationthis organization will be a "cover" source of our movement.
Any other target group will be aware that other groups are developing
greater hostility to the government, the police and the traditional legal
bases of authority. The guerrilla cadres in that group for example,
teachers will cultivate this awareness-building, making comments
such as "So-and-so, who is a farmer, said that the members of his cooperative
believe that the new economic policy is absurd, poorly planned and unfair
to farmers."
When the awareness-building is increased, in the sense that other groups
feel hostility towards the regime, the group discussions are held openly
and our movement will be able to receive reports that the majority of their
operatives are united in common, greater hostility against the regime.
This will be developed and the order to fuse/ join will come about. The
fusion into a "cover" front is carried out thusly:
*Internal cadres of our movement will meet with people such as presidents, leaders, and others, at organized meetings chaired by the group chief of our movement. Two or three escorts can assist the guerrilla cadre if it becomes necessary.
*Publish a joint communique on this meeting, announcing the creation of the "cover" front, including names and signatures of the participants, and names of the organizations that they represent.
After releasing this communique, mass meetings should be initiated,
which should have as a goal the destruction of the Sandinista control.
6. Conclusions
The development and control of the "cover" organizations in a guerrilla
war will give our movement the ability to create the "whiplash" effect
within the population, when the order for fusion is given. When the infiltration
and internal subjective control have been developed parallel with other
guerrilla activities, a democratic guerrilla commander will literally be
able to shake up the Sandinista structure and replace it.
CONTROL OF MASS CONCENTRATIONS AND MEETINGS
1. Generalities
In the last stages of a guerrilla war, mass concentrations and meetings
are a powerful psychological tool for carrying out the mission. This section
has as its objective giving the guerrilla student training on techniques
for controlling mass concentrations and meetings in guerrilla warfare.
2. Infiltration of Guerrilla Cadres
Infiltration of guerilla cadres (whether a member of our movement or
outside element) in workers' unions, student groups, peasant organizations,
etc., preconditioning these groups for behavior within the masses, where
they will have to carry out proselytism for the insurrectional struggle
in a clandestine manner.
*Our psychological war team should prepare in advance a hostile mental attitude among the target groups so that at the decisive moment they can turn their furor into violence, demanding their rights that have been trampled upon by the regime.
*These preconditioning campaigns must be aimed at the political parties, professional organizations, students, laborers, the masses of the unemployed, the ethnic minorities and any other sector of society that is vulnerable or recruitable; this also includes the popular masses and sympathizers of our movement.
*The basic objective of a preconditioning campaign is to create a negative
"image" of the common enemy, e.g.:
Describe the managers of collective government entities as trying to
treat the staff the way "slave foremen" do.
The police mistreat the people like the Communist "Gestapo" does.
The government officials of National Reconstruction are puppets of Russian-Cuban
imperialism.
Our psychological war cadres will create compulsive obsessions of a
temporary nature in places of public concentrations, constantly hammering
away at the themes pointed out or desired, the same as in group gatherings;
in informal conversations expressing discontent; in addition passing out
brochures and flyers, and writing editorial articles both on the radio
and in newspapers, focused on the intention of preparing the mind of the
people for the decisive moment, which will erupt in general violence.
In order to facilitate the preconditioning of the masses, we should
often use phrases to make the people see, such as:
The taxes that they pay the government do not benefit the people at
all, but rather are used as a form of exploitation in order to enrich those
governing.
Make it plain to the people that they have become slaves, that they are being exploited by privileged military and political groups.
*The foreign advisers and their counseling programs are in reality "interveners"
in our homeland, who direct the exploitation of the nation in accordance
with the objectives of the Russian and Cuban imperialists, in order to
turn our people into slaves of the hammer and sickle.
3. Selection of Appropriate Slogans
The leaders of the guerrilla warfare classify their slogans in accordance
with the circumstances with the aim of mobilizing the masses in a wide
scale of activities and at the highest emotional level.
When the mass uprising is being developed, our covert cadres should
make partial demands, initially demanding, e.g., "We want food," "We want
freedom of worship," "We want union freedom"steps that will lead us
toward the realization of the goals of our movement, which are: GOD, HOMELAND
AND DEMOCRACY.
If a lack of organization and command is noted in the enemy authority and the people find themselves in a state of exaltation advantage can be taken of this circumstance so that our agitators will raise the tone of the rallying slogans, taking them to the most strident point.
If the masses are not emotionally exalted, our agitators will continue with the "partial" slogans, and the demands will be based on daily needs, chaining them to the goals of our movement.
An example of the need to give simple slogans is that few people think
in terms of millions of córdobas, but any citizen, however humble
he may be, understands that a pair of shoes is necessary. The goals of
the movement are of an ideological nature, but our agitators must realize
that food p; "bread and butter," "the tortilla and red beans"
pull along the people, and it should be understood that this is their main
mission.
4. Creation of Nuclei
This involves the mobilization of a specific number of agitators of
the guerrilla organization of the place. This group will inevitably attract
an equal number of curious persons who seek adventures and emotions, as
well as those unhappy with the system of government. The guerrillas will
attract sympathizers, discontented citizens as a consequence of the repression
of the system. Each guerrilla subunit will be assigned specific tasks and
missions that they should carry out.
Our cadres will be mobilized in the largest number possible, together with persons who have been affected by the Communist dictatorship, whether their possessions have been stolen from them, they have been incarcerated, or tortured, or suffered from any other type of aggression against them. They will be mobilized toward the areas where the hostile and criminal elements of the FSLN, CDS and others live, with an effort for them to be armed with clubs, iron rods, placards and if possible, small firearms, which they will carry hidden.
If possible, professional criminals will be hired to carry out specific selected "jobs."
Our agitators will visit the places where the unemployed meet, as well as the unemployment offices, in order to hire them for unspecified "jobs." The recruitment of these wage earners is necessary because a nucleus is created under absolute orders.
The designated cadres will arrange ahead of time the transportation of the participants, in order to take them to meeting places in private or public vehicles, boats or any other type of transportation.
Other cadres will be designated to design placards, flags and banners with different slogans or key words, whether they be partial, temporary or of the most radical type.
Other cadres will be designated to prepare flyers, posters, signs and pamphlets to make the concentration more noticeable. This material will contain instructions for the participants and will also serve against the regime.
Specific tasks will be assigned to others, in order to create a "martyr"
for the cause, taking the demonstrators to a confrontation with the authorities,
in order to bring about uprisings or shootings, which will cause the death
of one or more persons, who would become the martyrs, a situation that
should be made use of immediately against the regime, in order to create
greater conflicts.
5. Ways to Lead an Uprising at Mass Meetings
It can be carried out by means of a small group of guerrillas infiltrated
within the masses, who will have the mission of agitating, giving the impression
that there are many of them and that they have popular backing. Using the
tactics of a force of 200-300 agitators, a demonstration can be created
in which 10,000-20,000 persons take part.
The agitation of the masses in a demonstration is carried out by means of sociopolitical objectives. In this action one or several people of our covert movement should take part, highly trained as mass agitators, involving innocent persons, in order to bring about an apparent spontaneous protest demonstration. They will lead all of the concentration to the end of it.
Outside Commando. This element stays out of all activity, located so that they can observe from where they are the development of the planned events. As a point of observation, they should look for the tower of a church, a high building, a high tree, the highest level of the stadium or an auditorium, or any other high place.
Inside Commando. This element will remain within the multitude. Great importance should be given to the protection of the leaders of these elements. Some placards or large allusive signs should be used to designate the Commando Posts and to provide signals to the subunits. This element will avoid placing itself in places where fights or incidents come about after the beginning of the demonstration.
These key agitators of ours will remain within the multitude. The one responsible for this mission will assign ahead of time the agitators to remain near the placard that he will indicate to them, in order to give protection to the placard from any contrary element. In that way the commander will know where our agitators are, and will be able to send orders to change passwords or slogans, or any other unforeseen thing, and even eventually to incite violence if he desires it.
At this stage, once the key cadres have been dispersed, they should place themselves in visible places, such as by signs, lampposts, and other places which stand out.
Our key agitators should avoid places of disturbances, once they have taken care of the beginning of the same.
Defense Posts. These elements will act as bodyguards in movement, forming a ring of protection for the chief, protecting him from the police and the army, or helping him to escape if it should be necessary. They should be highly disciplined and will react only upon a verbal order from the chief.
In case the chief participates in a religious concentration, a funeral or any other type of activity in which they have to behave in an organized fashion, the bodyguards will remain in the ranks very close to the chief or to the placard or banner carriers in order to give them full protection.
The participants in this mission should be guerrilla combatants in civilian
clothes, or hired recruits who are sympathizers in our struggle and who
are against the oppressive regime.
These members must have a high discipline and will use violence only
on the verbal orders of the one in charge of them.
Messengers. They should remain near the leaders, transmitting orders between the inside and outside commandos. They will use communication radios, telephones, bicycles, motorcycles, cars, or move on foot or horseback, taking paths or trails to shorten distances. Adolescents (male and female) are ideal for this mission.
Shock Troops. These men should be equipped with weapons (knives, razors, chains, clubs, bludgeons) and should march slightly behind the innocent and gullible participants. They should carry their weapons hidden. They will enter into action only as "reinforcements" if the guerrilla agitators are attacked by the police. They will enter the scene quickly, violently and by surprise, in order to distract the authorities, in this way making possible the withdrawal or rapid escape of the inside commando.
Carriers of Banners and Placards. The banners and placards used in demonstrations or concentrations will express the protests of the population, but when the concentration reaches its highest level of euphoria or popular discontent, our infiltrated persons will make use of the placards against the regime, which we manage to infiltrate in a hidden fashion, and on them slogans or key words will be expressed to the benefit of our cause. The one responsible for this mission will assign the agitators ahead of time to keep near the placard of any contrary element. In that way, the comandante will know where the agitators are, and will be able to send orders to change slogans and eventually to incite violence if he wishes.
Agitators of Rallying Cries and Applause. They will be trained with
specific instructions to use tried rallying cries. They will be able to
use phrases such as "WE ARE HUNGRY. WE WANT BREAD," and "WE DON'T WANT
COMMUNISM." Their work and their technique for agitating the masses is
quite similar to those of the leaders of applause and slogans at the high
school football or baseball games. The objective is to become more adept
and not just to shout rallying cries.
6. Conclusions
In a revolutionary movement of guerrilla warfare, the mass concentrations
and protest demonstrations are the principle essential for the destruction
of the enemy structures.
MASSIVE IN-DEPTH SUPPORT THROUGH PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS
1. Generalities
The separate coverage in these sections could leave the student with
some doubts. Therefore, all sections are summarized here, in order to give
a clearer picture of this book.
2. Motivation as Combatant-Propagandist
Every member of the struggle should know that his political mission
is as important as, if not more important than, his tactical mission.
3. Armed Propaganda
Armed propaganda in small towns, rural villages, and city residential
districts should give the impression that our weapons are not for exercising
power over the people, but rather that the weapons are for protecting the
people; that they are the power of the people against the FSLN government
of oppression.
4. Armed Propaganda Teams
Armed Propaganda Teams will combine political awareness building and
the ability to conduct propaganda for ends of personal persuasion, which
will be carried out within the population.
5. Cover ("Façade") Organizations
The fusion of several organizations and associations recognized by
the government, through internal subjective control, occurs in the final
stages of the operation, in close cooperation with mass meetings.
6. Control of Mass Demonstrations
The mixture of elements of the struggle with participants in the demonstration
will give the appearance of a spontaneous demonstration, lacking direction,
which will be used by the agitators of the struggle to control the behavior
of the masses.
7. Conclusion
Too often we see guerrilla warfare only from the point of view of combat
actions. This view is erroneous and extremely dangerous. Combat actions
are not the key to victory in guerrilla warfare but rather form part of
one of the six basic efforts. There is no priority in any of the efforts,
but rather they should progress in a parallel manner. The emphasis or exclusion
of any of these efforts could bring about serious difficulties, and in
the worst of cases, even failure. THE HISTORY OF REVOLUTIONARY WARS HAS
SHOWN THIS REALITY.
APPENDIX
The purpose of this appendix is to complement the guidelines and recommendations
to the propagandist guerrillas expressed under the topic of "Techniques
of Persuasion in Talks and Speeches," to improve the ability to organize
and express thoughts for those who wish to perfect their oratorical abilities.
After all, oratory is one of the most valuable resources for exercising
leadership. Oratory can be used, then, as an extraordinary political tool.
1. The Audience
Oratory is simultaneous communication par excellence, i.e., the orator
and his audience share the same time and space. Therefore, every speech
should be a different experience at "that" moment or particular situation
which the audience is experiencing and which influences them. So the audience
must be considered as "a state of mind." Happiness, sadness, anger, fear,
etc., are states of mind that we must consider to exist in our audience,
and it is the atmosphere that affects the target public.
The human being is made up of a mind and soul; he acts in accordance with his thoughts and sentiments and responds to stimuli of ideas and emotions. In that way there exist only two possible focuses in any plan, including speeches: the concrete, based on rational appeals, i.e., to thinking; and the idealized, with emotional appeals, i.e., to sentiment.
For his part the orator, although he must be sensitive to the existing
mass sentiment, he must at the same time keep his cold judgment to be able
to lead and control effectively the feelings of an audience. When in the
oratorical momentum the antithesis between heart and brain comes about,
judgment should always prevail, characteristic of a leader.
2. Political Oratory
Political oratory is one of the various forms of oratory, and it usually
fulfills one of three objectives: to instruct, persuade, or move; and its
method is reduced to urging (asking), ordering, questioning and responding.
Oratory is a quality so tied to political leadership that it can be
said that the history of political orators is the political history of
humanity, an affirmation upheld by names such as Cicero, Demosthenes, Danton,
Mirabeau, Robespierre, Clemenceau, Lenin, Trotsky, Mussolini, Hitler, Roosevelt,
etc.
3. Qualities in a Speech
In general terms, the most appreciated qualities of a speech, and specifically
a political speech in the context of the psychological action of the armed
struggle, are the following:
*Be brief and concise: A length of five minutes [line missing in Spanish text] . . . that of the orator who said: "If you want a two-hour speech, I'll start right now; if you want a two-minute one, let me think awhile."
*Centered on the theme: The speech should be structured by a set of organized ideas that converge on the theme. A good speech is expressed by concepts and not only with words.
*Logic: The ideas presented should be logical and easily acceptable.
Never challenge logic in the mind of the audience, since immediately the
main thing is lost credibility. As far as possible, it is recommended that
all speeches be based on a syllogism, which the orator should adjust in
his exposition. For example: "Those governing get rich and are thieves;
the Sandinistas have enriched themselves governing; then, "the Sandinistas
are thieves." This could be the point of a speech on the administrative
corruption of the regime. When an idea or a set of guiding ideas do not
exist in a speech, confusion and dispersion easily arise.
4. Structure of a Speech
Absolute improvisation does not exist in oratory. All orators have
a "mental plan" that allows them to organize their ideas and concepts rapidly;
with practice it is possible to come to do this in a few seconds, almost
simultaneously with the expression of the word.
The elements that make up a speech are given below, in a structure that we recommend always putting into practice, to those who wish to more and more improve their oratorical abilities:
*Introduction or Preamble: One enters into contact with the public, a personal introduction can be made or one of the movement to which we belong, the reason for our presence, etc. In these first seconds it is important to make an impact, attracting attention and provoking interest among the audience. For that purpose, there are resources such as beginning with a famous phrase or a previously prepared slogan, telling a dramatic or humorous story, etc.
*Purpose or Enunciation: The subject to be dealt with is defined, explained as a whole or by parts.
*Appraisal or Argumentation: Arguments are presented, EXACTLY IN THIS ORDER: First, the negative arguments, or against the thesis that is going to be upheld, and then the positive arguments, or favorable ones to our thesis, immediately adding proof or facts that sustain such arguments.
*Recapitulation or Conclusion: A short summary is made and the conclusions of the speech are spelled out.
*Exhortation: Action by the public is called for, i.e., they are asked
in an almost energetic manner to do or not to do something.
5. Some Literary Resources
Although there exist typically oratorical devices of diction, in truth,
oratory has taken from other literary genres a large number of devices,
several of which often, in an unconscious manner, we use in our daily expressions
and even in our speeches.
Below we enunciate many of the literary devices in frequent use in oratory, recommending to those interested moderate use of them, since an orator who overuses the literary device loses authenticity and sounds untrue.
The devices that are used the most in oratory are those obtained through the repetition of words in particular periods of the speech, such as:
*Anaphora, or repetition of a word at the beginning of each sentence, e.g., "Freedom for the poor, freedom for the rich, freedom for all." In the reiteration, repetition is of a complete sentence (slogan) insistently through the speech, e.g., "With God and patriotism we will overcome Communism because . . ."
*Conversion is the repetition at the end of every phrase, e.g.: "Sandinismo tries to be about everyone, dominate everyone, command everyone, and as an absolute tyranny, do away with everyone."
*In the emphasis, repetition is used at the beginning and at the end of the clause, e.g., "Who brought the Russian-Cuban intervention? The Sandinistas. And who is engaged in arms trafficking with the neighboring countries? The Sandinistas. And who is proclaiming to be in favor of nonintervention? The Sandinistas."
*Reduplication, when the phrase begins with the same word that ends the previous one. For example: "We struggle for democracy, democracy and social justice." The concatenation is a chain made up of duplications. For example: "Communism transmits the deception of the child to the young man, of the young man to the adult, and of the adult to the old man."
*In the antithesis or word play, the same words are used with a different meaning to give an ingenious effect: e.g., "The greatest wealth of every human being is his own freedom, because slaves will always be poor but we poor can have the wealth of our freedom."
*Similar cadences, through the use of verbs of the same tense and person, or nouns of the same number and case. For example: "Those of us who are struggling we will be marching because he who perseveres achieves, and he who gives up remains."
*Use of synonyms, repetition of words with a similar meaning. For example: "We demand a Nicaragua for all, without exceptions, without omissions."
Among the figures of speech most used in oratory are:
*Comparison or simile, which sets the relationship of similarity between two or more beings or things. For example: "Because we love Christ, we love his bishops and pastors," and "Free as a bird."
*Antithesis, or the counterposition of words, ideas, or phrases of an opposite meaning. For example: "They promised freedom and gave slavery; that they would distribute the wealth and they have distributed poverty; that they would bring peace, and they have brought about war."
Among the logic figures are the following:
*Concession, which is a skillful way to concede something to the adversary in order to better emphasize the inappropriate aspects, through the use of expressions such as: but, however, although, nevertheless, in spite of the fact that, etc. For example: "The mayor here has been honest, but he is not the one controlling all the money of the nation." It is an effective form of rebuttal when the opinion of the audience is not entirely ours.
*Permission, in which one apparently accedes to something, when in reality it is rejected. For example: "Do not protest, but sabotage them." "Talk quietly, but tell it to everyone."
*Prolepsis is an anticipated refutation. For example: "Some will think that they are only promises; they will say, others said the same thing, but no. We are different, we are Christians, we consider God a witness to our words."
*Preterition is an artifice, pretending discretion when something is said with total clarity and indiscretion. For example: "If I were not obligated to keep military secrets, I would tell all of you of the large amount of armaments that we have so that you would feel even more confidence that our victory is assured."
*Communication is a way to ask and give the answer to the same question. For example: "If they show disrespect for the ministers of God, will they respect us, simple citizens? Never."
*Rhetorical questions are a way in which one shows perplexity or inability to say something, only as an oratorical recourse. For example: "I am only a peasant and can tell you little. I know little and I will not be able to explain to you the complicated things of politics. Therefore, I talk to you with my heart, with my simple peasant's heart, as we all are."
*Litotes is a form of meaning a lot by saying little. For example: "The nine commanders have stolen little, just the whole country."
*Irony consists of getting across exactly the opposite of what one is saying. For example: "The divine mobs that threaten and kill, they are indeed Christians."
*Amplification is presenting an idea from several angles. For example: "Political votes are the power of the people in a democracy. And economic votes are their power in the economy. Buying or not buying something, the majorities decide what should be produced. For something to be produced or to disappear. That is part of economic democracy."
The most usual plaintive figures of speech are:
*Deprecation or entreaty to obtain something. For example: "Lord, free us from the yoke. Give us freedom."
*Imprecation or threat, expressing a sentiment in view of the unjust or hopeless. For example: "Let there be a Homeland for all or let there be a Homeland for no one."
*Conmination, similar to the previous one, presents a bad wish for the rest. For example, "Let them drown in the abyss of their own corruption."
*The apostrophe consists of addressing oneself towards something supernatural or inanimate as if it were a living being. For example: "Mountains of Nicaragua, make the seed of freedom grow."
*Interrogation consists of asking a question of oneself, to give greater emphasis to what is expressed. It is different from communication, since it gives the answer and is of a logical and not a plaintive nature. For example: "If they have already murdered the members of my family, my friends, my peasant brothers, do I have any path other than brandishing a weapon?"
*Reticence consists of leaving a thought incomplete, intentionally,
so that mentally the audience completes it. For example, "They promised
political pluralism and gave totalitarianism. They promised social justice,
and they have increased poverty. They offered freedom of thought, and they
have given censorship. Now, what they promise the world are free elections
. . ."
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